*m*o Mepovtev
Towanda, Wednesday, Anzust 5, 1846.
FOR CANAL CUMI6IIIONRR,
WILLIAM B. FOSTER, JR.-
OF DRADTORD COUNTY
comserrEEB OF VIGILANCE—The
eindeMigned.Standingeommittee,appoint
ed by a Democratic convention of the Bth of Sep
tember,lB46, have appointed the following persons
in their respective townships, as a committee of
vigilance, whose i duty it is to call meetings of the
Democratic Electors of each township on Saturday
the sth day or September next, to elect . two delegates
from each township to the Democratic County Co
nvention,
to be held on Tuesday evening, the Bth
day of September, at the Court House in Towanda,
for the pdrpose of placing in nomination a ticket to
be supported at the general election.
The Standing Committee would respectfully urge
upon the Cothmittees of Vigilance, the importance
of the duties they are requested to perform. The
success of the cause depends in a great measure,
in a cordial and hearty support of the ticket formed
at the County Convention, and to deserve and se
cure this support fair and timely notice should be
given of the place and hour of holding the primary
meetings, that every democrat who wishes, may be
present.
The meeting should be called at some convenient
place, and kept open until every one has had an
opportunity of voting.
They would also urge upon Democrats the im
portance of a punctual attendance upon the prima
ry meetings, and the selection of the delegates who
will be prompt in their attendanCe upon the Con
vention, and faithful in the discharge of the duty
assigned them. It is to be hoped that every dis
trict will be fully represented, by duly elected dele
gates, as thereby much confusion and dissatisfac
tion will be avoided, which is ever likely to succeed
when vacancies are supplied by substitution.
E. O'MEARA GOODRICH,
PETER C. WARD.
EDSON ASPEN WALL,
FREDERICK OR WAN.
CHARLES STOCKWELL,
JOHN BALDWIN,
JOHN WATKINS.
Standing Committee.
July 25, 1846
Athens tp.—Levi Westbrook, Constant Malthewson:
Athens boro.—C. H. Herrick, .1. K. Wright:
Asylum—Elmor Horton, John F. Dodge:
Albany—Peter Sterigere, Jos. Menardi :
Armenia--John Kiff, Isaac Williams:
Burlington—Benj. Ross, Morgan Dewitt:
Canton—Asa Pratt, 0. P. Wilson:
Columbia—Myron Ballard, Jas. Sherwood:
Durell—Jushua Kilmer, Benj. Lewis :
Franklin—Elijah Blake, Samuel Smith:
Granville—Stephen Vroman, D. B. Ross :
Herrick—Wm. C. Knapp, Richard Hillis:
Leroy—E. A. Bailey, Jedson Hunt: '
Litchfield—D. B. Cotton, Elijah Wolcott:
Monroe—Chas. Holland, C. M. Knapp ;
Orwell—Julius Gorham, Shelden Chubbuck
Pike—Geo. W. Northrop, Joshua S. Roberts :
Rome—D. M. Wattles, Hiram Mann :
Ridgebery—John Burt, Geo. Cooper:
Standing Stone—Wm. R. Storrs, Wm. Griffis :
Smithfield—P. P. Sweet, Laertus Smith:
South Creek—John Reed, John Thompson:
Springfield—Norman Cooley, S. P. Mattocks:
Sheshequin—F. G. Van Ostrand, John Horton:
Springhill—Judson Stevens, D. D. Black:
Towanda boroll. L. Shaw, Jeremiah Collins:
Towanda tp.—J. W. Decker, Edward Patterson :
Troy boron-J. A. Paine Ballard, Deloss Herrick:
Troy tp.—John Porter, L. P. Williams:
Ulster—John Bowman, James F. Gazly :
Wyalusing—Saml. Gregory. E. Beeman:
Wysox—D. E. Martin, Wm. D. &rope :
Wells—E. A. Ayres, S. Rowley:
Windham—Wm. B. Dunham. D. M. Brainard:
Warren—Rufus Buffington, David Haight:
ff 7 The Tariff Bill passed the Senate, with an amend
ment, striking oat the 9th section; and as amended was
'dolgad in the Howe. It will be signed by the Presi
dent, and on the first of December be a law of the land.
We shall give the mod important provisions of the bill,
and &comparison between the rates of the two tariffs
next week. .
Hon. David Wilmot's Speech.
Mr. Wilmot's speech will be found in this number of
our paper. We commend it to the careful and attentive
perusal of both political parties of this county and district.
It silences all complaint sato any unfaimessin his course
on the tariff; no one who reads the speech, and ever
heard him on the same subject at home, but will recog
nise in it the same principles, the same unsophisticated
argument. He has not in the least departed from the
position be always occupied when speaking loth* people
in the canyass of 1844. We ask for the speech a can
did perusal. No speech on the subject ever published,
is more worthy of it. If the people will repel the at
tempt which is made to get op a psuic,and restitheir
cision of this issue upon the exercise of a dispassionate
judgment, we are confident that the Whigs will u utter
ly tail, as they did with the " log cabin " and " bard
cider" mania.
