V61 1 511'2 , '721.2
UCD'iNT&SS'LI&ki
WEDNESDAY. MARCH 11. 1846
Sang of the Spirit of Porerty.
BY ELIZA COOL
A song, a song, for the Beldame Queen,
A Queen that the world knows well,
Wh o se portal of state is the workhouse gate,
And throne the prison-all.
have been crowned in every land
With nightshade steeped in tears,
dog-gnawn bone for my sceptre wand,
Which the proudest mortal fear.
No gem I wear in my tangled hair,
No golden weal own—
ro ratline glow taints cheek or brow—
Yet say, who dares my frown?
Oh, I sm queen of a ghastly-court,
And tyrant sway I bold,
Baiting human hearts fur my royal sport
With bloodhounds of Hunger and Cold.
My power Can change the purest clay
From its find and beautiful mould,
Till it haleth away from the face of day,
Too hideous to behold.
Oh. I am Queen of a ghastly Wan !
And the handmaids that I keep
Are such phantom thins u a fever brings
To haunt the fitful sleep.
See, see they come in my haggard train,
With jagged and matted locks
Hanging Mund them as the wild steed's mane,
Or the black weed on the rocks.
They comb with bn,ad and horny palms,
They came in mania guise.
With angled chains and yelliiw skins,
And hollow staring eyes.
They come to be girded with leather and link,
And away at my bidding they gn,
To mil where the soulless beat would shrink,
In the deep damp caverns below.
Daughters of beauty. they, like ye,
Are of gentle wnmankind,
And wonder not if little there be
Of angel form and mind.
If I'd held your cheek by as clove a pinch,
Would that flourishing rose be found 1
If I'd doled you a crud out. inch by inch.
Would your arms have been so round?
-4 `. Oh. I an a Queen,,with • despot rule.
That crushes to the dust !
The laws I deal, hear no appeal,
Thougn ruthless and unjast.
deaden the bosom and darken the brain
Wish the might of the demon's skill ;
The heart may struggle, btit struggle in vain,
As I grapple it harder still.
Oh, come with me, and ye shall sea
How well I begin the day. .
Per I'll hie to the hungriest dive I have.
And snatch his loaf away.
Oh, come with me, and ye shall see,
How my skeleton victim. fall ;
Bow I rr ler the graves without a atone,
And coffins ivithout a paH.
Then a song, ■ song for the Beldame Queen—
A Queen that ye fear right well;
For coy portal of state is the workhouse gate,
And my throne the prison cell !
Speed' of Hon. D. Wilmot, of Penn'a.
On the Oregon Question, delivered in the
House of Representatives, Saturday, Feb,
7, 1846.
Ma. rirstaatios :-1 am conscious, from the
length of time already occupied In this debate,
that tt has lost much of its freshness and orig
inal interest to Cie members of this House, if
not also to the people . and the country at large.
I do not flatter myself that I shall be able to te
rive any portion of that interest, by advancing
at this late day, after the subject has passed
through so many older and abler hands, any
thing that shall be new, touching either our
Melo the Oregon, or as to the probable conse
quences that arise from the assertion of that
-tale at the resent time And in the manner pro
posed. After the able manner in which our,
title has been discussed by those who have
conducted this negotiation on the part of our
Government, and after all the facts that have
been brought to view by the labored research
of gentlemen who• have spoken upon this floor
it would be idle fur me to expert that 1 could,
lied additional lien over this subject. I shall
not incur the risk to which such an effort would
expose me.
I was anxious to obtain the floor at an early,
stage in this debate, and made. as I thought at
the' time. some very good efforts in that three.
eon. I failed, however, doubtless from the
force of fixed laws—not being able to rise as
quick, or get us as high, as gentlemen of less i
gravitating properties than myself. 'I have t
now; and sought it at this time not so much
hem a desire to participate in the conflict of
opinion that has grown out of this subject, as
from an earnest anxiety, - before the debate
Should be brought 10.0 final termination, to an.
nounce my cheerful support of the resolution
upon your table, and my cordial and hearty
concurrence in all the recommendatiops con
tained in the deeply-interesting subject.
