762:Z1E , 1 71116
UOW.LYSIDAI.e
IVEDNESDAV. AUGUST 5, 1846
SPEECH
HON. D. WILMOT,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
Dehrtrol in the House of Representatiras:Werlnesday,
j,! 1846. In Commute of the Whole on the
.statc of the Union, on the Bill reportai from the
„,., :n dt ee of llays and Means, amendatory of the
Dryt . law of 184'2.
Mr. WILSIOt addressed the committee as
follows :
MN. (311 AIRMAN : If I felt at liberty to con
sult my own inclinations, I should refr ain from ,
taking part in the present discuision. , It is al
{cap unpleasant for a man occupying a pub
he position, to find himself constrained to sepa
rate from those with whom he is more inti
mately and closely associated, especially upon
a question of such deep and absorbing interest
as the title now under consideration. For each
and every one of my colleagues on this floor I
entertain the kindest and most respectful feel
ings. My association with them has been of
the most agreeable character, and it is with on
teined regret that I find myself constrained,
Fc a high sense of representative duty, to take
a p,aition on this subject differing totally and
finiilionentally from the one occupied by them.
But, sir, I mast abide by my °Wu convictions
—I must stand by my own judgment. While
I intend to speak of the restrictive system and.
M. advocates as I believe the truth demands, I
trust that friends' with whom I differ will not
I.;:der•itand me to imp'y 1110 slightest reproach
the coursjlhey have felt it their duty to
Others, doubtless, speak the sentiments
their constitneots—lshall endeavor to speak
sae votee ormine ;'to theirjudginent, and theirs
we are :dike responsible. Anil, while I
dolt :int but their constituents will approve
or cour,e, I will meet 14 line as best I can.
Sir. believing as I do. I cannot give the in
:',.:cace of lay voice, however humble it may
support of the tariff of 1842. I believe
iLualiist and oppressive : imposing heavy btu
,. •upon the l.ihor and industry of the coml•
(or the purpose of building up a monopo.
:aid privileged class. 1 ant opposed in
to all partial leirisl-tion. I believe it.
war with the spirit - mid genius of our institn
t,,iia„ red ilaimerous to the equal rights and
iiPrik..s of the people. This Government was
for the equil'benetit and protection
.:f tht ns citizens. If confined within its pro
p,: action, its duties are simple
willitira our intercourse with foreign nations,
protection to person - and property,
rich to pursue that particular employ
ment or branch of industry which he may deem
profitable. or best adapted to his tastes
.1111 enhits. When it turns aside ftom these
and seeks to build up one interest.
eieh can only he done by depressing others.)
to he a just'Clovernment- 7 —it becomes
ivriany. unworthy of the confidence or sup
von of the people.
Iris limed by the protectionists, that the im
isi:ion of high, restrictive and prohibitory du
'es benefits alike the whole country and every
'reach of domestic industry. This, sir, I de
ay. In my view, the falsity of this proposi
-on is as clearly ilemorrstrable as any mathe
ronn-d problem. if what was taken from one
ern ivus returned to him by another, and so on
I , lrnnglo n it the whole community or State. it
. watild benefit no one, but leave each standing
eta , .!y where he was when the' process coin
nienced. Agsin : all wealth is the product of
llhor• If. by any system of legislation, you
-ahance the profits of a particular departmOnt
of labor beyond what they would otherwise be.
'ou must of necessity draw those increased
prnfiik- from the labor of some other. If this
crepo,ition be correct, the subject would seem
1 ' resolve itself into an answer of the single
Do high protective tariffs increase
rinits of the manufacturer ? If so. it 101-I,'
1,' 'hat those increased profits are drawn from
other , department of industry. It would
seem unnecessary, to those having the
knowledge of this subject, to expend
awinein in proof of an affirmative answer
ti question. Who is it. that year after
r'amors su loud:v for protection ! Is it
s farmer—the industrious and euterprising
....z,sls—tbe day-laborer ! 'No. sir; these men
' 7 ' never seen about your halls, asking the
legislation of this Government in their
They rely upon their industry and
anomy to obtain for themselves and their
imlie s a livelihood. It is the manufacturers
nio come here asking bounties - and protection
1 4 the particular business in which they have
''''srm to embark their capital. Do they ask
in artier to lessen their prices and diminish
le•t profits ? it is too absurd for serious at
; .
rev
It by the protectionists that the .• in
'.,‘'ry of the country " must be protected,—
Tito
'"11 clap -trap phrase, together with Others.
