©hi (Crutre Jftmnaat. ——♦-- .i BELLEPONTE, PA. The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper PUMLISIIKL) IN CENTRIC COUNTY. CHINESE IMMIGRATION. SPKECH OF HON. ANDREW G. CI'RTIN, OR PENNSYLVANIA, In the House of Representatives, rhursday, March 23. 1882. Th. 11-ioss lisrliiß tin.l.. consW.rsllon h bill (S No. 71) to subtree Irttsl) elrl|>ulstl"ii rt-lallog to 111. CblDN— Mr. CURTIS' said ; Mr. SI-BASER: The gravity of (he que* lion now before tlie House surely enti tles it to all the distinguished ability with which it has been argued. I have not the temerity to suppose that 1 can give to any member on this floor any reason tor a change of thejudgement to which ho may have arrived from that discussion ; yet representing a part ol the people of this country, 1 am extreme ly obliged to the gentleman from Cali fornia [Mr. PAGE] in charge of this bill for the lime which it has been his plea sure to me to express to the House my reason tor the vole which I shall give. It is common for gentlemen on this floor, as I have (darned since 1 have had the honor of a seat here, to speak of labor and of its protection as one ot the cardinal duties of a representative of the American people; and lalor, sir, CAnnot be magnified as the great source of values, of improvements, and ot pro gress. I have never heard a gentleman on this floor advocate any bill or meas ure looking to progress or development or production when he failed to men tion the protection of labor as the tirst duty he owed to his constituents ; and who has ever known a member of Con gress when a candidate for office who did not on the hustings declare himself the friend and sturdy advocate of all measures which unght fo-ter, pr< tect, or advance the interests of labor? Now, Mr. speaker, for the tirst time in the history of the legislation of this govern ment Congress is brought face to face with the clear and well-defined question of labor unalloyed by the paramount protection of any of the diversified in terests which employ labor as the pri mary subject of legislation. This, sir, is not a question of the in corporation of companies; it is not a measure giving vast dominions to cor porations or companies of citizens : it is not subsidies, it is not money or capital to be protected, leaving labor to be em ployed in the vast avenues of trade and commerce, into which capital invites labor as a mere incident to protection. The American Congress stands to day in the presence of a clear and well de fined question of the protection of a class of American citizens who most need and deserve the munificence of our Government. On the western slope ot the United Stales 100,000 Chinamen take the place of UK),UK) American citizens. Disguise it as you will, conceal or cov er it with the humanitarian principles underlying our structure of government, summon from the history ot the past as has been done on this floor during tbe long debate the sublime utterances of the Centmental Congress through the Declaration of Independence, what is the question we are to meet on our votes on ttiis measures? It is sentiment and only sentiment; and it fades belore the wonderful growth and changing in terests of the country, its progress, its wealth, its great luture, and the true logic o' the necessities lAthe condition of our people AD I (iomnment now. present, as did the silver tones of the great bell when the fathers of the Re public sealed their immortal fame in the declaration, and rung out the proc tarnation of liberty and equality to all humanity. And here we are in the presence of tbe question which, I repeat, is the protection of American latior. Do we prefer to have 100,000 Chinamen take Ihe place of 100,000 American la borers, part and parcel of the body politic, owing allegiance to our Govern tn.nl, with the right of the ballot, in suring for their children our free edu cation, and with American hopes snd aspirations ? 1 say to my friends on the oilier side if you are in favor of protecting labor you now have the opportunity. , This Government only answers the expecta tions of its great founders, and Ix-come* truly a state when it is united and per feet in its homogeneity and relieved front ail sectional divisions. IT when we disturb the interest* of the people ol Maine it should affect the people of California, and if we interfere with the rights or interests, the happiness, or prosperity, or (ail to redress wrongs suf fered by tbe people of Oregon, our ac tion or failure to act vibrates in Florida, and will be felt by the peopl- there, as if they were the sufferers. When there is real unity and harmony in our gov ernmental organization we protect all the f-eoj le of all the couutry, and we provide redress and remedy to any evils or wronga suffered by any portion of the people or section of the country. When tbe people of California or of any part of the Pacific coast knock at the doors of the Congress of the United .States and present in evidence not to be impeaches! and in language of truth not to be misunderstood in the almost unanimous declaration of the people, and through the united voice of all their Representatives in these Halls that tbey suffer from the introduction of a foreign element not in harmony with tbe rights and interests, and in terrupt the prosperity and pursuit of happiness of a Urge body of Ameri can citizens who have cast their lot there; when it is claimed by them that there should be a preference to American labor over recently imported Chinese labor; the whole people of the United States are touched by the i|) peal, and it is our right as it certainly is our duty to protect and defend their citizens against tbe introduction of this new element which they declare dis turbs their peace and interferes with the rights and interests of a large por tion ol their people. 