I would prefer the passage of the resolution
es it came from the Committee on Foreign
!alums, without amendment, and without goal
lficauon. While such is my preference. I
would here say. that I have none. or very slight
tijestions, to that amendment which proposes
leave the giving of notice discretionary with
the Presideut. Not that desire to cast from
al responsibility in this matter; much less. to
throw upon the President any. not properly
belonging to his high station. Ido not believe
THE.... - 13RADFORL: .. - - EPORTER
that he would feel the burden of such responsi
bility ; and I have full confidence,. if left to
him. that the notice would be promptly given.
I will consent to waive objections of a more ;
weighty character, and vote fur the resolution I
introduced, by the gentleman from South Caro- I
lina, [Mr. BLACK.] if thereby we can secure
that unanimity so desirable on a great national
question like this. Still, my own choice ;
would be the passage of the original resolution. '
I would prefer giving the straight, forward no
tice to dissolve the convention of i 827, leaving
England to put her own interpretation upon it.
She would have no right to place upon it an
unfriendly construction. Nor would I stop
upon the giving of the notice: I would also
provide for carrying out promptly all of the
recommendations of the President relating to
this subject. To each and every of them I
yield the unreserved sanction and support of
my judgment; and that, too, whether our title
to the whole of Oregon be clear and urques.
tionably, or whether it he involved in doubt and
uncertainty, either as fo the whole or a part.
Most of those gentlemen from the South
with whom I hold a general agreement in pol
itics, and who addressel the committee in op
position to.the resolution in the earlier stage of
this debate. admitted. in the broadest and most
unqualitita l terms. that our title to Oregon. and
to the who "e; of Oregon to 54° 40'. was clear
and intlisputable : —Eievond rightful question nr
fair controversy. Those who have spoken
more recenoy—doubtless gentlemen of larger
experienceeeing the difficulties involved in
this position. prudently assumed other grounds.
The former. it seems to me, are involved in a
dilemma of singular difficulty and embarrass
ment. I propose to ex.iinitte. for a few ino
nieiits, the position of those gentleman who,
declaring our thl» clear and uoqiiestitmahle to
the whole of Oregon. still oppose the giving of
this notice. whereby the convention of joint
occupation, as it is called, shall be abrogott.id
and annulled. This admission, thus .unreser
vedly made. ought. in my judgment. to be con
clusive upon the gentlemen making it. They,
at least. ought tun to hesitate, either as to the
proper time for our action. The consequence
of asserting rights thus clear, ought not. in my
judgment, to be the subject of inquiry or debate.
If the whole of Oregon he clearly ours, then 1
Eubinit it to reason and patriotism of gentlemen,
whether it becomes an American Congress,
gravely and with solemn fear, to deliberate
upon the consequences of its action in respect
to a foreign Power. It is humiliating, sir—a
stain upon our character—a reproach upon our
sovereignty. In this aspect. as. indeed, in any
in which the subject under consideration can
be viewed, it presents a very different question
from a declariittan of war: in which light too
many gentlemen are disposed to regard it.
I grant, sir, most readily, that if this were a
proposition in direct terms to declare war
against Britain ; if it even were a measure that
gave any just grout ds or provocation for such
a declaration on her part—it would be proper,
nay, sir. it would be our bounden duty to in
quire into the condition of our country, its re
sources and defences, and carefully to estimate
the strength and power of our adversary.
NotWithatanding the very severe attack
made upon Siriolin Falstaff lasteventtig, by the
gentle:Min from Ohio, I am half maimed to
ador.t the sentiment so objectionable to hint.
him. •• that <ljscretion is the better part of va-
I for:" I cannht believe that the great poet, by
putting these words into the mouth of the va
liant knight o the tap-room. intended to con
demn so wt s maxim of human conduct, but
merely to show how an arrant, yet . ingenious,
coward coil d reason in excuse for his reward
ice. I agree, sir. that tt discretion is the het•
ter part of e alor." That it is neither wise nor
prudent to rush blindly into a war, unprepared
pared and comparatively defenceless, against
an enemy armed at all points, and hold
ing as it were in his hands all the elements
of destructive warfare. Such a course, I . re
peat, in my judgment would be neither wise
nor prudent. It would be as much wanting in
i true courage as it lacked in sound and states
; man-like policy, Before I would vote for a
declaration of war against a powerful, and in
some respects a superior, enemy, I would, by
Ivieoroue and enlarged preparations, place my
! moor, - in a condition to carry on the war.
when declared, to a successful and glorious
termination. • •
Sir, I do not believe that war will coma of •
this Oregon difficulty. if nrompt and prudent
measures are adopted. Certain it is. that the
resolution upon your table gives none, not the
s lightest grounds of offence towards England.