" home Markets," protection against
i lupe! labor, &c.„ have lost theirpower over
l'a . tig,ent and reflecting men. Is that protec 7
tin to the interests of the country which levies
rflairilaitions cr,ton nine-tenths of its labor' to
ml 4 up a favored and priiileged class ? The
bold pioneer, who with his axe fearlessly en
touters our heavy forests and subdues our
ru r. , ."" l sod, makes a valuable and permanent
';...
,aquestnver nature for the benefit Of mitn.-
has added something to the world's. stock,
1 :41 made that which before was. useless. sub
etTlect to the happiness and support of his
r ?ce• .Has he in his noble undertaking. asked
115 bounties of Government in his be half?—
to 4 he ("time with gre y and selfish grasp.
Landing from the pub ic treasury a premium
u : 3 : tbe land cleared Ilby him, or upon the
lia'r and cora raised as the product of his la-
Sir. this man asks only protection from
'`s spirit spirit of rapacity and wrung.. But, argues
u jpnatectionist, we desire to give to the far
a marlet fo
n r his surplus productions.—
far
`e t tibizti the, the markets of the world—
. . , .
. . . : t '..', , " t • ' ....
. ,
THE. .
. ..
. .
R
.
~ .
, .
REPORTER.
.
..,
not seek to restriechim in his choice, by a aye-.
tern of restrictive and prohibitory duties, which
leads to countervailing restrictions, and by its
narrow and selfish policy renders those who
would otherwise become purchasers unable to
buy. lint.it is home market that Is to be giv
en to the farmer. , That is, by shutting him
out from the markets of the world: and confin
ing him to one, you place him completely in
the power of those who control that 'market,
either to sell at their prices. or not sell al.all.
Not only this, but he; must be prohibited from
seeking the best and cheapest market in , which
to purchase articles necessary for the comfort
of himself and family, but. must buy of:this
same privileged class at the prices .they may
find it for their interest to demand. Thus up
on both sides the farmer is fleeced. lam an
swered by the protectionists that this is not the
case—that the farmer is benefitted by the re
strictive policy.lnasmuch as he obtains more
from the , manufacturer than he could otherwise
get fur his produce, and buys of him inanufac
tured articles cheaper than ke could otherwise
procure them. • This, sir, is begging the whole
question. It comes kaek to the old argument,
that high duties cheapen thir articles upon which
they are imposed. I cannot but repeat my
surprise, that any man who has given to this
subject one hour of cool, unprejudiced reflec
tion. should insist upon this position as correct.
Yet, sir, on this subject such perversity is.
shown by the advocates of restriction, that the
friends of a more liberal and enlightened policy
are called upon to prove, over and over again,
the simplest axioms cif political and economical
science.
NV hat is"the meaning of the word protection?
It is to gulrd—to shield from danifer or harm.
17nis the manufacture desires. To what dan
ger is he exposed ? From what threatened
harm does he seek the shield of legislative pro
tection ? From the competition of a cheaper
article, is it not Not so. says the protection
; lie merely desires to be secured and pro-
tected in the home market. I answer, that the
cheapest goods secure the• market without fur
ther protection. If our manufacturers can and
will sell an article, equally good. at a cheaper
price titan the foreigner, they have the market
to dieinselves by the fixed and established laws
of trade. But, says the protectionist again, we
are to favor of protecting American labor against
the pauper labor of Europe. How, pray, do
the half-starved paupers of Europe injure the
domestic manufacturer! He will not burn
down his factory, or derange his machinery.
