Bradford reporter. (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, March 11, 1846, Image 1
V61 1 511'2 , '721.2 UCD'iNT&SS'LI&ki WEDNESDAY. MARCH 11. 1846 Sang of the Spirit of Porerty. BY ELIZA COOL A song, a song, for the Beldame Queen, A Queen that the world knows well, Wh o se portal of state is the workhouse gate, And throne the prison-all. have been crowned in every land With nightshade steeped in tears, dog-gnawn bone for my sceptre wand, Which the proudest mortal fear. No gem I wear in my tangled hair, No golden weal own— ro ratline glow taints cheek or brow— Yet say, who dares my frown? Oh, I sm queen of a ghastly-court, And tyrant sway I bold, Baiting human hearts fur my royal sport With bloodhounds of Hunger and Cold. My power Can change the purest clay From its find and beautiful mould, Till it haleth away from the face of day, Too hideous to behold. Oh. I am Queen of a ghastly Wan ! And the handmaids that I keep Are such phantom thins u a fever brings To haunt the fitful sleep. See, see they come in my haggard train, With jagged and matted locks Hanging Mund them as the wild steed's mane, Or the black weed on the rocks. They comb with bn,ad and horny palms, They came in mania guise. With angled chains and yelliiw skins, And hollow staring eyes. They come to be girded with leather and link, And away at my bidding they gn, To mil where the soulless beat would shrink, In the deep damp caverns below. Daughters of beauty. they, like ye, Are of gentle wnmankind, And wonder not if little there be Of angel form and mind. If I'd held your cheek by as clove a pinch, Would that flourishing rose be found 1 If I'd doled you a crud out. inch by inch. Would your arms have been so round? -4 `. Oh. I an a Queen,,with • despot rule. That crushes to the dust ! The laws I deal, hear no appeal, Thougn ruthless and unjast. deaden the bosom and darken the brain Wish the might of the demon's skill ; The heart may struggle, btit struggle in vain, As I grapple it harder still. Oh, come with me, and ye shall sea How well I begin the day. . Per I'll hie to the hungriest dive I have. And snatch his loaf away. Oh, come with me, and ye shall see, How my skeleton victim. fall ; Bow I rr ler the graves without a atone, And coffins ivithout a paH. Then a song, ■ song for the Beldame Queen— A Queen that ye fear right well; For coy portal of state is the workhouse gate, And my throne the prison cell ! Speed' of Hon. D. Wilmot, of Penn'a. On the Oregon Question, delivered in the House of Representatives, Saturday, Feb, 7, 1846. Ma. rirstaatios :-1 am conscious, from the length of time already occupied In this debate, that tt has lost much of its freshness and orig inal interest to Cie members of this House, if not also to the people . and the country at large. I do not flatter myself that I shall be able to te rive any portion of that interest, by advancing at this late day, after the subject has passed through so many older and abler hands, any thing that shall be new, touching either our Melo the Oregon, or as to the probable conse quences that arise from the assertion of that -tale at the resent time And in the manner pro posed. After the able manner in which our, title has been discussed by those who have conducted this negotiation on the part of our Government, and after all the facts that have been brought to view by the labored research of gentlemen who• have spoken upon this floor it would be idle fur me to expert that 1 could, lied additional lien over this subject. I shall not incur the risk to which such an effort would expose me. I was anxious to obtain the floor at an early, stage in this debate, and made. as I thought at the' time. some very good efforts in that three. eon. I failed, however, doubtless from the force of fixed laws—not being able to rise as quick, or get us as high, as gentlemen of less i gravitating properties than myself. 'I have t now; and sought it at this time not so much hem a desire to participate in the conflict of opinion that has grown out of this subject, as from an earnest anxiety, - before the debate Should be brought 10.0 final termination, to an. nounce my cheerful support of the resolution upon your table, and my cordial and hearty concurrence in all the recommendatiops con tained in the deeply-interesting subject. I would prefer the passage of the resolution es it came from the Committee on Foreign !alums, without amendment, and without goal lficauon. While such is my preference. I would here say. that I have none. or very slight tijestions, to that amendment which proposes leave the giving of notice discretionary with the Presideut. Not that desire to cast from al responsibility in this matter; much less. to throw upon the President any. not properly belonging to his high station. Ido not believe THE.... - 13RADFORL: .. - - EPORTER that he would feel the burden of such responsi bility ; and I have full confidence,. if left to him. that the notice would be promptly given. I will consent to waive objections of a more ; weighty character, and vote fur the resolution I introduced, by the gentleman from South Caro- I lina, [Mr. BLACK.] if thereby we can secure that unanimity so desirable on a great national question like this. Still, my own choice ; would be the passage of the original