The arguments of Mr. Wilmot are unanswerable.—
The clearness and force of every position, is a glowing
contrast with the selfish ' l and mercenary arguments for
"protection. Ail that was anticipated from the brilliant
abilities of Mr. Wilma is fully rearm:A. A career of
naefulness to the people, and honor to himself, awaits
him. It is useless to attempt with malevolence, to put
him down. We say malevolence, because we have yet
to hear the first complaint against him, from a maguani•
mous opposition.
While he continues, as in this speech, so ably to pro-
tect labor against the encroachments of the would-be lords
of capital; and to secure the rewards of honest industry
from the avarice and rapacity of en oppressive monopo
ly, be will be sustained triumphantly.
The issue is not " free trade," or " tariff"—as the
Whigs would have it; but it is PuoTscrioN roe Pao.
TICTION, or a TAUT! ate RZIINVE. The former
claims that government should give monopoly to capital
invested in certain manufactures—the latter that govern
ment should meet its expenses by a tariff, so adjusted,
that the burden shall fall moat on thole who are the best
able to sustain it.
The doctrine of free trade hu nothing to do with this
question. Mr. Wilmot has not and will not advocate
the free trade system. He is Gus Trail; now and ever.
Such a tariff ea is contemplated by the Constitution;
we pledge his constant and ardent support fsr a tariff;
an d in doing this, we pledge also, that he will not assist
to pervert the plain and Constitutional means of pro.
coring revenue for the support of government; and make,
imlcad of a farilf, a scheme of bounties on capital. We
say again, riled the speech—reflect on it ; and if unpre
judiced, we are confident what your verdict will be—it
will be the verdict of RIOHT.
Dcaurso.—The Grand Lodge of Lo.of 0. P. of
Louisiana, at its quarterly mating in April lut. passed
some very stringent laws on the subject of duelling. It
forbids any of its members, under the penalty of expul
sion from the order, to act u principal,second, or in any
way assisting in a duel.
Cie:La.—Mon than 22,000 head of canto have prialt
ed through Waynesburg, Pa., this season, on their wsiy
to atuicet. This is said to he ■ greater number than
keep pulsed through that place fur many years.
A Cage Or tINVICTION under the license LW, in
Dail's, bee gone to the Supreme Court, ou twup grounds
—the unoonstitutiouslity of the Wet and its being iu
ccutuasentien of the tertaUC tens of the United States:
Are the People Deceived?
The Whig preasee and Whig partisans are raising the
cry that the people hive been baiely deceived in the
election of James K. Polk. This assertion is marie by
those those contempt for the sovereign people kids
them ti, believe that theyfars blindly led •on by patty.
and hive in ignorance and stupidity elevated our Presi
dent to the bead of the affair . sof this nation.
The Baltimore Convention, which nominated James
K. Polk. adopted • set of resolutions u expressing I the
principles which iNhould govern the Democratic party in
the Presidential cootest. Upon the tariff, the views of
the Democratic party were proclaimed to be, that jus
tice and snood policy:, forbid the Federal Government to
foster one breach of industry to the detriment of another,
or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of
another portion of our common country—that every
citizen and every section of the country has • right to
demand aad insist upon an equality of rights and privi
leges, and to compete an ample protection of persona
and property from domestic violence or foreign aggres
sion. That it is theduty of every branch of the Govern.
ment to inform and practice the most rigid economy in
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue
ought to be raisestilian is required to &fray she necu-
Rory expenses of Oa Government." and the acceptance
of the nomination by the candidates then nominated,
ins received with the assurance that the doctrines of the
Convention were as acceptable a/the nominations them
wlves.
The, campaign of tB44,eannot surely be so soon for-
gotten. No sooner bad the nominees of the Convention
accepted that nomination, and acquiesced in the doctrines
promulgated, than a most bitter, unsparing and malig
nant party conflict commenced upon both our men and
principles. The Whig patty rallying around men rather
than mearures, found in Henry Clay an embodiment of
their views, and his changing political life favored the
system of tactics adopted. Hero thry dare.not broach
the subject Of a National Bank, for the people had seen
the effects of such vrirse, and its blighting influence was
still wrighing like at incubus upon them. Texas was
regarded with favor by our agriculturalists, and Oregon
considered a portion of Cu' territory. tt_o that Whig
orators did not dare discuss that theme. 8,3 with all the
other great principles advocated in the resolutions of the
Baltimore Convention.
Hence the great hobby with Whig Orators—the
stereotyped arguments of Whig presses, and their theme
everywhere, was the Tariff. This in Pennsylvania was
mainly discussed by them, and appeals were at once
made to the best as well as the worst influences to con
trol votes. Mr: clay was declared to be a high prated
tive tariff man, and Mr. Polk represented as an ultra free
traie man; in the event of whose election, the Tariff of
1842 would be altered or repealed. Can our Citizens so
soon forget the extracts read to them by Whig Orators
from speeches of "this fifth rate lawyer," while in the
House of Representatives, to prove him opposed to the
protective policy 1. Have the soakings of Whiggery at
that time no place in their memory, of the distress and
ruin which would fall upon the country in the event of
the success of the Democratic party, nor the attempts to
place the decision of the country solely upon the tariff
question ?