But he labors so cheaply, is the reply, that the
manufacturer at home must be protected from
the cheap article of his make. Why- protec
ted ? Certainly not that he may sell the arti
cle cheaper still. Do sagacious and shrewd
men—men capable of embarking successfully
in a business requiring- so much of skill and
good management as does that of manufactur-
ing_emne and ask of Congress so to legislate
as to rvdnce their prices and diminish their
profits ? If so. Congress has, as yet, failed to
accomplish their wishes. The profits of the
large manufacturing establishments in the East.
have, I m fully satisfied, realized, in the last
year. rum 50 to 75, and even 100 per cent.—
I know their dividends have fallen far below
this, ranging from 15 to 30 per cent.; but it is
easy to divide only a portion of the profits,
placing the balr nce to different funds. Again.
many of the largest and most profitable estab
lishments are carried on as private partnerships,
and the profits divided without any public de
claration of dividends. I have derived some
information from a friend upon this subject, in
whose statements and estimates I place great
confidence—one long_ and intimately connec
ted with the manufacturing business. He tells
me that the coarser cotton shirtings are manu
factured here at a cost of three-anti-a half cents
per yard at the most. ..1 have considered the
cost at four cents in my estimate. Let us take
a manufacturing , establishment in which has
been invested s3oo.ooo—a sum amply and
more than sufficient to build one of the capaci
ty ofmy calculation. ''here would be in such
a factory at lea'st fifteen hundred looms, each
loom making one piece of thirty yards per
day. 1 have stated the cost at four cents per
yard.
Thus, one pound of eottow,rosting
eight coots, will make four yards, 2 cents. per yard
One girl will snood two bows,
making sixty yards per day, and
allowing her filly cents per day,
it will bo less than one eent-for
the coat of wearing per Yard_
lEZI
One cent more will cover cost of
spinning, wear of inSehinerjr, in•
Wrest upon capita!, and all other
expenses.
Cost of coarse shirtier. - 4 cents per yard.
Fifteen hundred looms, taking each thirty
yards per day, gives 45,000 yards. which, at
four rents, is the sum of $l,BOO the cost of run
ning the factory one day.
This article has been sold in the market du
ring the last year at from 61 to 71 cents per
yard. 1 will cuosider the sales made at Ms
cents, which, upon 45.000 yams, gives the
sum of $2,700 as the doily products or receipts
of the factory—leaving es the nett profits for
one day, $9OO. The - mill will run three hun
dred and twelve days in the year, but allowing
for accidents, stoppages, dre.. say that it runs
three hundred days, this will give as the nett
annual profits the sum of $270,000 on an in
vestment of $300,000
I believe this calculation correct, only in the
profits being under-estimated. If there is any
error in the data upon which it is based. I would
be most happy fur iny gentlemen acquainted
with the subject to point it out. We do know,
that coarse shirtings are manufactured in En
gland at a cost even less than cents per
yard ; and a!! agree in the fact that we manu
facture these goods es cheaply as they are
made abroad. Indeed we were so told on this
floor, by one of the roost earliest of the advo-•
cates of high duties. Certain it is. that they
hare not been sold in the American markets for
less than six cents the yard, if as low as that,
during the last year.
Where. I inquire, do . theie enormous profits
come from ? I answer, from the pockets of
s• la, AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY F. O. & H. P. GOODRICH.
I cent per yard.
1 tent per; 7ar.l
' 6 . REGARD/JCRs OF DENUNCIATION FROM, ANT QUARTER."
. the people.„ Every man. - woman aad,
-who wears a yard . of this manufacture. contri
butes to make up the,,stim of thoSe profits. ' -
How liang'cati the ,country and, the„,peoplit
stand up under thiii system of taxation ?, If
persisted and 'finally established as tote
prr
manent policy of the country. it must in time.
and that at.no distant , day, impoverish ,
masses by concentrating all wealth in the hani s .
of the few. No wonder that your l Lawrences
and ,Appletons are so zealous in their efforts to
protect American lab Or. , What giYes to, these
meitso deep and exclusive a, Sympathy with
the ' mass? Is it for the laborer, hat they an
nually expend . thousands, in their efforts to
mould public opinion to their views 1 Fur
him do they hold tariff conventions. and pass
tariff r esolves? Is it for him that that they
pension the brightest talents of the country to
plead the cause of protection ? Truly, their
interests in the laborer must be deep and
,sin
cere. that at such cost and trouble they seek to
protect him against the pauper labor of Europe.