resolution. ' I would prefer giving the straight, forward no tice to dissolve the convention of i 827, leaving England to put her own interpretation upon it. She would have no right to place upon it an unfriendly construction. Nor would I stop upon the giving of the notice: I would also provide for carrying out promptly all of the recommendations of the President relating to this subject. To each and every of them I yield the unreserved sanction and support of my judgment; and that, too, whether our title to the whole of Oregon be clear and urques. tionably, or whether it he involved in doubt and uncertainty, either as fo the whole or a part. Most of those gentlemen from the South with whom I hold a general agreement in pol itics, and who addressel the committee in op position to.the resolution in the earlier stage of this debate. admitted. in the broadest and most unqualitita l terms. that our title to Oregon. and to the who "e; of Oregon to 54° 40'. was clear and intlisputable : —Eievond rightful question nr fair controversy. Those who have spoken more recenoy—doubtless gentlemen of larger experienceeeing the difficulties involved in this position. prudently assumed other grounds. The former. it seems to me, are involved in a dilemma of singular difficulty and embarrass ment. I propose to ex.iinitte. for a few ino nieiits, the position of those gentleman who, declaring our thl» clear and uoqiiestitmahle to the whole of Oregon. still oppose the giving of this notice. whereby the convention of joint occupation, as it is called, shall be abrogott.id and annulled. This admission, thus .unreser vedly made. ought. in my judgment. to be con clusive upon the gentlemen making it. They, at least. ought tun to hesitate, either as to the proper time for our action. The consequence of asserting rights thus clear, ought not. in my judgment, to be the subject of inquiry or debate. If the whole of Oregon he clearly ours, then 1 Eubinit it to reason and patriotism of gentlemen, whether it becomes an American Congress, gravely and with solemn fear, to deliberate upon the consequences of its action in respect to a foreign Power. It is humiliating, sir—a stain upon our character—a reproach upon our sovereignty. In this aspect. as. indeed, in any in which the subject under consideration can be viewed, it presents a very different question from a declariittan of war: in which light too many gentlemen are disposed to regard it. I grant, sir, most readily, that if this were a proposition in direct terms to declare war against Britain ; if it even were a measure that gave any just grout ds or provocation for such a declaration on her part—it would be proper, nay, sir. it would be our bounden duty to in quire into the condition of our country, its re sources and defences, and carefully to estimate the strength and power of our adversary. NotWithatanding the very severe attack made upon Siriolin Falstaff lasteventtig, by the gentle:Min from Ohio, I am half maimed to ador.t the sentiment so objectionable to hint. him. •• that <ljscretion is the better part of va- I for:" I cannht believe that the great poet, by putting these words into the mouth of the va liant knight o the tap-room. intended to con demn so wt s maxim of human conduct, but merely to show how an arrant, yet . ingenious, coward coil d reason in excuse for his reward ice. I agree, sir. that tt discretion is the het• ter part of e alor." That it is neither wise nor prudent to rush blindly into a war, unprepared pared and comparatively defenceless, against an enemy armed at all points, and hold ing as it were in his hands all the elements of destructive warfare. Such a course, I . re peat, in my judgment would be neither wise nor prudent. It would be as much wanting in i true courage as it lacked in sound and states ; man-like policy, Before I would vote for a declaration of war against a powerful, and in some respects a superior, enemy, I would, by Ivieoroue and enlarged preparations, place my ! moor, - in a condition to carry on the war. when declared, to a successful and glorious termination. • • Sir, I do not believe that war will coma of • this Oregon difficulty. if nrompt and prudent measures are adopted. Certain it is. that the resolution upon your table gives none, not the s lightest grounds of offence towards England. In truth, if the position assumed by some gentlemen who oppose this notice be correct. I shall he sustained in the declaration that the resolution now under contideration. as also all the measures that are expected to follow it. are within the ordinary and daily-exercised powers of this Government. No one has gone so far in opposition to the notice ns to pretend that, abstreeny and per se, it gave any just cause or provocation for war. This is contemplated by the very terms of the convention itself. The right of either party to give this notice, and thereby dissolve the convention. forms one of its express and plain stipulations. It cannot be that war is apprehended from acting in strict conformity with the treaty itself. What is it. then, not gives to the alarmed imaginations of so many gentlemen a warlike aspect to this measure T It is our claim to the whole of Or egon ; and yet many of these same gentlemen admit our title to that country clear and