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Contested Election —Smith vs. Shelley.
SPEECH OF
HON. ANDREAV G. CURTIN,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Thursday July 20, 1882.
Tha Home having under conaideration tlio conteat"
ed-election cuaea of Smith tb. Shalleby—
Mr. Curtin said:
Mr. Speaker: I am quite sure that
nothing I can say to this House will
change the result, for 1 apprehend that
the report of the majority of the Com
mittee of Elections in the pending case
will be approved, and the sitting mem
ber will be detruded from his seat. We
have turned out two sitting members
already in a very few days, and I sin
cerely hope that the majority of this
House have not excluded the sitting
members and voted in the contestants
in these cases for the reason simply that
they were negreos. To vote the negroes
in because they are men, under the
paramount law of the land, would bo
creditable, for they have equal rights
with the members on this floor and
ed by the amendments to our Constitu
with all other American citizens confeir
tion. But it they are voted in as mem
bers of this House for political purposes
in the future because they are negroes,
it is not so creditable to the majority,
and if the action of the House is con
trolled by any such motives, serious ap
prehensions may be entertained in the
assertion of such a precedent for the
future quiet of the country.
Mr. Speaker, I gave my hearty ap
probation to the learned gentleman
from lowa [Mr. Kasson] when he intro
duced a bill some days since to change
the manner of disposing of contested
elections by taking it away from this
House so far as possible and remain
within the letter of the Constitution ;
because in the contests as I have noticed
we are merely resolved into a political
body and the representation of the
Congressional districts in contest is re
ferred exclusively to a committee of the
House or a party caucus of the majori
ty. That committee must be so consti
tuted as to represent a majority of the
political sentiment of the House; and
the political majority of the House in
obedience to the report of their own
committee or their own caucus in this
Congress uniformly unseated the sitting
member and seated the contestant.
Mr. Speaker, as we ate now sitting the
Constitution declares us judges. To be
called a judge is a designation known
to sacred and profane history in all
governments, ancient or modern. It
comes down to us from the great nation
upon whose institutions our own are in
a large measure modeled. When a con
test is made for a seat as a member
upon this floor, representing a consti
tuency of the people of the United
States, we are the judges of that elec
tion and we should sink the politician
and the partisan ; we should put on the
ermine'and the ermine should be spot
less. And there being no intervening
tribunal between the judgesof that con
test as we are constituted and the God
to whom we make our oaths, we should
be careful that we leave outside these
Halls all partisan political feeling and
judge of the rights of constituents in
dependent of political considerations,
caste, color, or condition; and this
House should not by any improper dis
position of its high and important pow
ers weaken in the least measure public
confidence. The American citizen has
ever, and J hope will ever, trusted to
the judgment of his peers as one of the
cardinal principles that protects his
rights, liberties, and enjoyment of hap
piness, and, what is infinitely of greater
consequence, that the written law tdiall
not be tortured by sectional antagonism
or partisan zeal into the degradation of
the means of punishment or disregard
of guaranteed powers for his protection.
1 heard the distinguished gentleman
from New .Jersey, |Mr Robeson,) the
acknowledged leader of the majority of
this House, on a memorable election
election contest assert, as I understood
his language, that this House, acting as
judges, had a right to override the con
stitution of a State and the election
laws made in pursuance of that consti
tution, and being, as he said, a law unto
ourselves, decide a contest involving
constithtional legal rights independent
of the sovereignty of the State or the
local law regulating elections or the
right of its citizens. Mr. Speaker, one
step more and you have revolution. I
have always learned in my reading that
the rules of a deliberative body were
made for the protection of the minori
ty ; and I can well understand how a
majority may override the rights of a
minority representing perhaps an equal
number of the people of the United
States, from what has occurred on this
floor.
[Here the hamer fell.]
The Speaker pro tempore, (Mr. Ryan.)
The six minutes yielded to the gentle
man from Pennsylvania have expired.
Mr. Curtin. But another gentleman
agreed to yield me fifteen minutes.