How were these assertions and these arguments met
by the Democratic party How did they conduct the
campaign, with reference to the tariff, and particularly
the Tariff of 18421 'These questions we propose to an
swer, for ourselves ;--and as fat u our observation has
gone, for the party in the State. The rabid, over zeal
ous, and hypocritical professions of the Whig party,
were firstly met with an earnest and heartfelt request not
to drag a subject so intimately connected with the prole
parity of the country as the tariff should be, into the Po
litical lists, hut rather suffer it to remain with permanen
ei, as the only method by which it could be of benefit.
put it was in vain that they were shown the tariff had
ever found advocates among all parties. That in the
earlier days of our government, and before our manu
factures were developed, prominent members of the Do
mocrstie party—,whose writings are now our text-books
—had advocated measures to prosper and protect the
industry of the 'country. The vote on every tariff bill
was Uown to have embraced men of every political faith,
who voted as they conceived their duty, regardless of
political consideration..
They arrogated to Henry Clay the honor or founding
the Protective system—styling hida the Father of Ameri
can Manufactures. We met this assertion by his
speeches delivered in and out of Congress, and comparing
the lives of the opposing candidates, endeavored to trove
that as far as professions and practices should be the
criterion, they really stood upon the same ground. The
falsehood and deception attempted to be practiced upon
the people in passing Henry Clay off as • high protec
tive tariff man, was fully shown.
We will append a fewextracts mariefrom the speeches
and letters of both, used at the time. They will show
Mr. Polk's tariff views, and illustrate the duplicity made
use of by the Whigs, both in declaring Mr. Clay in fa
vor of high protection, and Mr. Polk as hostile to way
protection.
Mr. Clay, in his speech delirenad in the U.S. Senate
in January 21. 1842, said—
" Carry ant then the spirit of the Compromise Act—
Look to REVENUE ALONE for the support of Go
moment. Do not raise the question of Protection,
which I had hoped had been put to rest. THERE 1$
NO NECESSITY OF PROTECTION FOR PRO
TECTION."
On. the 25th of February, 1842, he offered to the
Senate t:te following (among other) resolutions:
v That at: adequate revenue cannot be obtained by
duties on fore;gn imports without adopting a higher rate
than twenty per cent. as provided for in the compromise
act, which at the lime of its passage was supposed and
assumed as a rate that would !supply ■ sufficient re
venue for an economical administration of the govern
ment.
• "That the rate of duties on Foreign imports ought to
be augmented beyond the irate of twenty percent., so as
to produce a nett revenue of twenty-sit millions of dol
lars, twenty-two fur the payment of the existing debt,
and two millions as a reserved fund for contingencies.
"That tin the adjustment' of a tariff to raise an
amount of ttcenly.siz millions at revenue, the princi
ples of the Compromise Act should be generally ad
to, and that especially a maximum rate of ad ea
loran duties should be established from which there
ought to be as fink departure as possible."
From his speech defier:el on the 4th of March, 1842,
upon the foregoing resolutions, we extract the following
outages.:
"The free goods. Including Tea and Coffee, amount
to $30,000,000, from which amount I deduct for Tea
and Curets. assuming that they will be subjected to
moderate duties, $12,000,000."
What are the other principles of the act? First,
there is the principle that.a . ficed ad-valorem duly shall
prevail and be in forte at all limes ; for -one, 1 one
willing to abide by that principle. There are certain
vague notions afloat as to the utility and necessity of
specific defies and discriminations, which I am persuad
ed aria. from • want of a right understanding of the
subject. We have had the ad valorem principle practi
cally in fnrce ever since the Compromise Act was pamt
ed, and there has been no difficulty in administering the
duties of the Treasury on that principle." •
"Jam not advocating the revival ofa high protedivc
!aril I am fat abiding by the principles of the corn
prowler act. I am foe doing what no Southern man of
a fair or candid mind has ever yet denied, giving to the
country a revenue which may provide for the economi
cal Wants of the Government, sod at the same time give
an incidental protection to our home industry.
We go for revenue, for an amount of revenue rule
quite to an economicaladministration of the government.
We esn get such revenue nowhere else thin from i
Tariff on importations.". - -
All this was prior to the peerage of the . Act of 1842,
end•serees to show that-Mr. Clay wu opposed to its
protective principles, and to its speciSc duties. •
While in his letter to Mr. Meriwether, he goes diU
further and sus: '
•I never was in favor of what I regarded a high
Tariff. No more reoen ue should be Levied than is ne
cessary to an wonomiadadministration of the Govern
ment!'
Other extracts might be given, but they go to illustrate
the same fact, and we deem these sufficient.