hlls. putable. I repeat. Mr. Chairman, that it is not the giving of the - notice that makes war a remote or even possible contingency as grow ing out of this'question. but our positive claim to Oregon. and the measures hereafter contem plated in extending over it. the jurisdiction of our laws and the sovereignty of our flag. To legislate our territory clearly our own, in the extension of our laws, and to the establish ment of territorial goierninents. is certainly no unfrequent or unusual act of legislation. It is, I believe, within our acknowledged jurisdic tion and sovereignty ; and to be deterred from its, exercise, when demanded by the`Wants of our citizens, because of the unfounded retell- PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, AT - TOIVANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. 0, & H. P. GOODRICH. " REGARDLESS OP DENUNCIATION PROM ANY QIIARTER." sions of a foreign Power; I can regard in no other than a shameful abandonment of the right itself. Our right to Oregon admitted as dear, in my judgment. the subject now under con sideration, as well as all the measures expected to follow, become acts of usual and ordinary legislation. But we are told that war will cer-,I tautly and inevitably follow. tuppose it does'! it will lollow unjustly and without cause— I will it not? And must we halt in the paoaecu tion of our rights ? Must we refrain from the exercise of our acknoWledged powers because! war may ensue? It is a degradation and , a re proach—an acknowledgement of weakness that amounts to a virtual surrender of our sover eignty consults only its own interests and glo ry. It is the sold arbiter of its own rignts. It exists but in its perfect and absolute independ. ence ; it suffers no invasion ; it can survive no surrender. If we would abandon our claim to that por tion of Oregon lying north of the Columbia river, gentlemen, I am confident, would not then see in this notice to dissolve the conven tion of 1817. anything alarming or warlike. It assumes - that character only because we insist Lyon our own. England has no right—so say gentlemen oprwed to this notice; yet. in the: insolence of by power, she interposes her pre tensions. and bids us stand. or advance at our peril. Shall we stand at her bidding. and we stand at her bidding. and tamely and cow ardly surrender our rights? or shall we vinili , cats them as our fathers did, by all the means God and nature has placed in our hands This is the queirion, and the only questinn,t'our clear right to Oregon admitted. If, itietead of looking to the interest of our own people, and • determining what is expedient and proper for their good, we are to I e swayed and itifhiene ed by European cabinets, and European threats where is our bo:l.tril independence 1 'What can E-gland do more than invade our •• clear and u ques ionable" rights!, If she claimed the power of taxation it would be no more; and would gentlemen still counsel supineness and delay Would they still talk of the clatt ers and horrors of war? This was not the' Irtiguage of those who had laid deep and strong the foundations of the Republic; it is nut thus that its integrity can be maintained. What would be our position before the civilized world I—asserting our title to the whole of Oregon as indisputable and clear; yet hesitat ing, through fear, to take those steps demand ed by the wants of our citizens and enforced by every consideration of patriotism and pub. lic duty. But I sin told that it is not through E fear. but from policy. that this notice should be withheld.. It will do to say so ; but will we be believed r Will England '• believe us ? W ill the intelligent ;Ministers at the heads of the Governments of Europe believe us ? Can we make our own people so believe'? No. sir, rely upon it. it would be regarded 4 as a subterfuge • u shelter for our shame. and - .oe true reason attributed to fear. Sir, lam not for war. If such a spirit is at work within these walls, I sympathize not with it. Peace, with national honor and indi vidual liberty, is the most desirable of all bles sings. The social, moral, and political tri umphs of peace, are far more glorious, in my estimation, than all the political triumphs of peace, are far more glorious, in my estimation, than all the victories and bloody trophies of war. I look. I confess, with deep solicitude, amid not without serious apprehension. to the influence which a war, and such a war as we should. have with England, might exert upon the habits. thoughts, and feelings of our peo ple. 1 acknowletly its strong and neutralizing tendencies, its wasteful extravagance, its cor rupting and dentiiralizing ii.fluences. 