1 need not say in this intelligent presence, so tborougl • Jy versed in the duty of the Government of the United .Slates to proteot labor, that it is our first duty to the constitu ent* who sent us here, nor need I re mind gentlemen on this floor that it is it which tins made u* great. Labor has developed the resources of our country and lies at the foundation of our weulth, our prosperity, and our power. It is from the exactions taken from the toil of tho man who works a day for an honest day's pay, which is hut the dic tate of common honesty, that all the wealth and prosperity of this country comes. I am selfish enough to believe that it is time that this great country should say, if it is our pleasure, to ull the world who ■nay come here and who shall not come, and on that serious question the Amcii cwn people will judge wisely and justly whose coming may not interfere with the prosperity of American citi/."iis by birth or adoption, and it is surely the duty as it is in the province ol our Gov ernment to interfere when that que. lion is presented, as in the present measure ; ami whatever there may fie :n the fulure, we are only called to deal with living facts and actual condition and demands, if the people of Califor nia ure oppressed or wronged, if their rights and interests are affected l,y the introduction of Chinese labor to the ex clusion of American labor, this Congress will perform sta duty by answering their appeal to the magnanimity and power of their central Government. It is said on this floor, and it is a sen timent which can bear repetition, that we opened the portals of our Govern ment and invited the oppressed people ol all the world to cotno here in peace ful approach and enjoy our true civil and religious liberty and the dead level of American socia. organization; and yet who would for a moment believe in that liberal declaration which is claim- I ed in its behalf in this discussion. We would not suffer paupers or erimi ! nals or diseased people to come here to j spread contagion or disturb us by crime in order to make this continent a gteat reformatory asylum, which it would be come if tbe declarations of gentlemen on this floor were carried to their full and logical conclusions. We might reform such people and cure their d--s eases, but they might infuse their virus into the health and morality of the American people. There will come a time when tin great nation will t,o under-tooi] by all the family of the nations of the world ; and the governments of the nations of Western Europe rannot regard us and our free s> stem with the satisfaction and the affection of which we are accustom , ed to hear so much, and which, I must be permittted to say, is the sublimity of sentimentalism. Our great ideas of human liberty and the rights of the citizen have under mined the legitimate governments of Europe silently, constantly, progressiva. j ly, and surely to final consummation, until centralized power has been heroic ally claimed, demanded by, and given : to the m isses. and the ein|>eror and tbe king remain but the nominal heads of | our governments where public opinion ho* asserted its power in tbe regula ; tion of all authority, and is rapidly set- j tling their destiny for the future, when j their governments will be more and t more assimilated to ours. We take the German, the English, the French, the Irish, the Scandinavian, people from all nationalities of Western Europe. They , or their children learn our language, , accommodate themselves to our social ' organization, swear allegiance to our Government, become part of our people : —our equals. They deserve otir pro tec . tion, as they contribute to our wealth.* The Chinaman, in bis instincts, in hi* birth, and his feeling remains a ('hi nam tn alter twenty five years' residence U|>on th-- western slope, lie is without Ihe influence and happiness of home, wife, and children, and his rigid, selfish na lure is not chastened by the influences - of social enjoyments. The f'hinnrnan has not broken his allegiance to bis na tive country. He is iticrusted in and : controlled by superstition arid caste, winch has hound him in its fetters and - his country for more than fifty renin j ries, and no matter to the ''ninaman how long fie remains in thi* country, j those who know him best and have studied his nature and habits tell us the I desire to return once again to the Flow- j ery Kingdom is ever present with hun and ill the article of death In* last wish is that his hones shall he sent back and buried there. The representative* from the Western coast tell -u that he only seeks to gel money eeough to return to China arid provide for Ins scanty living there. He never has a*imilateer (hat we should feel for op pressed humanity, that we will give to all the |eop|e of the earth our Christian faith, and leach them to demand as their natural right the large liberty and individuality winch we enjoy and culti vate under our system of Government; but it is carrying sentiment to the ex ireine when we will not relieve the peo pie of any part or section of this coun try from the presence of men who they allege do not contribute to their proa |ierity, but degrade the lalxtr of the American, and who fail lo become citi zen* of the United Stales, yield allegi ance to our Government or accept our religious faith, our language or morals. The