I wonder of these men should have application
made to them by a cargo of . paupers freshly
landed from Europe, to work in their factories
at wages one-half. or one-thirdless than they
were paying American laborers, if
,their patriot
ism would not take fire at such an attack upon
American labor What say friends upon
the other side Do the manufacturers employ
those they can hire cheapest ? I think they
would not be seriously alarmed at the pauper
labor of Europe presenting itself under such
circumstances. .It is only when that labor
comes over in the form of a cheaper rival manu
facture, that his patriotism rises to the fever
heat. His interest in the laborer rises and falls
in exact ratio with his dividends. Sir, I have
no faith in these hypocritical pretensions.—
Your lords of the spindle seek by every means
in their power to depress American labor.—
They have, from time to time, reduced prices
and increased the hours of labor. Their rules
and regulations have the force and authority of
law over a large class of those in their employ.
Most of them are females, in a great degree
dependant upon them for employment, and
who obey their edicts. whether for reducing
prices or increasing labor, rather than lose their
means of support. 1 recollect to have seen,
some two years since, a petition from some
factory girls to the Legislature of Massachu
setts. praying for a redress of grievances of
which they complained. They had engaged
to work in a factory at stipulated prices after
working a short time, an edict was issued re
ducing their wages some 20 or 25 per cent.—
They at first remonstrated, and finally left.
seeking work in other factories. They went
front one to another asking employment, but
were everywhere refused. The sequel proved
that their names had been sent to every factory
in the State, and they were denied employment,
because they had refifsed. to submit to the in
justice and tyranny of their first employer. If
there is no truth in this—if it were a mere elec.
tioneeting story, some of the gentlemen who
represent that State on this floor can set me
right. No denial, sir; it is then true. A
wicked and unholy combination was entered
into by these :noneyed lords, to deprive these
girls of labor, or compel them to submit to
their prices. This is the way in which they
aid and sustain the labor of the country. Thus„
sir, it will ever be. Privilege and monopoly
are ever selfish—ever grasping. Interest is
the sole governing principle of all their actions.
These are the men to whose tender mercies
you would deliver over the working men and
women of the country. Build up by a system
of restriction and prohibitory dunes, what some
gentlemen are pleased to term the great inter
ests of the country; enable capitalists by spe
cial: legislation to embark in large enterprises.
securing to them large profits, and they, will
then buy the produce of the farmer, and em
ploy the labor of the poor. In short, sir, it
comes down to an old maxim of an old party,
•• Take care of the rich, and the rich will take
care of the poor." This, if I understand it, is
the long and short of this argument in favor of
the restrictive system
Sir, the efforts to sustain on the one hand.
and to break down on the other, this protecuVe
policy, is. in my humble judgment, a contest
between capital and labor—the former, strug
gling to perpetuate its privileges, and the latter
tor its rights and just rewards. Why should
those who are already blessed with abundance
and a wealth, ask of this Government, that was
established for, and is sustained hilhe people,
to legislate for their especial benefit? What
right have they to demand a monopoly, that
they may make even 30 per cent. upon their
Capital Is it to enable them to prOtect and
takecare of American industry.? With what
justice or truth can they claim that their looms
and machinery constitute American industry ?
Sir, It is an arrogant and insolent assumption.
and should be met and denounced by every
nian who values the equal rights and liberties
of the people. I solemnly believe, tf Om poli
cy could be permanently established, that-MA
one century would pass away before the free
and independent laborers of this country would
be reduced to the degrading condition of the
laborers of Europe. It would sap and under
mine our republican institutions. The people
would lose the control over their own Govern
ment. and wealth become firmly inirenched in
all the seats and . high places of power. 'The
vastness of our country, and the cheapness of
the unoccupied lands, have hitherto prevented
the full developMent and workings of this sys
tem. Had our limits been confined between
the Atlantic and the Alleghenies. we should ere
this have witnessed the fruits of this: system
upon the labor of the country. We Should
have seen here, as in England. men, women.
and children, working from fourteen to eight. en
hours in the day for a mere subsistence. It-is
this accursed policy of legislating for the capi
tal of the country, together with the paper-mo
nev system, that has contributed more than all
other causes, to fasten upon the English labor
ki a slivery worse than that of the lash. The
condition of his existence is. work or starve.