801 we moat nut, because of these dangers, timely submit to he plundered of our rights. I trust we shall have no war. 1111 truth. I di• not ap prehend serious danger of en great a calamity. he age in which we live, Is an age of peace. The benign influences of its spirit are every where engaged in the cultivation of art, aid the peaceful enterprises of life. I sin for peace. But if it has come to this, that we cannot assert our " clear and unquestionable" rights in that mode that we deem best calculated to promote the interests of our people. without involving us in war, then, sir, let it come. War. under such circumstances, ceases to be an evil, and becomes a good: Patriotism and religion alike sanction and sanctify it. Mr. Chairman. my constituents are for peace. They are emphatically a peace-loving people. Much has been said, in the course of tins debate, about individual and national honor. lam not insensible to the claims of true national honor. Its preservation I ac knowledge as one of the highest duties free men. My constituents, However , do ot war to individual strife upon mere points o honor; nor would they justify me in pliinging their country into war on sums abstract idea or point of natio tal honor. If there is nothing in this controversy, 110 substantial and valua ble rights. no principles dear to the American heart,then let its have done with it. Butif upon the other hand, there are rights and principles invulved, deeply affecting our interests and sovereignty. then, sir, I answer for my constit uents. that neither as individuals nor as citizens will tney t itibmit to an assault upon that honor that involves a surrender of their rights. It dots not become the sans of the land of Penn sylvania to boast of their courage. They pre serve their honor and their self-respect from thareeposnre that takes mortal offence at slight and trivial causes ; but they suffer no Invasion of their acknowledged ights. Abridge the freedom of such or of the press; assail the rights of conscience ; let a foreign Power in vade the freedom of the seas, or our own abso lute sovereignty over our own soil ; and my life upon it. sober, quiet Wm. Penn, will not be found last in the rally or first in the retreat. 'These are the great ideas that Pennsylvania brought with him when he came to plant a col ony and to found a State. We received them from our fathers, and, by the blessing of God, we will transmit them to our children. All our ideas of existence are inseparable from these great personal and political rights. Cut off from them, life would be insupportable, and death its their defence a blaming rather than a sacrifice. Oregon ours—so admitted. so conceded— and this is no longer a controversy for a strip of land of two or three degrees of latitude. It assumes en ; importance Infinitely above and beyond all considerations of mere roods and acres of land. It becomes an attempt, on the part of Great Untain. to overawe us in the prosecution of our rights, to invade our sover eignty, to degrade and lower our nationalchar acter. I call upon gentlemen. who base made the broad admission of our clear and unques tionable right to the whole of Oregon, to come op to the support of the resolution now upon your table. Whoever else falters, they should not. 1 deeply regret the course of a portton of my southern political friends upon this question. I doubt not but they are actuated by as pure a patriotism, as:high a sense of public duty. as myself; but it would have given me great I pleasure to have seen the republican members of this House united, to a man, on this great question. This, sir, is no party question. but and of deep national concern. God forbid that I should invoke the spirit of party in its tbs. i cession : but I may say. what I earnestly feel, that it would have afforded nie sincere gratifi cation to have seen the party to which I be long, 'awl which 1 honestly believe to be the great party -of progress—the true American party of the country—firmly united in support of this measure.- Sir. I am no croaker against the South. I have suffered abuse for the de 'fence of her constitutional rights. My home is in the North. I love its green hills and quiet valleys. I would not exchange its rug gull soil, that invites to labor, and begets u no• ble spirit of self-dependence for the fertile aid luxuriant plans of the sunny South. 1 would nut exchange systems of labor. nor those stern and quiet virtues of the North. for all the chiv alry and nice honor of the South. Yet, sir. I am not insensible to the claims of the South upon my affection and respect. She has con , tributed largely to fill up the measure of our national glory. Her blood and her treasure has been freely poured out to the day of peril and of our country's greatest need. I hold in profound respect the names of , ier great states men, living 'and dead. I have drawn largely from their teachings in the building up of my political faith. I cherish and respect them for their able vindication of the great doctrines of the republican school, Their fearless defence of the rights of the States. and their watchful jealousy against the encroachments'of the Fed. eral power. When the North and the East were rushing on towards consolidation, the South stood like a wall of fire in their path.