gentleman from Maaachu*ett* sye tbe Chinamen does not increase. No, sir, he dnee not. There are physical reasons why be cannot, excepthy immi gration. If the people of California are affected in their interests by the presence of tbe Chinese then, if we are a Government and a State, this appeal come* to every man in thlsoountry influenced by pat riotism. Patriotism, sir, is not confined; toa locality, and 1 say tothegentleman from Massachusetts it ia not confined to New England, and I would not claim it for Pennsylvania alone. Patriotism ia not fendnesa for your home, or county, or state, or tbe amities of our social sur rounding*, however pleasant they may lie, or to your family, to whom you may be tenderly attached, and make life de slrable and happy, but ia a holier and higher sentiment, which wells up from the human heart and makes the true citizen regard every man within the borders of his country as hie brother; and if the people of the western slope are iillbcted in their enjoyment of life by the presence ot these people it is my pat riotic duty and yours to protect and de fend them again*! what they should know and present a* a wrong and claitu retire** Irotn the American Congress. [Applause.] Mr. CUKITN. Mr. Speaker, i* my time out. The SPEAKER. Iti*. Mr. CU ITIIN (to Mr. PAGE.) What say you, air? Shall I have more time7 .Shall I have live minutes more? Mr. PA'iK. Very well. TIieSPEAKKK. The Chair hear* no objection to the gentleman from Penn sylvania proceeding. Mr. RANDALL. To come out of the time of the ger.tleman Iroin California. The SPEAKER. The Chair under *tand* the gentleman from Pennsylva nia [Mr. K\S I) a i.i. | to olject to In* col league proceeding unless the additional time comes out of the hour of the g.-n tleman from California. Mr. MANNING. 1 understand that the gentleman from Georgia |Mr. II AM MOM.] i willing to give In* tune to the gentleman from Pennylvuiiiu. Mr. PAGK. II the gentleman from Georgia in willing to give hi* five min ute* to the gentleman from Pennsylva nia. of course I have no objection. Mr. IIAM MOX D, of Georgia, Under the arrangement which has been made I am to have live minute*, of which the gentleman from Pennsylvania may have u* much a* lie like*. Mr. CURTIS'. I thank the gentle man from Georgia. We were enemies once ; we arc friends now. I thank you. my brother. (Great applnu-e. | It i* said we are in no danger from having among u* thi* race of Chinamen, with their obedience to centuries of a civili ration not in harmony with our*; with language, habits, religion, tradition.atid educated, trained, and in the practice of gro* sensual morality which surely the most ardent advocate of our duty to all mankind could not wish to have injected into the moral habit* and live* ol the American people. Mr. Speaker, early in our history we tried the assimi- Intion of a race of different tradition*, habit* and faith. Those of our ances t ua who first nettled thi* country found the Indian, themni of the forest, the owns-r of the soil, and they offered to hiiu our civilization and he refuted to accept it. They gave him their vice*, because we must he permitted to sup pose they bsd tbem to spare. Ido not know tfiat they offered ium their vir tue*. I ntn gtad they did not, beeau-e the generation now present nee-l* all that kind of legacy our encestor* left to us. (Laughter, j Who now will pretend to say that it i not better that thi# great continent *hould be peopled* by civilised men than by the barbarian men found here? I say, sir. they refuted to aecept our civilization, and the great wave of civili tit ion rolled over them. It has bridged our rivcis. tilled our field*, surmounted mountain*—bored through where it could not surmount—felled the forest, turned the virgin *oil of the prames to the living light of the sun and subjec ted it to the uses of humanity, *r.l in it* progre*# at every step rose the school hr>n*e arid the church, providing for ad vancement in all the way* that lead to a national supremacy in nil fair busi lie** and prosperity. The Indian neither would accept it nor move upon it, and it rolled over bini; and the poor bar barian i* fast fading l-fore the mighty march of the civilisation of the western continent. There ia the end of one rice. Mr. Sp*.ower, art. and culture, the march of a mighty people, noticing around it* base the racord in the crude art of our earlier national life of the great event* of the beginning of our history; and there, *ir, above the period* in history told in paint I* the history of the Indian race. Over the northern door of the entrance to the H.itunda the Indian is presented a* receiving the white man and extending to him the hand of friendship. Over the eastern door the Indian gives the white man corn. Over the western d-mr in mercy, an attribute of deity, the Indian maiden fall* upon the pro*liate Englishman who wa* the robber ol her father, a great fore*t king, ple*.l* for In* life, and in mercy In* lite i* spared. And over the door leading to this Chamber the white man kill* the Indian. Sir, the story ia told in im perishable stone. It i* the history of a rare, put in the Capitol of a great |M>O ple by whom destroyed, whether to our glory or our shame the future historian, who will deal with u* a* we deal with those who have preceded u* in the live* of nations, will tell ; and if history is philosophy teaching by example, we may not bin exempt from the destinies of nations. When we contemplate the ages yet to come, when it may be |>o**ible that all the pros|>erity thai now surrounds tins great people, thi* magnificent pile h*il