To show how nearly identical writhe views of both,
we have planed side by side letters from each as follows:
Mr. Clay to F. S. Bronson, Mr. Polk to J K. Kane,
Sept. 3, 1843 " June 19, 1844.
no sum ea substeliM "Fun in favor of a tariff
of what I conceive to be the. for revenue, such a one as
true policy of the United: willyieldisalficient amount
States, in respect to a tariff, to the Treasury to defray
may be briefly stated. In:the expenses of the Govern
conformity with the princi-Inent. economically admin.
ples announced in the Com. littered. In adjusting the
promise dd, I think tbat!details of a revenue tariff; I
whatever revenue is neces-: have heretofore sanctioned
nary to en economical nodlsuch moderate diserintina
honest administration °Me i ling detiesos would pro-
General Government,ought duce the amount of revenue
to be derived from duties,lneeded, and at the same
imposed on foreign imports,!time afford reasonable inei
and believe that in estab- denial protection to o.or
tithing a tariff of these du-limns industry.l am op
ting, such a discrimenalian'pused to a tariff for promo
ought to be made, as will'tion merely, an& not for re
incidentally uffor d reason- venue."
able protection to our
tumid interests."
Bat we find we shall be unable to do justice to this
subject. without prolonging our article to an unreasona
ble length, and we consequently dismiss it until next
week.
Great Tariff Meeting.
Flaming handbills, from the Whig press, in this place,
gave notice to our cttizens, that a Tariff meeting was to
be held on Saturday evening last, at the Court House.
We attended at the ringing of the bell, and found the
meeting to consist of about twenty-five or thirty persons,
mostly democrats, drawn like ourselves, from motives of
curiosity, to the plate, and the remainder, the Whigs,
who were most active in getting up the meeting.
Alter sitting patiently for about an hour for the
shows" to commence, without any indication of an
attempt at organisation,the meeting adjourned, the mem-
bers thereof similtaneously departing, highly plaited_
with the proceedings, with the exception perhaps, of
those who hoped to manufacturipolitical capital to repair
their fallen fortunes.
We trust this failure may prove a lesson to those who
are so zealous and prominent in denouncing the sup•
porters of the Tariff of 1646, as they can learn by it, that
the people are unwilling to believe themselves totally
ruined, maugre the croakiugs of the panic -makers.
Perris COUNTY.- -The Democrats of this county
are true as steel. They held their delegate meeting on
the 7th inst., and nominated B LUKAS for Con
gress, and Tumor:iv Ives for Assembly. The following
spirited resolutions were adopted:
Resolved. That we are in favor of a Revenue Tariff,
affording full end adequate protection to all the great in
terests of the different sections of our wide spread coun
try.
Resolved, That we are uncompromisingly attached to
the ancient and long established usages of our party;
that we desire to see the delegate and caucus systems
preserved in their purity; and that we will withdraw
our confidence and support tram any member of our
party who may refuse to submit to the decision of the
roople as expressed in convention ; and if our nominee
for a *eat in the Legislature accepts of the nomination
this day tendered him, we will regard it u a pledge on
his part that he will go into all legislative mucous, and
support the regular nominees of the same. Any depart
ure from this rule, will receive the seal of our condem
nation.
Resolved, That we are opposed to the establishment
of any kind- of a national book—to the distribution of
the proceeds of the public lands—to ■ tariff merely for
protection—to the he ferodoxies of Wltiggery generally,
and to Gcn. Scott's taking any more soup.
Tan AUGUST IN . .—Bradford, we are pleated
to lean, was the ant county that paid her quota of
State Taxes for 1846. This %MI brought about by the
perseverance and energy of our Treasurer, and her ex
ample, we trust, was followed by a sufficient number to
enable the State Treasurer to meet the interest due on
the fiat instant.
Our Treasurer, by prompt and vigorous collec
tion. was enabled to pay the State Treaeury over
$8000; doing her share toward redeeming the State
credit; and effecting a saving to the County of
over $5OO, which was credited the County, and
goes.directly into her fonds. This is no inconsid
erable item, tow and defraying our expenses, and is
something altogether unprecedented in our fiscal
affairs.
The affairs of our own County have never been in •
mme prosperous condition than at present. With a
small amount of orders outstanding, bar amount of taxes
paid, and money in the treasury, we may say that her
credit is redeemed. Too much raise cannot be award
ed to those who have brought this state of things about.
liknoct.ixt Orrixasa.—Four disguised men, in Or
N. Y., hrokeinto the dwelling of a resident of that
place, and promoted with a light to the bed-room, which
was occupied by the man and his wife, stripped down
the bedclothes from them, and deliberately proceeded to
tar and feather the man's Wife. After plies through
with the to and feathering, they fled, and one of them
was tracked to a public house in\ the vicinity—when it
was discovered the t he had forgotten to wash his face, it
beingeovered with black. He was attested arid recog
nised by the woman as being one who aided in edminir
tering the tar and feather• Two other individuals have
also been arrested, aad were last week undergoing an
examination. The prospect is that the whole , kicir will
be brought to answer for this high handed and singular
outrage.
Esraaraistso.—Syme of the manufacturers do not,
appear to be alarmed at the Tana; should it pass. The
Naumkeag CottreCompany have erected at Salem,
Maas, an edifice w hich contains twelve thousand panes
of glass, two millions lino two hundred thousand bricks,
and has four halls capable of holding twelve thousand
persona each.—N. Y. Sul r.
