vantage of our strength, without making it the victim of our greed. For three-
quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring re-
publics, and yct it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us.
After the Filipinos had aided us in the wars against Spain, we could not
honorably turn them over to their former masters; we could not leave them to
be the victims of the ambitious designs of European nations. and since we do
not desire to make them a part of us, or to hold them as subjects, we propose
the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them
against molestation from without.
“DESTINY” ANOTHER NAME FOR COWERDICE.
When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument
they fall back upon the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit
to it, no matter how much it violates moral precepts and our principles of gov-
ernment. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the distinction be-
tween right and wrong and makes individuals and nations the helpless victims
of circumstance.
DESTINY IS THE SUBTERFUGE OF THE INVERTEBRATE, WHO, LACKING
THE COURAGE TO OPPOSE ERROR, SEFKS SOME PLAUSIBLE EXCUSE FOR
SUPPORTING IT. WASHINGTON SAID THAT THE DESTINY OF THE REPUBLI-
CAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT WAS DEEPLY, IF NOT FINALLY, STAKED ON
THE EXPERIMENT INTRUSTED TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. HOW DIFFER-
ENT WASHINGTON'S DEFINITION OF DESTINY FROM THE REPUBLICAN DEF-
INITION!
The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of destiny; Wash-
ington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation but the destiny of
the republican form of government throughout the world was intrusted to
American hands. Immeasureable responsibility! The destiny of this repub-
lic is in the hands of its own people.
Upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of humanity. No
exterior force can disturb this republic, and no foreign influence should be per-
mitted to change its course. What the future has in store for this nation
no one has authority to declare, but each individual has his own idea of the
nation’s mission, and he owes it to his country as well as to himself to contri
bute as best he may to the fulfillment of that mission.
Mr, Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I can never fully dis-
charge the debt of gratitude which I owe to my country for the honors which
they have so generously bestowed upon me; but. sirs, whether it be my lot to
occupy the high office for which the convention has named me, or to spend the
remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition and my
controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom
and courage and sacrifices brought this republic into existence.
, I CAN CONCEIVE OF A NATIONAL DESTINY SURPASSING THE GLORIES
OF THE PRESENT AND THE PAST—A DESTINY WHICH MEETS THE RESPONSI
BILITTES OF TODAY AND MEASURES UP TO THE POSSIBILITIES OF THE FUD-
TURE.
EEHOLD A REPUBLIC, RESTING SECURELY UPON THE FOUNDATION
STONES QUARRIED BY REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOTS FROM THE MOUNTAIN OF
ETERNAL TRUTH—A REPUBLIC APPLYING IN PRACTICE AND PROCLAIMING
TO THE WORLD THE SELF-EVIDENT PROPOSITION: THAT ALL MEN ARE
CREATED EQUAL; THAT THEY ARE ENDOWED WITH INALIENABLE RISTS;
THAT GOVERNMENTS ARE INSTITUTED AMONG MEN TO SECURE THESE
RIGHTS; AND THAT GOVERNMENTS DERIVE THEIR JUST POWERS FROM THE
CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED, BEHOLD A REPUBLIC IN WHICH CIVIL AND
I5
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