Mr. Thompson, of lowa. 1 want it to
be understood how much time I am
yielding.
Mr. Curtin. I understand that you
yield me fifteen minutes of your time.
Mr. Thompson, of lowa. Very well.
Mr. Curtin. 1 was proceeding to say
that the rules of a deliberative body are
made, as I understand, for the protec
tion of the minority. And I said the
gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr. Robe
eon,) the acknowledged leader of the
majority of this House, has declared
that this House can override the consti-'
tutions of States and local laws and un
seat a member at their pleasure. Let us
see, Mr. Speaker, where we would be
carried by the assertion of suoh a prin
ciple or the exercise of such a power if
carried to its logical consequences.
It would be possible for the Speaker
of this House, as he has power under
tho rules to constitute the committees
at his pleasure, to form a committee if
be pleases of the majority of the House
that oould unseat man by man, no mat-
ter what districts they represented,
what States or by an acknowledged ma
jority of their constituencies, until the
minority was destroyed and not one
left to voice the will or the wishes, the
interests or the sentiments of one-half
of the people of the United States, in
all important measures directed to the
collection of revenue, the expenditures
of public money, the disposition of all
those measures which lead to prosperi
ty. The conservative sentiment and
principles which underlie our structure
of government would be set at naught,
and the minority might be fritted away
under the powers given by the rules
and under the Constitution to the
Speaker of this body ; and the majority
having acquired absolute control could
not only if they pleased increase that
majority so as to be entirely satisfactory
for the measures they proposed, but
they might destroy the minority of the
House altogether, and the minority of
the people of the United States might
be left without representation on this
floor, and might cry in vain for relief, or
ask for measures for their prosperity
and the glory and the power of this
Government. For they would he in the
hands of an inexorable majority. Take
one step more in the carrying out of
such a principle and you have revolu
tion.
Mr. Speaker, if ever revolution eotnes
to this great country ; if the liberties,
the privileges, and the power of tiiis
great people should ever he broken, it
will not be by war ; it will not be on ac
count of social relations, or caste, or
privilege. Through this body is the
highway upon which bad and design
ing men may travel to revolution when
in the future they may dare to strike at
this matchless structure of human gov
ernment. And I emphasize when we
put on the ermine, when the partisan
and the politician becomes a judge, let
it be spotless. In God's name let us be
judges and not partisans. Let us sink
the character of political representatives
of class or privilege or color, and leel
that we represent a people. The Con
stitution makes us judge fairly when we
come to judge, and not seat a man be
cause he is a black man, nor exclude a
man because he is a white man. If he
is a black man having legal rights su
perior to a white man, let us seat him,
because he is a man created by the
same Providence that created the white
man. That is surely logical, as wo have
made the black man our equal before
the law by amendments to our Consti
tution. And if in our political struggles
wo reach for the black man for political
purposes delude, degrade, anil beguile
liitu, to oppress and bring liiin back to
a mental bondage, a deeper degradation
to liim than the physical bondage from
which he has been relieved, we degrade
ourselves and humiliate our pride of
superiority of race, and fail to elevate
him.
Mr. Speaker, take care that your
committees report properly, after full,
impartial, and just consideration of the
law and evidence. Rut who on that side
of the House has read the evidence as
detailed by the gentleman fioui Massa
chusetts, who has indulged in the bitter
ness, in denunciation-*, in charges of
falsehood and of perjury? Who has
read that evidence l-ut himself ? In
the answer made by my distinguished
and youthful colleague from Pennsyl
vania you have a perfect am( entire an
swer to the gentleman's allegations.
Mr. Ranney. Will the gentleman
allow me to ask him a question ?
Mr, Curtin. What is it you want ?
Mr. Ranney, Have you read the re
cord in this case?
Mr. Curtin. No, { haye never read the
record, arid do not believe it as you
state it. I take my knowledge of the
facts from the statements of my col
league, [Mr. Belitzhoover,] and to his ad,
mirable and trenchant speech what I
say is a supplement.
Air. Ranney, If you have never read
it, then do not deny it.