— The ;mutt'', sir, has done . much for the cause of republican principles, and of constitutional government. I have said that I do not believe that war will come of this measure.. Is it not a little remarkable, that while gentlemen are propos : ticating war on this floor, English statesmen. so far as we can learn, do not seriously antici. pate such an event Here, the Message of the President is looked upon as a semi-declaration of war. Iu England. it is regarded as decided ly pacific. All of the English papers brought by the late steamer. upon the whole, speak of the tone of the President's Message as favora ble to the two countries. Every indication of public opinion in England, and, more than all, the recent movement in the British ministry, point to peace, and not to war. 1 believe—at least I have so undervtood—that the main dif ficulty encountered by Lord John Russell. to his efforts to form a cabinet, arose out of a firm determination, on the part of eminent British statesmen, to do nothing that should lead to a rupture between the two countries: What were the grounds of the refusal of Lem! Grey to accept of a phice in Lord John Russell's cabinet / 111 have understood aright, (though 1 confess I am not much in the way of eorreet information no such inhiters) it was because lord Palmerston was to be placed at the head of the Foreign Office—a man known to lie Ltifriend ly to this country, and, more than that, known to be committed upon this question in a man ner to preclude an amicable adjustment of it. Yet, gentlemen persist in the cry of war, wal l , as if it were at our very doors. What have we to fear front .car, so much more than our silvers ry, that we should scent it at a distance, and create a panic, even before its first mutter ings are heard I If indeed the day has come for the struggle between monarchical powers and republican principles, let us breast the shock. am become the sone of heroic sires.— The republic is in her youth. and the vigor of her strength. The luxurious vices of wealth have not quenched the patriotism, or eneravat ed the energy of her suns. Better now the conflict than when enfeebled by the vices and infirmities of age. I have been pained to hear those of extrava gant eulogies of the power of Great Britain, in connexion with so unjus6 depreciation of the strength and resources of our own country.— Have we grown so feeble within the last thir ty :ears 1 England gained no advantage over us in the war of 1812. She was beaten upon the land and the sea. Our gallant navy won for itself and the country undying renown.— The application of steam power to eliips-of-war will doubtless work a great change in naval warfare k and I regret that truth compels the acknowledgement of the vast superiority of England in this respect. It is- a shame, . sir, that we have been so mitnindful of the true in terest of our country in this particular. We want a more efficient navy ; it is demanded by the present condition of the would., Our vast interests—the position we occupy in the great latnily of nations—most imperatively demand that we should arm for our protection and de.' fence, England is arming to the teeth. Her warlikepreparations are upon a scale unparal leled in her history. France—once her im placable foe, now her apparent ally—has also, ,within.the last few years, added vastly to 'her naval and military establishments. Can we sir,, in justice to ourselves, or with safety to our country, longer remain inaifferent to these significant and, portentous preparations of the two great Powers of Europe ? England could this day, strike a blow that would desolate our entire seaboard..and lay waste our cities. Our I defenceless condition but invites attack. We must perfect our coast and harbor deiencee.— Anxious for peace, we most prepare fur way.— We want no increase of the army. Fur all the purposes of land defenee, we have a sure and safe reliance in the plirnitisin and valor of our people. I verity believe, sir, that. at this day, we have the strongest military force for the purposes of defence ut any nation on the globe. The military power of European Govern ments is estimated, and justly so, by the num bers of their standing armies ; ours, by the number of our vigorous and able-bodied citi zens; every one of whom is a better soldier. in the strong and determined purpose of a brave heart, than the trained mercenary, hired and paid by kings. I believe the gallant West along, from the energy and daring of her sons. frorn'theirhigh and noble bearing, could drive back the invading hosts of Britain. No. sit, we want no increase of the standing military force of the country, except it may be a regi ment or two stationed along the route to Ore gon ; but we do want a stronger naval estab lishment. It is necessary for the protection of our commerce and our coast. It is also.tin ii.y opinion. demanded as a sound measure:of public economy. Nations, not unfrequently, suffer more in the sacrifices they make, be cause of their weakness, than all the cost of maintaining strength. Bow was it during the late ware of Europe? Our commerce dared on every sea, our seamen impressed-- until aggravated injuries compelled us to a dec laration of war. A navy-adequate to the pro tection of our commerce and seamen, might have saved us from the necessity of that devia tion, and the country-from the blood and trea sure it cost. Rely upon it. no nation ever yet lost, in the longrun, by being prepared at all tones, to maintain its rights. Ido not believe that we shall have war ; but if we do. I give it as toy solemn conviction, that it will he pro voked and brought upon us by our weakness in this respect. Give us a navy adequate for the protection of our coast. and able to carry the war into Africa. and all danger of war. if any exists, will immediately vanish. Thus protected. and thus able to give grinovanCe to our enemy, and war will