If sickness or accident interrupt his labors but
for a day. famine stares him in the face. This
is what the capitalists and privileged classes
=I
have done for the English laborer: So; sir, it
Will'eier be When Wealth 'and privilege are al
leafed to levy, their exakiens upon labor.—
When avarice .becumea liberal—when wealth
ceases to desire new acquisitions—when capi
tal is satisfied ivithirinderide profits—then, and
not till then,Will fabor,•nader this' system, re
ceive its justrewards.. ,It . does,not nol receive
them. but. en. the other hand. is .cruelly and
unjustly plundered of its rightful earnings. All
business in whiCheapital and labor are inipiny
ed, is a joint enterprise, in which there Should
be ii fair and knit division of the profits. After
paymg„te capital a fair interest upon its lures
ment, and a reasonable per cent. for the risk
incurred, the balance ought, and of right does,
belong to labor. But labor obtains a mere sub
sistence, while capital can - scarcely count its
gains. Is thisjusnce to the laborer I It is the
only measure of justice-he will ever receive at '
the hands of privilege and monopoly. .
Sir, I am in favor of protection. I here
avow myself a protectionist in the highest and
truest sense of the word. I demand protection
for labor, against the cruel exactions of capital.
I demand protection for the equal rights l of the
people, against a privileged and monopolizing
class, upheld and sustained by partial legisla
tion. I claim protection for the hard earnings
of the poor, against an insidious 'system that
plunders by stealtth, and eats out his substance.
W hy, 'sir, in the name of humanity, seek to
heap' burden after burden upon the back of la
bor? Is not the lot of the poor already suffi
ciently hard'? Has not wealth, already swift
cieut advantages over poverty t It has influ
ence and power, and 'too taken, even in this free
.country, commands the 1171 stations of honor
and profit. The rich live in affluence, cur
ronnded with all the elegancies,and luxuries of
life. Their children grow up around them.
and are amply advanced and provided for.—
The 'Poor toil in heat and in cold fir a plain
and homely suhsistenee, suffering many re
I I
-
verses and enduring many privations.—
His children toil by his side, or leave home
at an early age to toil in the field or workshop
of the stranger. Aga-nit this, Definocracy makes
no complaint, Democracy seeks not to deprive
wealth of any of its legitimate advantges; it eats
not to take from die rich one farthing of his rich
es ; but it does demand that these advantages
shall not he increased by the partial enactments
of the Gnvertirnem ; that no system of direct or
indirect boueties be established, by which a por
tion of earnings of the poor be taken to swell the!
already overflowing coffers of the rich. Yet.
under the thin and flimsy .disguise of protection
to Ainerican latter, &Itch a policy is attempted to
be fastened uprin the country. ri will war
against it while I have breath. lime warred
against it at home beffne my own people, and I
shall not desert their cause now. Sir, I hail no
concealments upon this subject. lam tinder
no pledges, except the high•and Solemn pledge
implied, that I would here carry out in my ac
tion the principles I pub:icly avuived in the =.:an
vase.
I have already, sir, glanced at the argument
• so much insisted upon. that -this system will
give to the farmer a home market. What. I
inquire, has it yet so _done towards that end !
The surplus agricultural productions of Ohio
alone would feed. twice over, all the persona
employed by these, manufacturing establish
ments that have grown up under this system.
What is to be done with the'rethainingsurPlus
of the vast West, and of the middle States?—
For thirty years we have heard that a home
market was to be created, and yet, during this
time the agricultural productions have increas
ed in a ratio as ten to one, ,over the consump
tion of these large manufacturing establish
intents. Does the farmer, look to the prices
current of Lowell to ascertain the market price
el his wheat, his pork. and ihe products of his
dairy ? No, sir; he lookito the prices they
bear in thegreat commercial cities of.oursea
bit ird, and their Price there, under a sound
currency, is in the'main governed by the-price
they Command in the 'foreign market. More
of the.productions of the American fanner have
- found a market (Wine , the last year, in the de
pendencies of Great Britain atone, than all that
has been consumed by ;his same home market
Promised us by the protectionists. Yet 'by
their policy 'they world destroy the foreign
market, that they might control absolutely the
price of the farmer's prodects, as they do that
of the woollens and cottons he • wears; and
when one State had glutted this home-market,
they would ery out, as E have heard, some of
the ravens of,this school, that there was an over
production in. the country ; that there was too
much wheat,- corn. and pork raised; that the
farmer was too industrious and produced, too
much. This. I suppose, is one mode of en
couraging home industry. They would, I,re
peat destroy the foreign market; for by refus
ing to pqrchase of foreign conntries, you make
those countries unwilling, and indeed unable,
to buy of us. Suppose. sir, that the Potomac
was the dividing boundary between two na
tions; which, for convenience, I will name af
ter the adjacent States of Virg ita Maryland;
that the - soil of Virginia was'adapted to agri
cultural pursuits.—wheat, and all,the proctor:
lions of the farm could there be raised.cheaply
and in abundance ; that the lands. of ;Maryland
were of a cold and unproductive soil, but. aw
ing to her mineral treasures, water-power. and
other facilities, all the branches of manufactur- '
ing could be carried on advantageously.—
Would it not, I inquire. be for the mutual In
terests of these two nations -to exchange their
respective productions to the extent of-their
wants? Would they not naturally and bene
ficially do so under the ordin a ry laws of trade?