In truth, if the position assumed by some
gentlemen who oppose this notice be correct.
I shall he sustained in the declaration that the
resolution now under contideration. as also all
the measures that are expected to follow it. are
within the ordinary and daily-exercised powers
of this Government. No one has gone so far
in opposition to the notice ns to pretend that,
abstreeny and per se, it gave any just cause or
provocation for war. This is contemplated by
the very terms of the convention itself. The
right of either party to give this notice, and
thereby dissolve the convention. forms one of
its express and plain stipulations. It cannot
be that war is apprehended from acting in strict
conformity with the treaty itself. What is it.
then, not gives to the alarmed imaginations of
so many gentlemen a warlike aspect to this
measure T It is our claim to the whole of Or
egon ; and yet many of these same gentlemen
admit our title to that country clear and hlls.
putable. I repeat. Mr. Chairman, that it is
not the giving of the - notice that makes war a
remote or even possible contingency as grow
ing out of this'question. but our positive claim
to Oregon. and the measures hereafter contem
plated in extending over it. the jurisdiction of
our laws and the sovereignty of our flag. To
legislate our territory clearly our own, in the
extension of our laws, and to the establish
ment of territorial goierninents. is certainly no
unfrequent or unusual act of legislation. It is,
I believe, within our acknowledged jurisdic
tion and sovereignty ; and to be deterred from
its, exercise, when demanded by the`Wants of
our citizens, because of the unfounded retell-
PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, AT - TOIVANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. 0, & H. P. GOODRICH.
" REGARDLESS OP DENUNCIATION PROM ANY QIIARTER."
sions of a foreign Power; I can regard in no
other than a shameful abandonment of the right
itself. Our right to Oregon admitted as dear,
in my judgment. the subject now under con
sideration, as well as all the measures expected
to follow, become acts of usual and ordinary
legislation. But we are told that war will cer-,I
tautly and inevitably follow. tuppose it does'!
it will lollow unjustly and without cause— I
will it not? And must we halt in the paoaecu
tion of our rights ? Must we refrain from the
exercise of our acknoWledged powers because!
war may ensue? It is a degradation and , a re
proach—an acknowledgement of weakness that
amounts to a virtual surrender of our sover
eignty consults only its own interests and glo
ry. It is the sold arbiter of its own rignts. It
exists but in its perfect and absolute independ.
ence ; it suffers no invasion ; it can survive no
surrender.
If we would abandon our claim to that por
tion of Oregon lying north of the Columbia
river, gentlemen, I am confident, would not
then see in this notice to dissolve the conven
tion of 1817. anything alarming or warlike. It
assumes - that character only because we insist
Lyon our own. England has no right—so say
gentlemen oprwed to this notice; yet. in the:
insolence of by power, she interposes her pre
tensions. and bids us stand. or advance at our
peril. Shall we stand at her bidding. and
we stand at her bidding. and tamely and cow
ardly surrender our rights? or shall we vinili
,
cats them as our fathers did, by all the means
God and nature has placed in our hands This
is the queirion, and the only questinn,t'our
clear right to Oregon admitted. If, itietead of
looking to the interest of our own people, and •
determining what is expedient and proper for
their good, we are to I e swayed and itifhiene
ed by European cabinets, and European threats
where is our bo:l.tril independence 1 'What
can E-gland do more than invade our •• clear
and u ques ionable" rights!, If she claimed
the power of taxation it would be no more;
and would gentlemen still counsel supineness
and delay Would they still talk of the clatt
ers and horrors of war? This was not the'
Irtiguage of those who had laid deep and strong
the foundations of the Republic; it is nut thus
that its integrity can be maintained. What
would be our position before the civilized
world I—asserting our title to the whole of
Oregon as indisputable and clear; yet hesitat
ing, through fear, to take those steps demand
ed by the wants of our citizens and enforced
by every consideration of patriotism and pub.
lic duty. But I sin told that it is not through
E fear. but from policy. that this notice should
be withheld.. It will do to say so ; but will
we be believed r Will England '• believe us ?