Mr. Curtin. lam contending for the
right of freeman and the representa
tion of freemen. The bitter allegations
which have been made here come most
ly from a vitiated political desire to as
sert power. If the contestant was elec
ted, ullhougli he is dead let us act as
judges and expel the distinguished gen
tleman who is iiere in his m.at and rep
resents a c nstituencj . if the contest
ant was not elecled, our duty will be
performed when we declare as judges
fairly and honestly on ttm testimony as
adduced, and not be betrayed into the
adoption of the sentiments, principles,
and declarations of the committee with
out a thorough and fair investigation in
the absence of which all the allegations,
rhetoric, and declamation to which in
this and the other contested rights to
membership drivel into unmeaning
farce, and the consumption of time
which should he given to the very im
portant business of the House yet to be
disposed of.
That there was something wrong and
out of place is shown by the fact thnt
the learned and distingnished chair
man of the Committee on Elections j Mr.
Calkins] yesterday, when a majority had
decided, a painful majority brought
about under circumstances not the
most creditable to this Government, got
up in his place and stated that in bis
conscience he did not believe that the
man now sitting in his seat had a
right to occupy it, and notwithstanding
his declaration, and he of all others, us
chairman of the committee, should
know the majority acted, and the con
testant is in, a member ot the House. It
is time that the judges upon this floor
should remember the character they
have assumed and decided deliberately
controlled by the evidenoe and consti
tution and laws of the .StAte in which
the election we are now considering was
held.
I believe that the man contesting in
this case was a white man ; I under
stand he was. No matter whether he
was white or black, he had rights in
this country. If he were living he
would have rights on this floor provided
he had facts clearly established which
brought him within the laws of the
State, a constituency of which if living,
he might have represented on this floor.
We are now asked to exclude the sit
ting member on the flimsy and uncer
tain testimony from poor, illiterate, un
tortured, and untrained negroes, who
swore indiscreetly and without knowl
edge. We are asked to turn him out as
though the people of that district may
be better without a Representative than
to have the distinguished gentleman,
who is in all respects qualified and cul
tured, to represent their interests and
sentiments.
Now, if it is true that we can absolve
ourselves from the local law of a state
or of a Congressional district, if we can
rise above and override Statft sovereignty
and law made uuder the constitution of
the State and of the United States, and
the majority of this House can be a law
unto itself and settle in caucus or com
mittee or by the dictum of leadership
the question as to who shall represent
the people upon this lloor, then I say
that one step more briugs revolution in
this country.
It is not the lirst time that this has
been done. It may possibly be that this
is done to punish the people of the
South for what has occurred in the past.
Surely 1 have demonstrated in my
modicum of history that I did not agree
with them in that terrible war. I gave
to my country, faithfully and conscien
tiously, the freshest, strongest years of
my lite in active struggle to give the
moral and physical power of the great
State to aid the central Government in
compelling obedience to Iberians.
As I then understood it now, the
North would not suffer a disruption of
the union of States, and war was made
to compel the States south of the line
to remain within the Government and
enjoy its blessings and benefits. In that
terrible war 700,000 strong men, ami
more, went down to death, and those
who contended against the Government
and those who gave the highest meas
ure of loyalty to sustain the Govern
ment can now unite together in tho en
joyment of our matchless Constitution
and its broad liberty as citizens of one
common country. It did not oorur to
me that the great heart of the North,
when obedience to tho law was com
pelled and the people of tlyit portion of
the Government which had been in in
surrection bad returned to their alle
giance, that they would take advan
tage to disturb their relations with col
or and caste to plunder and rob them of
what little was left. Mr. Speaker, I
never accorded with that revengeful
spirit or sentiment and never will; per
haps it 1 did I would not be here and
have the honor of a place on this floor.