This Company mod probably, era zealous for the
Tariff of 1842, yet will to satisfied with 10 per amt.
dividends, if Congress will not paw enactments granting
theria 30 or 40 per cent.
Why don't the Reporter p•nblish Mr. Wilmot'. speech
upon the Tariff I It plot aimed to do 10.78radford
Argue.
We have embraced the very earliest *sedulity to
fulfil our promise. Will the Argus pulpit' It, or will it
continue to slander and abut , the itiiihor fir his views
upon the Tariff, without giving its 'lidera an opportuni
ty to judge for themselves by reeding . the speech
Mn. I. H. B.IIOIIOX, a prictia I pnn and formerly
of this borough, is now the Editor and roprietor o
"The Jackson biandard," a sound democratic paper,
published at Jacksonville, Illinois.
Tea U. S. SZNATOS smolt MAINE Et.Ecato.—Both
home of the Maine Legislature, on Thursday the 15th
ult., elected lames W. Bradbury, U. S. Senator from
that State in Mr. Everts place..
SPEECH
HON. D. WILMOT,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
Delivered in the House of Representat Wedne.sday,
July I, 1846. In Comnutte of the Whole 011 the
state of the Union, on the Bill reported from the
Committee of Ways and Means, amendatory of the
Tariff law of 1842.
[CONCLUDED FROM FIRST PAGE.]
tionality of a law that should levy a direst lax
for the purpose of paying bounties on manu
factured goods as a protection or encourage
ment to the Manufacturer? It would be pro
nounced by any court in the Union unconsti
tutional; nor would it be submitted to for a
moment by the people. Yet it, is as con
stitutional to tax by direct levies as by im
posts; and, in my judgment, such a law would
be no more unconstitutional than an impost du
ty levied for the mere purpose of protection.
All impoets are necessarily protective ; and
when protection is the incident, and not -the
primary object of the duty, it is legitimate, and
within the letter and spirit of the Constitution.
I am, then a protectionist within the revenue
standard or principle. When the duty laid
does not by its stringent operation diminish
the revenue, it is not in my opinion open to
objection, although it might -be deemed, by
some too highly protective. If. for example.
a duty of 10 per cent. on a specified article
yield a given amount of revenue. and by rais
ing it to 15 per cent., the revenue is not dimin
ished but increased, the additional 5 pei cent.
protection is incidental,& may be imposed with
out any violation of the revenue principle. If
by raising the duty to 20 per cent.. importa
tions are so far checked as that the revenue
falls off, the last 5 per cent is fur protection
merely, and, in my view, unjust and imeonsti
'tonal. If the duty be further raised to 30 per
cent., whereby importations cease and no rev
enue is derived, it then becomes a prohibitory
tariff, which is the highest measure of protec
tion ; giving to the home manufacturer of that
article an absolute monopoly of the home mar
ket. Many seem to suppose if a tariff—:as
that of 1842—only yield sufficient revenue,
that it is properly a revenue act; but the de
tails of a tariff so arranged as to throw the
principal burdens of the revenue on a few, ar
ticles, leaving some free anti prohibiting a large
class. is not a revenue, but a highly restrictive
and protective tariff. Of this character is the act
of 1842. In it the revenue principle is violated
over and over again. The false and fraudu
lent principle of minimums is tolerated, thus
spreading a lie upon the statute-book, and most
unfairly discriminating against the cheaper ar
ticles worn by the poor. Thus a ditty of 30
per cent. is imposed upon all cotton manti
facturea of cloth. which. on a yard of coarse
shining manufactured in England at three and a
half cents the yard. would he about one cent;
but the law provides that all plain cotton cloth
costing less than twenty cents the square yard.
shall be valued at twenty cents, and 30 per
cent. on this valuation gives a duty of six cents;
thus imposing as high a duty on the coarsest
and cheapest shirtings worn by the poor: as
that levied on many of the finer qualities of
lawns and muslin,. This same fraudulent
principle is adopted on cotton goods. stained,
colored, or printed, which are by law valued at
30 cents the square yard without regard to their
real & true value,by which the coarsest calicoes
are made to pay as much as the finest French
prints. I am 'surprised that any man should
attempt a defence of these minimums. They
are an outrage upon all truth and justice—a re.
prnach to the legislation of an enlightened
c e o e u te n e try m 0 .
et Again
unfairly the
act of 8
against
the l 4
agricultural dl se
r nii
in
terest. I have not time to go into a detailed
examination of its injustice in this respect.—
It is enough to say. that while almost every
article of raw material raised by the farmer is
admitted sunder a mere nominal duty of sor
10 per cent., the articles of manufacture con
sumed by him are charged with a duty of froth
40 to 200 per cent. On coarse wool, which
Comes directly in competition with our wool.
growers, a duty of only five per cent. is levied
while upon woollen cloth the manufacturer is
protected by a duty of 40 per cent. This, sir
is but one example, of,the many that might
be adduced, showing how unjustly the
tariff of 1842 discriminates against the far
mer. The manufacturers have no objection
to the pauper labor of Europe, when brought
into the country in the shape of cheap wool, or
other raw material. Of this they are the pur
chasers ; but when the farmer becomes the
purchaser, and they the seller, then American
labor must be protected by a duty of from 40
to 200 per cent. The farmers and laborers,
when they fully understand this subject, will
no longer submit to be plundered as they have
been. By this system every retail merchant
is converted into a tax-gatherer for the benefit
of the manufacturer. Inquiry upon this sub
ject,ls already actively at work among the peo
ple of hitherto high tariff States. It will go
on working silently, but powerfully, until the
cause of truth shall be permanently established.