W ill the intelligent ;Ministers at the heads of
the Governments of Europe believe us ? Can
we make our own people so believe'? No.
sir, rely upon it. it would be regarded 4 as a
subterfuge • u shelter for our shame. and - .oe
true reason attributed to fear.
Sir, lam not for war. If such a spirit is at
work within these walls, I sympathize not
with it. Peace, with national honor and indi
vidual liberty, is the most desirable of all bles
sings. The social, moral, and political tri
umphs of peace, are far more glorious, in my
estimation, than all the political triumphs of
peace, are far more glorious, in my estimation,
than all the victories and bloody trophies of
war. I look. I confess, with deep solicitude,
amid not without serious apprehension. to the
influence which a war, and such a war as we
should. have with England, might exert upon
the habits. thoughts, and feelings of our peo
ple. 1 acknowletly its strong and neutralizing
tendencies, its wasteful extravagance, its cor
rupting and dentiiralizing ii.fluences. 801 we
moat nut, because of these dangers, timely
submit to he plundered of our rights. I trust
we shall have no war. 1111 truth. I di• not ap
prehend serious danger of en great a calamity.
he age in which we live, Is an age of peace.
The benign influences of its spirit are every
where engaged in the cultivation of art, aid
the peaceful enterprises of life. I sin for peace.
But if it has come to this, that we cannot assert
our " clear and unquestionable" rights in that
mode that we deem best calculated to promote
the interests of our people. without involving
us in war, then, sir, let it come. War. under
such circumstances, ceases to be an evil, and
becomes a good: Patriotism and religion alike
sanction and sanctify it.
Mr. Chairman. my constituents are for
peace. They are emphatically a peace-loving
people. Much has been said, in the course
of tins debate, about individual and national
honor. lam not insensible to the claims of
true national honor. Its preservation I ac
knowledge as one of the highest duties free
men. My constituents, However , do ot war
to individual strife upon mere points o honor;
nor would they justify me in pliinging their
country into war on sums abstract idea or
point of natio tal honor. If there is nothing
in this controversy, 110 substantial and valua
ble rights. no principles dear to the American
heart,then let its have done with it. Butif upon
the other hand, there are rights and principles
invulved, deeply affecting our interests and
sovereignty. then, sir, I answer for my constit
uents. that neither as individuals nor as citizens
will tney t itibmit to an assault upon that honor
that involves a surrender of their rights. It
dots not become the sans of the land of Penn
sylvania to boast of their courage. They pre
serve their honor and their self-respect from
thareeposnre that takes mortal offence at slight
and trivial causes ; but they suffer no Invasion
of their acknowledged ights. Abridge the
freedom of such or of the press; assail the
rights of conscience ; let a foreign Power in
vade the freedom of the seas, or our own abso
lute sovereignty over our own soil ; and my
life upon it. sober, quiet Wm. Penn, will not
be found last in the rally or first in the retreat.
'These are the great ideas that Pennsylvania
brought with him when he came to plant a col
ony and to found a State. We received them
from our fathers, and, by the blessing of God,
we will transmit them to our children. All
our ideas of existence are inseparable from
these great personal and political rights. Cut
off from them, life would be insupportable,
and death its their defence a blaming rather
than a sacrifice.
Oregon ours—so admitted. so conceded—
and this is no longer a controversy for a strip
of land of two or three degrees of latitude. It
assumes en ; importance Infinitely above and
beyond all considerations of mere roods and
acres of land. It becomes an attempt, on the
part of Great Untain. to overawe us in the
prosecution of our rights, to invade our sover
eignty, to degrade and lower our nationalchar
acter. I call upon gentlemen. who base made
the broad admission of our clear and unques
tionable right to the whole of Oregon, to come
op to the support of the resolution now upon
your table. Whoever else falters, they should
not.