In this case the House is brought
face to lace with a contest from that dis
turbed part til the United States. No
matter whether the parties to this coo
test are white men or black. The mem
bers of this House will not forget their
character as judges, remembering in
their deliberations their oaths to their
Maker, the anchor which binds the sou!
of man to God, and judge knowingly
and uiiderstandingly say that no man,
remembering Hint he is acting as judge
and juror, will cast his vote and turn
his back upon tins contest without leel
ing in his eonsience that he has perform
ed a high and important duty faithful
ly to his fellow-citizens and to bis conn
try.
What I say will, 1 am quite sure,
go lor naught; you have decided to
turn this gentleman out. You have
spoken on the side of the House, and
you will speak more. 1 am express-
Img ltiv sentiments. While they may
not affect a man of the majority of that
side ol the House, what I will say will
wing its way to uiv constituency, know
ing well that the people I represent, who
live in the mountains of Central Rente
sylvan in, will respond heartily to the
sentiments which for thcni I now de
clare, that they have no ill feeling of
hostility nr revenge to any portion ol
the people of this country, and to Hie
august tribunal of humble opinion in
that district these views ol fluty .'[resub
mitted lor candid consideration.
Surely they regard every man within
the borders of a common country as a i
brother. They have that sublime feel- '
in g of patriotism which extends through
out all our land, not thut sentiment '
which binds you to your home and State i
and the valley in which you live, how- '
ever beautiful it may be; nr to the town j
or city of your residence ; or to your so j
cial relations, however agreeable but
that patriotism which is a holier Hint '
higher sentiment of the human heart, j
and makes us call every American citi- j
zen a brother; that seutiment which j
goes out in sympathy to all humanity.
If the action soon to occur is designed ;
to punish I he people of the South, then
it is time to pause, for such direction
limy lead to trouble. If it is expected to
humiliate the tninoi ity on this side of
the aisle, then there must he another
denial of parliamentary usage, custom,
and law, which gives to the minority
rights which dun not lie disregarded
without a dislocation of the great fund
amental principles which lie at the very
foundation of our great structure of
human government. The recollections
of that terrible war which 80challenged
the brain and all the energies and pow
ers of this Government to give to this
great people a grandeur which was quite
tiew to the nations of the Old World,
which illustrated the heroism of the
American people, and has so thorough
ly established their character wherever
martial virtues receive the homage of
respect, it must never be forgotten was
fought against men, against our own
kith and kin, against American citizens.
We did not in that war direct our forces
against women and children, hut against
strong, brave men ; and we learned n
lesson we are not to forget. We found
in the great battles of the war, our
losses on the bloody field, and the long
contest which agitated the commerce
anil the trade and the sentiments of the
civilized world, we were engaged in a
great work which challenged to the
front all our resources, loyal, moral, and
physical. It was not war for revenge,
and the revengeful feeling now discuss
ed is discreditable to any American
man. Its logical lessons have been
oarried out, RDd we should forget the
animosities and antagonisms which
arose out of that strife in the retnrh of
the people of that section restored once
more to their sworn allegiance to the
Government. When Toulon fell in the
French Revolution the Abbe Hays wrote
to the Direotory—
Toulon hit* fallen. We ehot one hiiiidreil nn<i flftj
rehele thin morning; we will kill two hundred unit
fifty more tomorrow morning. It la the only way w
have to celebrate victory.
My heart swells with gratitude and
tears of joy run down my cheeks when
the American citizen oalfs to memory
that there was no such war in this cour>
try. Surely his earnest prayer will be
for the return of fraternity throuuh all
the hoarders of our country. There'
can bo no divisions in the future, and if
we are true to ourselves then wo will be
as we are once more united. If it bo
true that the Representative now on
trial has a right to his seat, it is unman
ly to punish, through him, his constitu
ency because gentlemen on this floor
are governed bv recollections of the
past. The testimony as detailed and
the conclusions made by the ingenious
gentleman from Massachusetts fail to
convince me thut the gentleman from
Alabama has not a right to his seat. I
will say, Mr. Speaker, if we are to re
gard the lessons of philosophy teaching
bv example, that the end of all revolu
tions is the oppression of the minorities.