not come. Let Eng land feel and see that war with us would peril her vast commerce—ay, sweep it from the ocean—and she will not make war for the Ore gon. Sir, I go for an increase of the navy, and also for a correction of its abuses. It is preg nant with the most gross and glaring abuses, and at a proper time, if opportunity offer, I in tend to raise my voice for their correction. I would urge an increase of the navy, not as a war,- hut as a peace measure—as a sure and safe guaranty Inc continued and permanent peace. We want a stronger navy, to- guard against the hazards of European war, even though we should not be directly involved in them, as one of the belligerent parties. It would insure protection to our commerce, and respect to our flag. No man can be more opposed to the expenditure of vast sums of money in sulk porting large naval and military establishments , . than myself; but the present is a crisis in the history of this country : in it. sir, are the is sues of life or death. The result of this con troversy will decide for all coining time whe ther we are to hold a secondary place, or as sume the first rank in the family of nations.— England stands clothed in complete armor.—; While we hope for the beet. let'us sagaciously prepare for the worst. A little well-timed pre paration may avert 'he calamity we dread. It would he a more potential argment in favor of our right In Oregon. than all the overwhelming fact urged by our able negotintiors who have had this subject in charge. Be this. I mean, sir. that it would quirken the moral perceptions of England. and enable her the better to see and appreciate the justice of our demands.— No natter' ever yet lost in negotiation by being prepared to defend its rights. Let this notice be given. When did a dis puted right gain strength by delay ? I am not prepared at this tune to assert, as some have done. that cur title to the whale of Organ is clear and unquestionable; but this much I can say with confidence, that eta ry year delay tv ill weaken our title, while Enelaud will grow more and more exorbitant in her demands. Let this controversy be speetlitY" settled by neenti ditin if it can. at by an appeal to arms if it mint. W hile I believe our title the - better to the u hole of Oregon, I do not think it so clear as to preclude Wither negotiation and an amicable adjustment. if it can be honorably effected. I can clearly see in the Presidents Message an earnest desire and hope that it wili b., so settled. All of the correspondence of our Secretary of State gives to England the strongeit assurance of theanxiety of our Government to settle this question by negotiation. It must be. therefore. that there is something in this Oregon controversy about which we may honorably negotiate. “Clear and unquestionable" right are things of a strong and uncompromising nature ; they cannot beim paired. compromised. or even made the subject of negotiation. without a loss of that high char acter that this nation should ever maintain.--- lf our right to the whole of Oregon be adds nature, then 1 fear me that the Senn of dishonor is already indelibly fixed upon my eountry.— Rights of this character are not. I repeat. the sub ject of negotiation, but of enjoyment ; or if inva ded, of battle to the death. Suppose England should claim that - our preeentrevenue laws were so serious a clog upon her commerce and. manu factures as that she would make it a cause of war unless our tariff was reduced : would we listen to such arrogance. and propose negotiation fur the settlement of such pretensions ? IVliat means this negotiation for the last twenty-Bmin yearn? Why these three distinct Offers to com promise on, the 49th parallel of north latitude ? I am ,forced, Mr. Chairman, to the belief that there are questions of doubt end difficulty aut. rounding our utle to a partici - oaf this territory or. to adopt the other alteroiiive. that my coun try. to her. everlasting slia'me, has •threo. times offered to purchase peace ati,the expenie of a sur render of her unquestionable right. Is our Y:74 - .l.ltaM title to the what ollOrernm clear beyond doubt or gtaismat f I why dues the Message of Vie President. and the correspondence of frlr. . But still- hold out an amicable settlement by negotiation t\ If there is nothing about which men may fairly dispute, thou. sir we have been dishonored long enough by negotiation. Let us bat eno noire of it. Let the next mite of the British Pienipoit:ntiary he returned, unopened. with the answer that our clear and indisputable rights. if invaded, are settled by time sword. Sup pose, ay. that h:ngiand shouldaccede to the offer we have three times ;nude ;could we. as a just end high-minded natiou, refuse its acceptance? Could we expect the - moral sentiments of the world to sustain us in a war under such' circum stances ? Could we invoke upon our arms the blessing of the God of hosts ? While I hope for an amicable sett f tv nentof this difficulty, lam fully satisfied that e can expect no good from haulier negotiation:ll4e present attitude of this question. Twenty-seven years of negotiation, - under the conventions of ISIS mid 1827, have resulted in nothing, unless it he to weaken the force of our title by three offers to compromise on the line of the 49th parallel