1 deeply regret the course of a portton of my
southern political friends upon this question.
I doubt not but they are actuated by as pure a
patriotism, as:high a sense of public duty. as
myself; but it would have given me great I
pleasure to have seen the republican members
of this House united, to a man, on this great
question. This, sir, is no party question. but
and of deep national concern. God forbid that
I should invoke the spirit of party in its tbs. i
cession : but I may say. what I earnestly feel,
that it would have afforded nie sincere gratifi
cation to have seen the party to which I be
long, 'awl which 1 honestly believe to be the
great party -of progress—the true American
party of the country—firmly united in support
of this measure.- Sir. I am no croaker against
the South. I have suffered abuse for the de
'fence of her constitutional rights. My home
is in the North. I love its green hills and
quiet valleys. I would not exchange its rug
gull soil, that invites to labor, and begets u no•
ble spirit of self-dependence for the fertile aid
luxuriant plans of the sunny South. 1 would
nut exchange systems of labor. nor those stern
and quiet virtues of the North. for all the chiv
alry and nice honor of the South. Yet, sir. I
am not insensible to the claims of the South
upon my affection and respect. She has con
, tributed largely to fill up the measure of our
national glory. Her blood and her treasure
has been freely poured out to the day of peril
and of our country's greatest need. I hold in
profound respect the names of , ier great states
men, living 'and dead. I have drawn largely
from their teachings in the building up of my
political faith. I cherish and respect them for
their able vindication of the great doctrines of
the republican school, Their fearless defence of
the rights of the States. and their watchful
jealousy against the encroachments'of the Fed.
eral power. When the North and the East
were rushing on towards consolidation, the
South stood like a wall of fire in their path.—
The ;mutt'', sir, has done . much for the cause of
republican principles, and of constitutional
government.
I have said that I do not believe that war
will come of this measure.. Is it not a little
remarkable, that while gentlemen are propos
: ticating war on this floor, English statesmen.
so far as we can learn, do not seriously antici.
pate such an event Here, the Message of the
President is looked upon as a semi-declaration
of war. Iu England. it is regarded as decided
ly pacific. All of the English papers brought
by the late steamer. upon the whole, speak of
the tone of the President's Message as favora
ble to the two countries. Every indication of
public opinion in England, and, more than all,
the recent movement in the British ministry,
point to peace, and not to war. 1 believe—at
least I have so undervtood—that the main dif
ficulty encountered by Lord John Russell. to
his efforts to form a cabinet, arose out of a firm
determination, on the part of eminent British
statesmen, to do nothing that should lead to a
rupture between the two countries: What
were the grounds of the refusal of Lem! Grey
to accept of a phice in Lord John Russell's
cabinet / 111 have understood aright, (though
1 confess I am not much in the way of eorreet
information no such inhiters) it was because lord
Palmerston was to be placed at the head of the
Foreign Office—a man known to lie Ltifriend
ly to this country, and, more than that, known
to be committed upon this question in a man
ner to preclude an amicable adjustment of it.
Yet, gentlemen persist in the cry of war, wal l ,
as if it were at our very doors. What have
we to fear front .car, so much more than our
silvers ry, that we should scent it at a distance,
and create a panic, even before its first mutter
ings are heard I If indeed the day has come
for the struggle between monarchical powers
and republican principles, let us breast the
shock. am become the sone of heroic sires.—
The republic is in her youth. and the vigor of
her strength. The luxurious vices of wealth
have not quenched the patriotism, or eneravat
ed the energy of her suns. Better now the
conflict than when enfeebled by the vices and
infirmities of age.