No one. I think. will deny it. Let us now.
suppose the - beauties of this restrictive system
to break in upon-the hitherto benighted farm
ers of Virginia. They learn to talk about pro
tecting labor—the advantages *of- a
home market, and resofve,'hy high restrictrive
and prohibitory tariffs; to Shut nut the intinu
factures of Maryland. ' Raring done this. some
quit their former pursuits and engage in-manu
facturing. The labor bestowed in, making a
yard of cloth in Virginia.. if laid out upon the
soil. would have purchased two yards of the
Maryland manufacturer. The manufacturer '
of Maryland can no longer, as formerly. buy
the wheat of the Virgiura farmer. because he
cannot Ray for it. the farmer no lo nger ',ki n g
his tnanufacturee in return ; and thus the for
eign market of .Maryland is destroyed to the
farmer. But "the Marylander cannot starve:
wheat he mist have; and he sets about digging
in his cold uncongenial soil for the purpose of
raising wheat and corn. The labor he expends
in producing a bushel of Wheat, if expended
in - los former business of manufacturing. would
have bought him two bushels of hie neighbor,
the Virginia farmer. What, sir, have these
two communities gained by this system
'They have destroyed each other's markets ;
they have forced their citizens into enprofita
ble• employments, because unnatural to their
evils and physical resources. In short. they
have protected labor, and created a home mar
ket at infinite cost and sacrifice to both—a sac
rifice that must continue until their policy is
changed. 'Chia. sir, I believe to be a true pic
ture of the restrictive system, when applied to
the great 'nations of the earth. 'free inde
pendence consists in freedom from restraints
—untrammelled to all things not morally
wrong; and labor is best prutected when its
pruminetions are allowed to seek their natural
and best markets, purchasing in return where
it can buy cheapest.
Another argument of the protectionists, and.
in my judgment, as fallacious as those I have
already noticed, is, that unless this restrictive
policy is adhered to, all the money will be taken
from the country to pay for our importations.—
The trade between nations is nothing more than
an exchange of thew respective productions. If
in any given year - .ve should buy of England
more than we sold to her, tie would pay the bal
ance' with the proceeds of the trade with some
other country where we had sold more than we
bought ;or if the balance against its should be
general, we would he compelled by the laws of
trade to curtail our purchases the next or follow- .
ing year, until the balance was restored. Un
der a sound currency no nation can much over
.trade, before a self-acting remedy will be appli
ed. We cannot purchase unless - we can se ll,—
Nor can we for any length of time purchase a
much larger quantity. than we sell. Again: the
precious metals are like any other commodity in
the market ; they are carried by commerce from
one place to another, according as the demand
for them may he. and their value at different
points in the commercial world. If wheat were
so scarce as that it was mote valuable here than
in Europe, it would at once he brought to us
from there ; or if in a season of plenty. from a
speculating mania, or an inflated currency,
wheat should rise so much in price as to make
it profitable, it would be brought to us, as was
done from the Baltic during some of the pet
of hillatitin through which we have , passed.—
So. sir, it is with the precious meta!isthey ebb
- and flow according to their value and the demand
for. theta at different' cummercial points. It is
in the poWer of this Congress, by at arbitrary
enactment. to cause a great influx of the precious
metals. Let a-law be passed giving a premium
of tire or ten per cent. mom all foreign gold off
eyed to the mint for re-coinage. amt. millions of , 1
foreign coin would almost immediately :had its
way bete ; but it would nut follow that the coun
try was thereby enriched.