There was a Russian field marshal once
said "order reigns in Warsaw," and the
heroic people of Poland, a nation which
had made its mark so strongly on the
lace of Europe, a people who resisted
and drove back the Turk, then carrying
his conquest into the heart of Europe,
a strong liberty-loving people for their
natural right of liberty and law as de
rived from their own nationality, were
compelled to submission, to despotic
power, to imprisonment, exile, and
death.
Hope for a seunon Initio Urn earth farewell,
And freedom nhrieked when KoMrhirtko fell.
Order reigned in Warsaw ; there was
no minority there.
| Here the hammer fell.J
Mr. Thompson, of lowa, resumed the
floor.
Mr. Curtin. I would like five min
utes more only live minutes.
Mr. Thompson, of lowa. I have no
time to spare.
Mr. Curtin. You were born in Penn
sylvania and must be a generous man.
Just give 1110 five minutes. [Laughter.|
Mr. Calkins. The time ot the gentle
man from lowa has all been given out.
1 will yield five minutes of my time to
i lie gentleman from Pennsylvania, | Mr.
Curtin. |
Mr. Curtin. I thank the gentleman.
Mow I have only five minutes to speak
ot minorities.
In the French revolution, after the
king had lost his head arid legitimate
government was destroyed, there re
mained in the Council ot Five Hundred
an intelligent and conservative minori
ty which gave offense and trouble to
the progressive revolutionists of that
country. One day when the council
was in session and the minority asserted
and contended tor their rights, the
bloody-handed leader of the revolution
uttered the declaration, "Purge the
convention ! Let the blood of the wick
ed How!" In one hour there was no
minority in that body. This is a dispo
sition of a minority not likely to occur
in this country, certafnly not in this
House, but who can tell what may oc
cur in the future ; and should we not
protect posterity bv the wisdom of our
(Joverment from all such scenes as oc
curred in Paris, where, under a sem
blance of a representative form of gov
ernment, the streets of Paris ran with
human blood and government was
moved from its legitimate and proper
functions? For fifteen years civilization
rocked and reeled under the lieavings
of that wonderful revolution and mil
lions of people went down to death.
Commerce barely lived, civilization was
brought to a pause, millions denied (iod
and set up for worship the Goddess ot
Reason.
Mr. Speaker, I do not say this is to
occur in this country ; I do not expect
it; but it is proper arxl right to say tie
lore I close that the minority lias rights
guaranteed by the Constitution and laws
of this country which cannot lie denied
without disregarding the great funda
mental principles of this Government,
under which we enjoy so many bles
sings. And if it should occur that a
body of men in tho luture should con
ceive to conspire revolution, to strike
down our form of government as to take
from the Representatives on this side of
the aisle the benefits and blessings ac
corded them by the Constitution ot the
I'nited States and the rules ol debate of
iliis House, this is the place tor sucli a
body of men and this the highway to
ttie consummation which we can only
contemplate with feelings of sorrow and
humliation. (Applause.|
Proposed Postal Improvements,
WASHINGTON, July 21.—The House <le
| voted several hours to day to the con
sideration of business reported by the
Post Office committee, and S'veral bills
were passed. The most important one
was the bill to modify the postal money
order system. It provides for the issue
of "Postal notes'' for sums less than five
dollars, to meet a want which has been
strongly felt ever since the fiactional
currehcy went out of circulation. The
lee for the issue of a postal note is to he
.1 cents, and the note is to be payable
to bearer at the money order office
from which it is issued, or at the office
designated by the person who procures
it. Such a note will become invalid
three months from the date of its issue,
tiut a duplicate may be obtained by
payment of an additional fee of 3 cents.
The bill also modifies the fees for the
issue of money orders, and establishes
new rates HB follows : For orders not ex
ceeding $lO, 8 conts ; for orders exceed
ing $lO, and not exceeding sls, 10
ceuts ; for orders exceeding sls and not
exceeding S3O, 15 cents ; for orders ex
ceeding S3O and not exceeding S4O, 20
cents ; for orders exceeding S4O and not
exceeding SSO, 25 cents; for orders ex
ceeding SSO and not exceeding SOO, 30
cents ; for orders exceeding SOO and not
exceeding S7O, 35 cents ; for orders ex
ceeding S7O and not exceeding $80,40
cents; for orders exceeding SBO and
not exceeding SIOO, 45 cents ; no order
is to We issued for a sum exceeding SIOO.