I have been pained to hear those of extrava
gant eulogies of the power of Great Britain, in
connexion with so unjus6 depreciation of the
strength and resources of our own country.—
Have we grown so feeble within the last thir
ty :ears 1 England gained no advantage over
us in the war of 1812. She was beaten upon
the land and the sea. Our gallant navy won
for itself and the country undying renown.—
The application of steam power to eliips-of-war
will doubtless work a great change in naval
warfare k and I regret that truth compels the
acknowledgement of the vast superiority of
England in this respect. It is- a shame, . sir,
that we have been so mitnindful of the true in
terest of our country in this particular. We
want a more efficient navy ; it is demanded by
the present condition of the would., Our vast
interests—the position we occupy in the great
latnily of nations—most imperatively demand
that we should arm for our protection and de.'
fence, England is arming to the teeth. Her
warlikepreparations are upon a scale unparal
leled in her history. France—once her im
placable foe, now her apparent ally—has also,
,within.the last few years, added vastly to 'her
naval and military establishments. Can we
sir,, in justice to ourselves, or with safety to
our country, longer remain inaifferent to these
significant and, portentous preparations of the
two great Powers of Europe ? England could
this day, strike a blow that would desolate our
entire seaboard..and lay waste our cities. Our I
defenceless condition but invites attack. We
must perfect our coast and harbor deiencee.—
Anxious for peace, we most prepare fur way.—
We want no increase of the army. Fur all
the purposes of land defenee, we have a sure
and safe reliance in the plirnitisin and valor of
our people. I verity believe, sir, that. at this
day, we have the strongest military force for
the purposes of defence ut any nation on the
globe.
The military power of European Govern
ments is estimated, and justly so, by the num
bers of their standing armies ; ours, by the
number of our vigorous and able-bodied citi
zens; every one of whom is a better soldier.
in the strong and determined purpose of a brave
heart, than the trained mercenary, hired and
paid by kings. I believe the gallant West
along, from the energy and daring of her sons.
frorn'theirhigh and noble bearing, could drive
back the invading hosts of Britain. No. sit,
we want no increase of the standing military
force of the country, except it may be a regi
ment or two stationed along the route to Ore
gon ; but we do want a stronger naval estab
lishment. It is necessary for the protection of
our commerce and our coast. It is also.tin
ii.y opinion. demanded as a sound measure:of
public economy. Nations, not unfrequently,
suffer more in the sacrifices they make, be
cause of their weakness, than all the cost of
maintaining strength. Bow was it during the
late ware of Europe? Our commerce
dared on every sea, our seamen impressed--
until aggravated injuries compelled us to a dec
laration of war. A navy-adequate to the pro
tection of our commerce and seamen, might
have saved us from the necessity of that devia
tion, and the country-from the blood and trea
sure it cost. Rely upon it. no nation ever yet
lost, in the longrun, by being prepared at all
tones, to maintain its rights. Ido not believe
that we shall have war ; but if we do. I give
it as toy solemn conviction, that it will he pro
voked and brought upon us by our weakness
in this respect. Give us a navy adequate for
the protection of our coast. and able to carry
the war into Africa. and all danger of war. if
any exists, will immediately vanish. Thus
protected. and thus able to give grinovanCe to
our enemy, and war will not come. Let Eng
land feel and see that war with us would peril
her vast commerce—ay, sweep it from the
ocean—and she will not make war for the Ore
gon.
Sir, I go for an increase of the navy, and
also for a correction of its abuses. It is preg
nant with the most gross and glaring abuses,
and at a proper time, if opportunity offer, I in
tend to raise my voice for their correction. I
would urge an increase of the navy, not as a
war,- hut as a peace measure—as a sure and
safe guaranty Inc continued and permanent
peace. We want a stronger navy, to- guard
against the hazards of European war, even
though we should not be directly involved in
them, as one of the belligerent parties. It would
insure protection to our commerce, and respect
to our flag. No man can be more opposed to
the expenditure of vast sums of money in sulk
porting large naval and military establishments , .
than myself; but the present is a crisis in the
history of this country : in it. sir, are the is
sues of life or death. The result of this con
troversy will decide for all coining time whe
ther we are to hold a secondary place, or as
sume the first rank in the family of nations.—
England stands clothed in complete armor.—;
While we hope for the beet. let'us sagaciously
prepare for the worst. A little well-timed pre
paration may avert 'he calamity we dread. It
would he a more potential argment in favor of
our right In Oregon. than all the overwhelming
fact urged by our able negotintiors who have
had this subject in charge. Be this. I mean,
sir. that it would quirken the moral perceptions
of England. and enable her the better to see
and appreciate the justice of our demands.—
No natter' ever yet lost in negotiation by being
prepared to defend its rights.