In my judgment this restrictive policy is ruin
ous to the labor and industry of the country,and
if persisted in, will, in a brief time. paralyze the
great agricultural and planting interests. 'These ;
great and truly national branches of industty are
passed by as unworthy of notice, and the steam- I
engine, the machinery driven by water, the
powerlwmis and spindles of eastern capitalists.
are dignified, as if alone worthy, with the appal- 1
lation of American industry, and protected as
American labor. The fariner,and planter. must
rest quiet & he fleeced,content with the promises
of a home inarketproteetion form pauper labor
—national independence and the like—words
long stereotyped in the vocabulary of the pre
tectitinists, and tist d as popular catchwords to
mislead the unreflectitig, and uninformed. The
'clay of their potter is past. Inquire is abroad,
and men will look into the workings and opera
tions of this syitem for - themselves.
I have attempted to - show, in' part, how the,
farmer fares under the restrictive policy ; let us
see how it operates on the mechanic. Surely
me , must be benefited. This I deny he as Well
as every other interest, pays tribute to the manu
facturer. trithout receiving any adequate com
pensation in return. Let us take the shoemake'c
as an example of the worthy artisans scattered
over our country. It is said that he is protee
ted under the present high' tariff. by the
exrlu
sion of the work of French and English artisans
—that large capitalists have been induced to em
bark extensively in the business, thereby afford
ing employment to mote than could otherwise
obtain it. Any capitalist who has-engaged in
this business has done so for the purpose of find
ing a profitable invrstment for his capital. It
is out of no feeling fur the man who does the la
bor. These capitalists lay in their stock in large
quantities and to the best possible advantage.—
Many of those they employ are the least meri
torious class of journeymen—men without fami
lies, who hang about our larger towns and cities
spending their substance in dissipation. They
are employed at the most reduced wages, fling
reducing the wages of the more meritorious, who
work by their side. In this way are turned off
annually immense quantities of this inanufar
lure. which is sentover the whole country.pers
trating the remotest comers and bv.places, -fill
ing every country store and retail sip - m.2nd thus
brought directly in competition with the mechan
ics of our villages and country districts, who con- -
stitute at least three-fourths of the whole. No
French hoots or shoes ever found their. 'war
there to ctrl down the business and depress the
prices of the country mechanic. It is the brio. -
establishments, carried sin by capitalists. that
operate injuriously upon him. The mecha n ic s
of my district want•,no such protection as is
given them by the tariff of 1842. if thisSTs
- is to be longer continued, the`' worth! like
to have it extended—theywould like to have a
prohibitory
. dutY imposed titian Massachusetts
boots .and shoes; Such protection they could '
understand. It would come home to their busi
ness and best:Mit t" but they'.thank -- you not for
tr i•
thg kinofproteetien you give then]. • It enhan-
ces the eiist of their material; and all the expert
:, .
see of . About two years intim I
met an
old scholil-mate. who had worked for some time
in one ot.these large establishments at Newark.
New Jersey, and he said he found it impossible.
at the prices paid, by the hardest labor he eneld
endure, to Support himeelf and a small family
that he could obtain, in the remote country dis
tricts. more of the necessaries of life by nine
hours labor than he could there by fifteen and
that the further he could get from these • large
es•toblishmen . 9 the better he could do.
It is not the agricultural and mechanical inter
ests alone that are injured and defrauded by this
restrictive policy. The great maritime and com
mercial interests are most seriously affected.—
Evt-ry restraint and clog imposed upon commerce
cannot but he injurious to all engaged in that
legitimate and enterprising business. Carry oat
the system to its furthest limits, and all foreign
commerce would be destroyed—our ships would
idly rot down at their wharves—onr commercial
marts would beCome deserted. Yet the city of
New York alone, built up antl sustained by for
eign commerce, affords a larger market for the
productions of the farmer than all the manufac
tories of Naw England—annther exam ple of the
ability of this system to afford a home market.
Let us block tip at once every channel of access
to our coast ; let us shut ourselves in by a wall
el atian•anr from the rest of the world. holding
no intercourse with our fellow-man beyond ;
and then the splendid theory of the protectionist
will be folly realized. Why has the bountiful
•
Civet of all things spread over the globe, this
diversity of climate, soil, and production ? Did
he design that his children, separated into fami•
lies of ['aliens, should be confined in their enjoy
ments to the products of their respective nation
nal limits ? if so, it would be rational to pre
sume that their wants would have been- circum
scribed within the same narrow bounds. Ile
gave the earth. with all its fruits and means of
enjoyment. to man, inviting him to a friendly
interchange one with another.