The bill also provides that the amount
of all money orders which shall have
remained unpaid for a period of seven
years shall be deposited in the Treasury
for the service at the Post Office De
partment. This fund shall, however,
be subject to draft for payment of any
money order more than seven years old
upon satisfactory proof of its owner
ship. The total amount of unpaid
money orders at the end of June, 1881,
was $2,005,906,59, of which the Post
Office Auditor estimates that $1,250,000
may be classed as unclaimed—that is
covered by orders which will never be
presented for payment.
The House also passed the bill to con
solidate and classify the employes of
the Railway Mail Hervice, who are here
after all to be known as railway postal
clerk* and to be divided into five class
es. No change is made in the salaries.
Another hill passed to fix the com
pensation of postmasters of the fourth
class; also one to authorize tho Post
master General to extend the postal
service under any contract by increas
ing the length of the route, a distance
not exceeding twenty miles from either
end and pay the contractor a pro rata
amount on his contract for tho increas
ed mileage.
The language of Christ.
IIV I'll 1 1.1,11' SCUAFP, D. D.
, What language did our Saviour speak?
Greek? or Hebrew? or both? and in
what proportion? As the Son of man
and Saviour of the world, he was above
the limitations of race, nationality, and
language, ilo was absolutely perfect,
the model for universal imitation!
Nevertheless he was a historical per!
son, and, us such, had a well defined in
dividuality. lie was a son of David
and Abraham, horn and raised in
i'alestine, and could not have been
born anywhere else, either in China,
or in Italy, qr in Ureece, or among the
savages in Germany or England, where
no preparation was made lor his recep
tion and appreciation and where the
H3ed of the divine word would have fal
len on ice. He was a Jew of the Jews,
had a Jewish physiognomy, dressed,ate,
spake, and lived like his countrymen.
How could he have beeo understoodliy
them if he had not addressed them in
their tongue? What then was this
tongue?
lie wrote nothing. He is himself the
Rook of Life to he read by all men. He
stamped bis image upon the world's
history and upon every human heart
and life that yields itself to his trans
forming and sanctifying influence. Rut
some ot his disciples wrote books—the
New Testament. And they all wrose
Greek. Only one of them, Matthew, it
said to have written his Gospel lirst in
Hebrew, and then in Greek. Even
James, the brother of the Lord, who
spent all his public lite in Jerusalem, as
far as he know, addressed his epistle
to the twelve tribes of Isreal in the
Greek language.
Did, then, our Saviour likewise speak
Greek ? There is something pleasing in
the idea. There never was a nobler,
richer, more flexible language spoken
or written, than the language of Ilomor,
ot I'lato, of Sophocles, of Aristotle, and
all those immortal poets, philosophers,
and historians, whose works are to this
day studied as models of style all over
the civilized world. And the noblest ol
all uses to which it was put is this, —
that it became the organ for the ever
lasting truth of our religion, the silver
picture for the golden apple of the gos
pel. The Greek was the language of
civilization, and of international inter
course. Since the conquests of Alexan
der the Great. who carried the Greek
into the Orient, and still more since the
conquests of lioxe, which united all
the nations from the banks of the
Euphrates and the Nile to the banks ol
the Rhine and the shores of the Atlan
tic, the Greek had become the cosmo
politan language, as tho French was on
the continent in the last century, and
as tho English is now in the Rritish
colonies and in North America. This
was one ot the providential preparations
for the introduction and spread of
Christianity.