Let this notice be given. When did a dis
puted right gain strength by delay ? I am not
prepared at this tune to assert, as some have
done. that cur title to the whale of Organ is
clear and unquestionable; but this much I can
say with confidence, that eta ry year delay tv ill
weaken our title, while Enelaud will grow more
and more exorbitant in her demands. Let this
controversy be speetlitY" settled by neenti ditin if
it can. at by an appeal to arms if it mint. W hile
I believe our title the - better to the u hole of
Oregon, I do not think it so clear as to preclude
Wither negotiation and an amicable adjustment.
if it can be honorably effected. I can clearly
see in the Presidents Message an earnest desire
and hope that it wili b., so settled. All of the
correspondence of our Secretary of State gives
to England the strongeit assurance of theanxiety
of our Government to settle this question by
negotiation. It must be. therefore. that there is
something in this Oregon controversy about
which we may honorably negotiate. “Clear
and unquestionable" right are things of a strong
and uncompromising nature ; they cannot beim
paired. compromised. or even made the subject
of negotiation. without a loss of that high char
acter that this nation should ever maintain.---
lf our right to the whole of Oregon be adds
nature, then 1 fear me that the Senn of dishonor
is already indelibly fixed upon my eountry.—
Rights of this character are not. I repeat. the sub
ject of negotiation, but of enjoyment ; or if inva
ded, of battle to the death. Suppose England
should claim that - our preeentrevenue laws were
so serious a clog upon her commerce and. manu
factures as that she would make it a cause of
war unless our tariff was reduced : would we
listen to such arrogance. and propose negotiation
fur the settlement of such pretensions ? IVliat
means this negotiation for the last twenty-Bmin
yearn? Why these three distinct Offers to com
promise on, the 49th parallel of north latitude ?
I am ,forced, Mr. Chairman, to the belief that
there are questions of doubt end difficulty aut.
rounding our utle to a partici - oaf this territory
or. to adopt the other alteroiiive. that my coun
try. to her. everlasting slia'me, has •threo. times
offered to purchase peace ati,the expenie of a sur
render of her unquestionable right. Is our
Y:74 - .l.ltaM
title to the what ollOrernm clear beyond doubt
or gtaismat f I why dues the Message of
Vie President. and the correspondence of frlr. .
But still- hold out an amicable settlement
by negotiation t\ If there is nothing about which
men may fairly dispute, thou. sir we have been
dishonored long enough by negotiation. Let us
bat eno noire of it. Let the next mite of the
British Pienipoit:ntiary he returned, unopened.
with the answer that our clear and indisputable
rights. if invaded, are settled by time sword. Sup
pose, ay. that h:ngiand shouldaccede to the offer
we have three times ;nude ;could we. as a just
end high-minded natiou, refuse its acceptance?
Could we expect the - moral sentiments of the
world to sustain us in a war under such' circum
stances ? Could we invoke upon our arms the
blessing of the God of hosts ?
While I hope for an amicable sett f tv nentof
this difficulty, lam fully satisfied that e can
expect no good from haulier negotiation:ll4e
present attitude of this question. Twenty-seven
years of negotiation, - under the conventions of
ISIS mid 1827, have resulted in nothing, unless
it he to weaken the force of our title by three
offers to compromise on the line of the 49th
parallel of latitude. What can we striect from
further negotiation, tinder such circumstancesT—
If negotiation is to be renewed, as I doubt not it
will, let it be under other and different auspices
—such as shall moduce a speedy settlement of
this controversy. Let it be renewed under a
notice to dissolve the existing convention. Let
steps immediately be tsken to secure a safe jour
ney to, our emigrants on their way to Oregon ;
by the erection of blockhouses and stockade fcrts
on the line of their route. Raise a couple of
regiments of mounted men, to guard their pith
front the surprise and ambush of the truliait
build forts in Oregon itself fur the protection of
our settletsin their new homes. Do these things
sir. England has done all this through her
Hudson Bay Company ; and if it Isg no infracs
I tion of the convention fur her to du it, neither is
lit for us. Extend the protection of your laws
; over our citizens in than country ; establish a
monthly mail communication ; carry nut that
most 'wise recommendation of the President. in
the esiahlisliment of en Indian agency. under the
snperintendence of a prudent and sagacious Man.