of latitude. What can we striect from further negotiation, tinder such circumstancesT— If negotiation is to be renewed, as I doubt not it will, let it be under other and different auspices —such as shall moduce a speedy settlement of this controversy. Let it be renewed under a notice to dissolve the existing convention. Let steps immediately be tsken to secure a safe jour ney to, our emigrants on their way to Oregon ; by the erection of blockhouses and stockade fcrts on the line of their route. Raise a couple of regiments of mounted men, to guard their pith front the surprise and ambush of the truliait build forts in Oregon itself fur the protection of our settletsin their new homes. Do these things sir. England has done all this through her Hudson Bay Company ; and if it Isg no infracs I tion of the convention fur her to du it, neither is lit for us. Extend the protection of your laws ; over our citizens in than country ; establish a monthly mail communication ; carry nut that most 'wise recommendation of the President. in the esiahlisliment of en Indian agency. under the snperintendence of a prudent and sagacious Man. through which this Government can cultivate friendly relations with the savage tribes of that country ; and, above all. Mr. Chairman. let not Congress adjourn without providing means for perfecting our coast i defenees, and putting afloat a more efficient navy, augmenting our present establishment by o strong steam marine force ; I and then, sir , negotiate. : Then, and not till then. will we be in a condition to settle this question favorably to the interests, or with honor to the country. I have great confidence that renewed , negotiation, opened under such circumstances. would result in a speedy and honorable settles ment of our territorial rights in Oregon. Eng land will not recede so long as the present state of things continue. Why should she? She is in the enjoyment of all she asks, as fully as if we had made a formal surrender of the country north of the Columbia. She is strengthening herself in her possessions north of that river, taking good care, through her Hudson Bay Company. to confine our settlement., to the south. It is idle to expect a seilemein under such circumstances. England has the gameall in her own hand. Let us block it.. ir, by giving this notice, and carrying out promptly all the recommendations of the President relating to this subject. • Mr. Chairman, I agree with the President. in the hope of a peaceful settlement of this Ore gon difficulty ; and Lave greater confidence that it will be so settled, if we act firmly—none, sir. if timid sod irresolute counsels prevail. But, sir, I am nut in favor of any ` settlement that shall give to England the valuable harbors of Pogees sound. I regard them as the keys of the Pacific —the ports that are to command the vast com merce of the Indies. Asia, sir, at this moment. opens a field for commercial enterprise, more vast and valuable to us than all the other great divisions of the world. Eastern Asta alone, and the islands sojacent, are thronged and crowded with near half the world's population. Their productions and manufactures are of unequalled value ; and their artisans are skilled in the most r: re and curious vimri.matiship. What a field her enterprise ! W hat an inexhaustible source of wealth is here opened up ! The commerce of-the western coastof this continent is destined. 1 firmly believe, to exceed that of the eastern.--: There are those whose eyes now open to sun lii!ht, who, according to our ratio of increase fur the fist fifty years. will live to see our popu lation reach between one blindred and fifty and two hundred millions. When this great result is realized—and that it will te, statistics priive —then, sir a vast and busy population will throng the shores of the Pacific. Then the seat of commercial empue will be transferred from the east to the west. Europe produces a large sur plus of all the great staple manufactures of iron, wool. and cotton. We can find no market there except for the ran material or cotton and a limit ed quantity of our surplus breadstuff's. East ern Asi.t, on tliehtlirr hand, tmens a market both for our grain Mul staple ma n ufactures beyond our power to glut. if not to supply. This vast trade —this inexhaustible source of wealth—is destin ed in less than one century to choke up the por:s and harbors of Puget's soot'. Shall England have them. and thus secure for all coming time, and beyond the hope of successful conipotitioa, her commercial ascendency Never. sir, while thin republic holds a place iii the (molly of na tions. Ilene I would set limits to negotiation ; here I would make my ultimatum, and never recede one inch, so lola as there was an Amer -10111 arm to strike a Itlow in it., defence. out these harbours. Oregon is eemparatively worthless ; with tlicr+ Onion is worth a i t. rh s ; 'These surrendered . let New York and BOSOM be surrendered with them ; these lost, and all should be lost. I believe, Mr. Chairman. I have mid all that I desired to say upon this subject ; and more .1 fear, than has been well . of profitably said. I s.the(e_are some five minutes of the hour allot. tele ine yet untold. Y will. however. resume My seat. even at the hazard of ankilt,; a failure of a speech. ,