The Greek penetrated iiito Palestine
iwo or three hundred years before
Christ. Tuts is evident from the numer
ous Greek names of Jews, and of places
of Palestine, from coins and inscrip
tions, from t lie Greek version of the Old
Testament which was used -by the
Apostles and Evangelists, from the large
number ot Greek speaking Jews, called
"Hellenists," trom the writings of Philo
and Josephus, who wrote in Greek, and
from the New Testament itself. For it
need not be supposed that the sacred
writers learned the Greek language
miraculously on the day of Pentecost.
I'ltey had abundant opportunity to
learn it naturally in their youth, on the
street and common intercourse with
their fellow-men, especially in Galilee,
their native province, which was full of
Greek speaking Gentiles.
From all these facts we may safely
infer that our Lord, too, knew the
Greek language, not indeed from books,
nor front school, but from ordinary in
tercourse. Why should he have been
ignorant of a language which was
known to his disciples, the unlettered
fishermen of Galilee ?
We have no doubt that he used the
Greek language when speaking with
strangers, and with henthens, with such
persons as the Syrophrunician woman,
t)Ve heathen centurion, the "Greeks"
who called on him shortly before the
passion, and King Herod and Pontius
Pilot. Fora Roman governor appointed
for a short time would hardly learn
Hebrew, and uo interpreter is men
tioned.
But we cannot agree with those schol
ars who maintain that Christ used the
Greek language exclusively or even
chiefly. \\ e must distinguish between
the common every day language of the
people, and the occasional language
of the higher classes, and of business
men. Palestine was at the time of
Christ a bilingual country, like the
frontier countries on the continent
(Alsace, Lorraine, Posen, some cantons
of Switzerland,) or like Wales in Eng
land, or Eastern Canada, or the German
countiea of Pennsylvania. The popu
lar language was the Hebrew, or rather
the Aramaic, a cognate dialect which
supplanted the Hebrew after the Baby
lonian exile. In this, their native
tongue, our Saviour would address the
people.
\V e have the positive proof of that
in several words which have been pre
served to us in the Gospel of Maik,
which is the faithful echo of the origi
nal impression of St. Peter. When our
Saviour was to call the daughter of
Jairus back to life, he addressed her in
the Aramaio words Talitha cumif that is,
"damsel arise." When He opened the
ears of the deaf and dumb man in De
capolis, He said to him Kphphalha / that
is, "Be opened." And when He reach
ed the height of His vicarious suffering
on the cross, He exclaimed, again in
Aramaic, Kloi, Eloi, (the Hebrew would
he Eli, Eli,) lama tabachtbani 1 that is,
"My God, my God, why hast Thou for
saken roe 7"
It is very significant that the inscrip
tion on the cross was In three lan*
guages: in Hebrew, the language of
religion; in Greek, the language of
culture; and in Latin, the language of
empire,—thus proclaiming that .Jesus
of Nazareth died for all nations and all
classes of men.
({dieting the Insane.
Among the inmates of a Western In
sane Asylum is a man who is often per
fectly sensible, and when accosted at
such times causes visitors to wonder
why he is confined there. This inmate
entered into conversation the oth
er day with a caller whose dress
proclaimed him a clergyman. Said the
mad man : "It was too bad, was it not,
the killing of Crant at Chicago?" "It
was," said the minister, who followed
the accepted ustorn ot ai-ssntirig to the
statements of lunatics for peace's sake.
"Ilayes was assassinated at Cincinnati,
was he not?" again asked the lunatic.
replied the clergyman. "And
was not tpjeen Victoria murdered in
her palace?" To this query from the
mad-man the clerical visitor once more
answered in the aflirmative. The luna
tic named one after anoler, a dozen roy
al personages, all of whom the clergy
man was led to admit were put out of
the way. Finishing his catechism, the
mad-man turned to the clergyman and
said fiercely ; "Your dress would show
you to be a minister, but you are the
worst liar I ever met."
How to Spoil a Husband.
Rim bills without his knowledge.
Lot hirn sow the buttons on his shirt.
Give as much as he can earn u month
for a new bonnet.
Tell him as plainly as possible you
married him for a living.
fell hirn the children inherit all their
mean traits of character from his side
of the family.