through which this Government can cultivate
friendly relations with the savage tribes of that
country ; and, above all. Mr. Chairman. let not
Congress adjourn without providing means for
perfecting our coast i defenees, and putting afloat
a more efficient navy, augmenting our present
establishment by o strong steam marine force ;
I and then, sir , negotiate. : Then, and not till then.
will we be in a condition to settle this question
favorably to the interests, or with honor to the
country. I have great confidence that renewed
, negotiation, opened under such circumstances.
would result in a speedy and honorable settles
ment of our territorial rights in Oregon. Eng
land will not recede so long as the present state
of things continue. Why should she? She is
in the enjoyment of all she asks, as fully as if
we had made a formal surrender of the country
north of the Columbia. She is strengthening
herself in her possessions north of that river,
taking good care, through her Hudson Bay
Company. to confine our settlement., to the
south. It is idle to expect a seilemein under
such circumstances. England has the gameall
in her own hand. Let us block it.. ir, by giving
this notice, and carrying out promptly all the
recommendations of the President relating to
this subject. •
Mr. Chairman, I agree with the President.
in the hope of a peaceful settlement of this Ore
gon difficulty ; and Lave greater confidence that
it will be so settled, if we act firmly—none, sir.
if timid sod irresolute counsels prevail. But, sir,
I am nut in favor of any ` settlement that shall
give to England the valuable harbors of Pogees
sound. I regard them as the keys of the Pacific
—the ports that are to command the vast com
merce of the Indies. Asia, sir, at this moment.
opens a field for commercial enterprise, more
vast and valuable to us than all the other great
divisions of the world. Eastern Asta alone, and
the islands sojacent, are thronged and crowded
with near half the world's population. Their
productions and manufactures are of unequalled
value ; and their artisans are skilled in the most
r: re and curious vimri.matiship. What a field
her enterprise ! W hat an inexhaustible source
of wealth is here opened up ! The commerce
of-the western coastof this continent is destined.
1 firmly believe, to exceed that of the eastern.--:
There are those whose eyes now open to sun
lii!ht, who, according to our ratio of increase fur
the fist fifty years. will live to see our popu
lation reach between one blindred and fifty and
two hundred millions. When this great result
is realized—and that it will te, statistics priive
—then, sir a vast and busy population will throng
the shores of the Pacific. Then the seat of
commercial empue will be transferred from the
east to the west. Europe produces a large sur
plus of all the great staple manufactures of iron,
wool. and cotton. We can find no market there
except for the ran material or cotton and a limit
ed quantity of our surplus breadstuff's. East
ern Asi.t, on tliehtlirr hand, tmens a market both
for our grain Mul staple ma n ufactures beyond our
power to glut. if not to supply. This vast trade
—this inexhaustible source of wealth—is destin
ed in less than one century to choke up the por:s
and harbors of Puget's soot'. Shall England
have them. and thus secure for all coming time,
and beyond the hope of successful conipotitioa,
her commercial ascendency Never. sir, while
thin republic holds a place iii the (molly of na
tions. Ilene I would set limits to negotiation ;
here I would make my ultimatum, and never
recede one inch, so lola as there was an Amer
-10111 arm to strike a Itlow in it., defence.
out these harbours. Oregon is eemparatively
worthless ; with tlicr+ Onion is worth a i t. rh s ;
'These surrendered . let New York and BOSOM
be surrendered with them ; these lost, and all
should be lost.
I believe, Mr. Chairman. I have mid all that
I desired to say upon this subject ; and more .1
fear, than has been well . of profitably said. I
s.the(e_are some five minutes of the hour allot.
tele ine yet untold. Y will. however. resume
My seat. even at the hazard of ankilt,; a failure
of a speech.
,