I have been told, here and elsewhere, that
no man can stand in Pennsylvania as the advo
cate of these doctrines. It may he so. I,
however, do not believe it. Of this I am cer
tain; that there are those in that State—nor
are they a few—who can, and dare, and, if
need be, will fall in their support. But, sir,
they will not tall; they can stand triumphant
ly on these doctrines, if they will but rely up
on the virtue and intelligence of the people.—
Sir, this restrictive system has not been met
in Pennsylvania as it ought to have been.—
Prominentparusan leaders—those who gaVe
tone and direction to public opinion—who in
Agreat degree
,moulded the political faith of our
people=—have shrunk from looking it full in
the flce. Rather than labor for the reform of
abuses they have found it easier to sanction
and promulgate error. I cannot believe that
the stann4 republicans of that noble old Com
monwealtlOhe mightiest, sir., in her resour
ces of all the States of this Union, will ulti
mately sanction a system so latal to liberty, so
hostile to the equal rights of the people.—
Time was when Pennsylvania presented even
greater unanimity in\favor of a National Bank
than would now be claimed for her in favor of
the restrictive policy. \Yet when the corrup
tions of that institution we\re exposed—when its
vast power for harm, its dangerous tendencies..
were understood—her republicans were ram
est and forernost in the war rigionst it. So.
sir. I believe it will be when bold" aturfearless
discussion shall have exposed ‘lne equally
dpngerous system by which privile6 and mo
nopoly seek to swallriw up the just \ enrnings
of labor. I - have faith, sir, in the intelligence
and patriotism of the people of my moist
State. I have never found them untrillitiOo
heed, or unable to understand the argument
of reason and truth: Iu my district, wherever
I went pending the canvass of 1844, in public
and in private. on the stump. and in the confi
dential circle of my own friends. I spoke upon
this subject as I have here spoken. .ISio banners
were there raised bearing inscriptions in favor
of the tariff 01'1842.. Sir. I am .fully aware of
the responsibility . of my position ; but 1 should
be unworthy of the place I occupy. unworthy
Of the support or agenerous and confiding con
stituency. if. like a cowafd. I shrunk from
meeting that responsibility. Were. I ambiti;•
ous of other distinction than that of a faithful
performance of duty. I should have remained
silent, and, by my course on this question.
avoided the bitter - denunciation which I am
fully conscious will be poured out upon me by
theinterested advocates of high duties. My
district; sir, may be made the theatre next fall
for their combined operations. to crush one
who. in the discharge of , high duty has dared,
in a feeble manner. to vindicate the rights of
the people,against the encroachments of monop
oly and wealth. I should not be surprised
were such the case ; and so, sir, let it be. if mo
nopoly chooses to make that its battle-ground.
The fight will not be mine, but the people's;
their dearest rights, and not my humble self.
will be the stake at issue. The resolutions in
favor of the tariff of 1842, passed by the late
Legislature of Pennsylvania, and which have
been presented to this House, where openly
6: ably opposed by the representatives from my
district: and. while I entertain the highest res
pect for an expression of so enlightened and
patriotic a body, I hold Myself responsible to
my constituents alone for my course . on this
and all other questions upon which I may be
called upon to act. To their instructions I
would cheerfully bow, however much
,they
might conflict with my own opinions. -.
I desire, before resuming my seat, to say
a few words upon the subject of specific duties.
and a duty, upon irr,n. Where articles of the
same nature and character are widely different
in quality and value, specific duties are unequal
and unjust. A duty of one dollar a yard upon
all woollen cloth, would be highly objectiona
ble. because of their great difference in quality
arid value. So a duty of so many cents a
pound on tea or coffee. would be open to. the
niost serious arid well-grounded objections ;
some qualities of these articles being worth
twice and three times'as much as others. In
deed this difference of quality runs through al
most every article of commerce, and therefore
ail valorem duties should, as a general rule,
alone be resorted to. But when an article;
such as iron, and some others that coat, be
named, is nearly of the same intrinsic value,
I can see no objection to imposing a specific
duty upon it; and when the article. notwith
standing its uniformity of quality, is liable to
great and sudden fluctuations in price. I think
there are substantial and good reasons for pre
ferring the specific to the ad valorem duty.—
The quality of pig iron is nearly the same all
over ; - so of bar, rolled, and slit iron. The
imposition of' -specific duties, therefore, upon
iron, whould not lean to the injustice and in
consistency of making articles greatly'-differ
ing in value, pay the same duty. Iron is an
article which while of nearly uniform quality,is
subject to great il.t.frequent fluctuations in price.