Let it out sometimes when you are
good and mad that you wished you had
married some other fellow that you
used to go w i h.
Give him to understand, as soon as
possible alter the honeymoon, that ki-s
--ing is good enough for spoony lovers,
but that for married folks it is con
foundedly silly. If he takes to kissing
the cook or chambermaid after that
don't he too hard on him.
Mother and Children Lost in the Woods.
DETROIT, Mich., July 21.—Mrs. Wil
son, with her two children, aged 7 and
years, left her home at Newburg, on
the Mackinac Railroad, to visit a neigh
bor, and while going through the woods
lost her way. It was supposed that wild
beasts had devoured the whole party.
Last Monday, however, they were found
by a hunter. The mother and one child
were dead and the other child alive,
sitting beside the dead bodies. They
had lived some days on cranberries.
—•
GETTING READV FOR A .SECOND DELIOE.
—An old crank named Randolph, in
spired with the belief that a second
flood will visit the earth in October
next, is building an ark on the Alle
gheny river, near Pittsburg. The di
mensions of the "floater" are 228 feet
in length by 48 feet wide. It will be
sixteen feet high and will draw two feet
six inches of water, lis capacity will
be 100 tons. I here will be two decks,
an upper and lower. The upper dick
will be divided off into innumerable
compartments, which will contain all
the different specimens of wild and
domestic animals the crank can procure,
in pairs, between the lime of the com
pletion of the "ark and the flood. The
upper deck will be for humanity, and
the projector's aim will be to have all
the different races represented. llj*
next aim will be to have all the trades
and professions represented, especially
the newspapers. Randolph i- giving
the construction of the sloop his per
sonal attention. The first deck is well
under way and lie confidently expecis
to have it in readine.-s for the grand
final by the first of September.
THE NEW PROCESS. —Mr. J. F. Kll
worth, of Williamsburg, Pa., a well
knowu millwright, says: "The ques
tion is often asked, will the New Pro
cess give a better percentage of flour
tliun the old? 1 will answer it in the
negative. Further, it may he said the
flour made on the New Process princi
ple is livelier and, if properly baked,
will give one. fourth more bread, for the
reason that all over the old process flour
the impurities ore removed bv the new
system, while in the old the wheat is
ground low, bolted on coarse cloths,
hence it contains many impurities.
•Some of our millers have tried to get
over their difliculties by using fine
cloths, without using purifiers. This,
in tny experience, proved an entire
failure, for in order to get a good yield
they have to grind low and -thus destroy
a great portion of the flour. I wish to
state what kiuds of Pennsylvania wheat
are the best for New Proce-s grinding.
In my judgment the long berry variety
are the best, namely, the Meditena
nean, Lancaster, Rock, Blue Stem and
Ocean Amber. These are the hardest
varieties of Pennsylvania wheat, and
hence contain most gluten. The poor
est varieties are theClawson and Fulu."
SIMON CAMERON says "politics is like
gambling," and he knows, say 9 the
Ihading Sexes, for there is no other man
in the United States to-day who has
dealt the cards more successfully, and
maintained his prestige. Uocould cheat
like a veteran when he played his lirst
hands, as his bolting processes prove.
The Lcbo, Manear and Wagonseller in
cident when he gambled away a cool
$60,000 to make the United State* Sen
atorahip shows that he could lose with
fortitude. But it was never suspected
that the old man would back out of the
game and play it with a dummy, until
Don one day surprised the hoys by ap
pearing in the dealer's chair and began
rakirig in the "chips."
A BTO SUM OF MONEY IN HORSES.—
Robert Boanerhas invested about $382,-
000 in fast horses altogether. His first
purchase of the kind was made in 1859.
when he bought "Lantern" and "Light"
for $9,000. He paid $40,000 for Poca
hontas, $35,000 for Dexter, $20,000 for
Edward Everett, $20,000 for Startle,
$13,000 for Edwin Forest, and $30,000
for Karus. Last year he bought Escort
for $3,000, Halcyon fors4,ooo and Keene
Jim for $40,000.