The cause of humanity. the highest and best
interest of man, is iptlissolubly connected with
the course of a more liberal and free commercial
intercourse. It breaks down national prejudices
and animosities,; it brings man in closer connex
ion with his feHow ; binding each to the other by
the strong cords'of mutual interest and good will.
It is the cause of philanthropi,•—of human ad
vaneement and progress. It is the cause of jus
tire and right ; and must and wia prevail. - rt
may he retarded. but it cannot be turned bat-Ir.—
:Selfish:le-se may for a time impede its progress.
hut, like the waters that are obstructed, public
opinion will swell higher and higher,- until it
overbreaks all itnpetliments, sweeps away every
obstruction. You might as well attempt to shut
mit the light of heaven, as to resist the power
and progress of truth.
The advocates of a more liberal commercial
policy in this country. are not unfrequently
charged with belonging to the British party—if
advocating British interests. If there is any
party in this country to which the appellatinnof
Brinell party can be given with any shade of
justice, it is to the advocates of restriction. 'Flue
grounds assumed by them in favor oldie mann
fasturers, are identical with those occupied by
the advocates of English monopoly. •NI °Homi
lies must of necessity be enjoyed by the few., at
the expense of the many. They cease to he such
when the many participate in their privileges.
England is a small island ; its territory is con
tined by the ocean within narrow" bonnds ; its
lands are in the hands of the few. Of the twen
ty millions population of England and Ire
land, the soil is owned by a few thousand. The
corn laws were eziacteiLand have been maintain
ed for many generations, far the pnrpose of giv
ing to the land owner a monopoly of the bread
stuffs—of enabling him to obtain higher rents
from his tenants... -It is the landholders of Eng
land that talk there about protecting English la
bor and Englishindustry. They raise the cry
of panic and alarm as lustily .3s - their co-workers
OIL this side of the Atlantic._ Repeal the corn -
laws," say they, and you strike a fatal blow at
English labor. Large hushes of land. now ec
cupietl. ,will be abandoned as unprofitable, and
thousands and tens of thousands thrown* out of
employment." The landed aristocracy of Eng
land, in struggling to hold on to their unjust
privileges, cry out as loudly, and I doubt not as
sincerely, in favor of English labor, as do the
manufacturers of this country in behalf of Ameri
can labor. They stand in the same relation
with the masses of their respective countries.—
Each have, enjoyst!, by unjust and inirmitious
legislation, the privilege of plundering the mass.
to increase their own wealth. In this country I ,
thank Gull, there can be no monopoly in the
lands for a century or two to come. Here the
many are landowners, and the few seek a mo
nopoly in tilanufactures. Threaten to repeal
the corn laws, and thereby to reduce the - rents
of the one, and he cries out in behalf of English
interests and English labor ; talk of modifying
the tariff by,a reduction of duties. thereby dim
inishing the dividends of the other, and he de
claims patrioticaly in favor of American inter
ests and American labor. If there is any British
party iu this country, it is that party which, us.
nig the arguments and the lan g uage of the aris
tocracy of England, seek to build up a similar
aristocracy at home.
Doubtless, sir if the remarks I have made
should ever see the light, and be so fortunate as
to be read, I shall be set down by all. monopo
lists, of whatever name or pane, as a free-trade
man. I deny that lam such in the sense that
term is mu:4:y employed by the protectionists
and Whig party oldie North. Ikm in favor of
It tariff for revenue ; of an equal, just. and con
sututional tariff; one that shall protect all inter
ests equally, granting favors to none. By a
revenue- tariff, 1 understand one levied upon
revenue prim-411es. and in which those rwinei
ple.,:, are adhered to in its details. The Genflj-
Itil; , M Cenfer , llimn It, is Colletnnu•nt th e r i g h t
to lay and "enitert taxes, duties, impasts, and ex
cises. for the Purpose of 'plying. us debts MO
providing for the common defence and general
wegne. There is no authority to resort en
either of these modes of revenue. except for the
ohjeetS named ; or if authority to impose 01M,
for: my other,otieet. ac proteetion. then either
or atl, That would be thniTht of the eonstitu
tsrE
11
ME
Lam GJ