Under ad valorem duties, when the price of
iron falls abroad, the duty is proportionably re
duced ; when, if any change were made, it
should be increased. So, when the price ris
es abroad, the duty rises in proportion ; whep
if changed at all, it ought to be lessened. This
leads to sudden and excessive importations at
one time, and an entire prohibition at another.
It gives unsteadiness and uncertainty to the
market at home. Under a specific duty, the
thing is reversed. As the price rises abroad,
the per cent duty is diminished, and as it falls
it is increased. h gives greater stability to the
market at home. it helps check excessive im
portations when iron is low in the foreign
I market. and does not so readily prohibit impor
tations when it is high. For example : when
iron was sixty dollars per ton in England, a
30 per cent. duty Might entirely prevent its
importation, while considerable would come
in under a specific duty of fifteen dollars per
ton. And so, if it should fall to forty-five dol
lars, a 30 per cent. duty would operate as a
feeble check to importations, while a apecific
duty of fifteen dollars would be more effective
fur that purpose. The illustrations I have giv
en show, also. I think, that the revenue is
more endangered by an ad valorem than a spe
cific duty on iron. For these reasons, while
1 admit the general propriety of ad valorem
duties, I am in favor of a specific duty on iron.
'I will not undertake to fix upon the amount
that should be laid upon its several varieties.
If however, there is any interest within the
range of American productions, in favor of
which the principle of restrictive duties can
be tolerated, I confidently claim iron is that in
terest. It stands upon higher and more nation
al grounds than any other. It is the great ele
ment oP offensive and defensive warfare.—
Large capital, much time and labor are requir
ed in its production. It cannot be established
to meet. the demands of the country in the
hour of threatened danger. It is urged that
iron being a necessary of life, those who op.
peso duties ontes and coffee because they are
such cannot consistently support a tariff on
iron. I think, sir, I see an obvious distinc
tion between an article of national and individ
ual necessity. l'agree that the ordinary neces
saries of life should be left as free as consistent
with the wants of the revenue; but an article
of national necessity—one absolutely essential
to the defence and safety of the whole country,
if such there be-'—ought to be produced in the
country. An imposition in any form for such
a purpose, would not be for the benefit of a
class, (though it might operate to their advan
tage, but fur the protection and safety of the
State. I would place the iron interestof Penn
sylvania upon these high,these national grounds
and leave it to the patriotism of gentlemen to
say. what measure, of encouragement should
be extended. 1 would not blend her great in
terest with the manufacture of pins and brass
kettles. I am fully satisfied that if, instead of
lending her support to a false principle and
uniting her interests with those of minor im
portance, Pennsylvania would even now as
sume the high and commanding position. to
which her truly national 'interests entitle her,
she could obtain, at the hands of the Democra
cy of this House, the full measure of protec
tion that, is desired for her iron and coal. I
have been anxious from the first to agree with
my. Democratic Colleagues upon some reason
able compromise, fully satisfied that whatever
we asked in reason would be granted. 'The
chairman of the committee who reported this
bill, offered 40 per cent. instead of 30 upon,
iron and coal, if thereby the support of the
Democrats from Pennsylvania could be obtain
ed. Nay, sir. as I amtnformed, he even offer
ed specific duties of seven, afteen, twenty, and
thirty dollars per ton; to satisfy and secure the
support of the Democracy of Pennsylvania.—
But no unanimity could be badin onrean nil.
Some, acting under instructions and pled
stood tenaciously ; upon the act of 1842 . ot h ers
desired specific duties upon most of the 0 334 ,
factures of iron; tMd - thus, sir, Penney',"
has failed to get what, under other eiremasoa
ces. could easily have been obtained. 1 1 , 4
suicidal. in my judgment not to accept of d iew
offers,lasterad of adhering milli art ope n to "
many and strong objections as that of 1212,..
one that; it was apparent, must, if not now, i n
a short time give way to more equitable ay
just legislation. The sooner, in my judge:e ns
that the Democracy of Pennsylvania seven ii,
alliance with- Eastern Federalism and for
Whig party, and placing her interests ep os
high and national grounds. appeals to the D e .
moeraey of the Union for liberality and sap,
port, the better for their Interests, and far betur
for her republiCan character.
Sir, I shall probably support this bill oa th t
question, of its passage through this House....
1 trust, howeier, that the duties upon iron aid
coal will be increased at least 10 per eem. abov e
the present rates of the hill, if they are ant
made specific, which I prefer. If these amend.
ments are not made here. I shall look anthem.
fidence to their being made in the Senate: and
if mistaken in this, and the bill again come,
before this House upon amendments tram the
Senate, I shall then act as to me seems right,
not regarding my present support as a finil
commitment for the bill.
Gen. Taylor's Proclamation to the ,11cricssi
Proclamation by the General Commemdin. '
the firmy of Me United States of & w i z
To the People of Mexico :—After m ars
years of patient endurance, the United Stacy
are at length constrained to acknowledge that a
war now exists between our government and MI
government of Mexico. For many years oar
citizens have been subjected to repeated in
sults and injuries, our vessels arid cargoes harp
beer! plundered. maimed, imprisoned, wid ioal
cause, and without reparation.
At length your government acknowledged the
justice of our claitns, and agreed by t reat y 1 ,,
make satisfaction, by payment of several miliinn
of dollars ; but this treaty has been violated by
vow rulers, and the stipulated payments hate
been withheld. Our late effort to terminate all
difficulties by peacefoll negotiation has been re•
jected by the Dictator Paredes. and our Ilipie•
ter been refused a hearing. He has been irett•
ed with indignity and insult, and Paredes h u
announced that war exists between] us. Th .
war, thus first proclaimed by him, has been 4f•
knowled.ed as an existing fact by our Prey
dent and Congress, with perfect unanimity, aid
will be prosecuted With vigor and energy agai rm
your army and rulers ; but those of the Met,.
can people who remain neutral will not he in,
heated.
Your government is in the .hands of tenni ,
and usurpers. They have abolished pen Mate
governments, they have overthrown our Eder.
al constitution. they have deprived you of the
right of sufforage, destroyed the liberly dale
press, despoilc44im of :your arms, and reduce,
you to a state of absolute dependence upon the
power of a military Dictator. Your auto aol
rulers extort front the people by grievonstm•
lion, by forced loans, and military seizures. the
very money which sustains the us u rpers in
power. Being disarmed, you were left ilefenr!.
less, an easy prey to the savage Calomirher,
who not only destroy your lives and proprnt.
but drive into captivity, more horrible than death
itself, your wives and children.
It is your military rulers who have reilsoNl
you to this deplorable condition. It is dire
tyrlnts, and their corrupt and cruel sitellites.ger
ged with the people's treasures. by whom you
are thus oppressed and impoverished, snme of
whom have boldly advocated a monarchical v.
vernment, and would place an European Poore
upon the throne of Mexico. We come tn nt
lain reparation for repeated wrongs and injure;
we come to obtain indemnity for the psi and
security for the future ; we come to orenhos
the tyrants who have destroyed your 'therm.,
but we come to make no war upon the pro•
plc of Mexico, nor upon any form of free go•
vernment they may choose to select for them•
selves.
It is our wish to see you liberated from dee
pots, to drive back the savage Camanchemo
prevent the renewal of their assaults. and tomai.
pel them to remote to you from captivity. yaw'
long lost wives and children. Your relives,
your altars and churches, the properly of roar
churches and citizens, the emblems of your faith
and its ministers shall be protected, and ream
inviolated. Hundreds of our army. and hum
dreds of thousands of our 'peopte, are memtvre
of the catholic Church. In every Stale. milt)
nearly every city and village of our Union, nth..
lic Churches exist. and the Prieits perform hr,,
Iv functionli in peace and security, under the
sacred guaiarftee of our constitution.
We come among the people of Mexico d
friends and republican brethren, and all stet
receive us as such. shall be protected, w bilst
who are seduced into the army of ,your nn talon.
shall be treated as enemies. We shall vast
from you nothing but food for our army. and Or
this yon shall always be paid in cash the full
value. It is the settled policy of your woo
to deceive you in regard to the policy and chair
ter of our Government and people.
These ty rants fear the example of Mir frre
instilutions.antl constantly endeavor to mister
bent our purposes, and inspire you with hoed
for your republican 'brethren of the Ameneo
Union. Give us but the opportunity to undr
ceive you, and you bill soon learn that all the
representations of Paredes were7false and nett
only made to induce you to consent to the
lishment of . a despotic Covernment.
In your struggle for liberty, with the Spann
Monarchy. thousands of our countrymen rh,ted
their lives and shed their blood in vour defence.
Our own Commodore. the gallant Porter, mew
tained in triumph your flag upon the ocean. 11 ' 1 2
our Government was the first to acknoslew
your independence. With pride and plesorr
we enrolled your name on the list of index
dent Republics, and sincerely desired that yto
might in peace and prosperity enjoy all the blt
Togs of free government.
Success on the part of your tYrantsagainit the
army of the Union is impossible, but if 01
could succeed, it would only be to enable the"
to fill your towns with their soldiers. e ating ei t
g
your substance, and harassing you watt
mote grevinus taxation. Already they b an
abolished the liberty of the Press, as the 6 01
step towards the introduction, of that Monareiq;
which it is their. veal purpose to proclaim es'
establish.
Mexicans. we musVreat as enemies 20 0 ' 66
throw the tyrants, whlwhirst they have
eil and insulted us. hile deprived you Of !L a
liberty. but the Mexican people. who re;6l
neutral during the contest, 01)0 1 beP r l t ivi s
against their military despots ; by the Reeau
Army of the Union. es 7,, 'Furor.
Brevet Mai. Gen. U. S. A. Coma