crumble down to earth and the record* of the great events of our early history in the crude ntt of the time are lost to the magnificent dome so just in it* pro portions, so symbolical of our wonderlul progress, a learned archicologiat may come and there tnay find amid ita ruins the history of a myth cal people pre served in stone, placed in the Capitol by a superior race ; a history certain and imperishable a* the Assyrian mar hie or the Egyptian granite, which re cord the uncertain history of race* long since decayed and lost. There, sir, we record the end of one race. I have to speak, air, if I have the time, of another race. Shall I he spared a little time with the patience of tbl* House to speak of the negro race f [Cries of "Go on I"] The negro waa taken from his native home, lie wa* not consulted as to his immigration, he waa forced to become a native of this country. When dealing with the negro raoe the gentleman from Massachusetts must forget the sublime sentiments of the Declaration of Inde pendence, for the negro waa here theo and a slave; forget tba advanced hu manity and Christianity of the liberty loving people who settled that sterile portion of the United Slates, that cold region sod inhospitable soil, which, in lu progress, baa so marked the thrift nod industry and intelligenoe of the race of men it ba produced, of the great part their illustrious statesmen have borne in every step in our progress and in the very foundation of our match lens Constitution. Sir, it wa* not the humanitarian principle ol which the gentleman speak* that brought the negro, those who did it eliminated all the teaching ol their live*. They for got their free civil and religious nentj merit and the introduction ol the negro from Africa to this country wa* the u* of power, the practice ol unjustifiable wrong, moral degradation, and the in - stinet of iron-sou led cupidity, | Here the hammer loit.J Mr, PACK. I yield ten minute* to the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. CAN NOV. j Mr. CUfITIN. I would he very much obliged if the gentleman would allow rue a little more time. Mr. PACK. I have no objection if the gentleman can proceed by unani mous consent. Mr.CUltl'lN. 1 shall want but a few minute*. Mr. PACK. I ntn willing the gentle man shall go on il the additional lime i* tint to be taken out of my hour. Mr.CAMP. I object. Mr. SPKINCKH. The gentleman front California [Mr. Pxoaj ha* promised ;to yield me live minutes. I will give to | the geiilb-m in froiu i'eiuiylvaiil* what j ever portion ol my time he may desire | to occupy. | Mr. PACK. I have already yielded ;my time liberally, I have no objection, | of course, to the gentleman from I! 11 j noi* yielding hi* time to the gentleman j from lVniiay Ivatnu, Mr. CL'KTIN. I thank the gentle I man from Illinois for hi* courtesy. In- I stiticlivi ly the negro moved to the South. There he had the gi-riuil warmth j of the Min, so natural and necessary to ' In* race. At a propitious era in tin history of tin* people Whitney invented i the cotton gin. and introduced a mea* 1 ure ol prosperity quite unknown to any portion of tin* country in the past, and added to tin- wealth of th* nation and to the ease and comfort of his owner. Ihe negro made the southern portion of the United Slate* fruitful and pros | pernus. Who, Mr. Speaker, can rr fer to the ! history of that race in this country I without emotion* of sorrow for the pa-t j and apprehension* for the Inline? We [ are all familiar with it. It i a lesson we have all learned and know only too well. Year by year the problem ol I African slavery in thi* countiy grew U|>ou us. It engaged the attention ol | our wisest and most skillful statesmen. It strengthened with the coming years and finally the question was settled in the Mood of more than 7.10 00(1 of our people. Strong, useful, intellectual men tat the dust. Untold million* of trea# ure were spent in the struggle which affected the buineas, the commerce, and the sentiments of the civiliied world. The contest ended with the freedom of the tieg n. lie was rled to manhood, and to day he stand* the equal of the white man before the law and one of the common humanity ol thi* great country. Ihe negro is our legacy. The dis turbing element of hi* bondage in American |litic i*gone foreser. That era. sir. is fast fading into forge!fulne** —wouM to Cod we could erase it from our history and from our memories! And yet since my presence in this Hall I have taken courage for the future when I notice the mingling of men together on this floor who struggled in battle, the hailing gate and maimed bodies of members of this House; ay. sir. more. When I listened the other day to the *|>eech of the eloquent gen tlenian trom Mississippi, [Mr. Hooker, noticed the beauty and perfection ol hi* sentence* and the depth and power and force of his clas'ic allusions, utter ances of the gentleman which attracted the profound attention of this Hou*e. there wa* more appeal to me, sir, in the' mute eloquence o( the wave* of his arm |e>* sleeve than in all the beauty and power and fascination of hi* language. It brought to me the consolation that we were onee at peace and that true liberty founded on unity, concord, and fraternity wa* now present, and to grow and increase forever and forever. [Creat applause.] What the true philosophy of the fu ture of the negro race in this country ■n*y be no man has yet been wise enough to predict, for reasons which are acceptable and convincing to those who study and reflect upon the moinen tous question. In his native country the negro never huilt a highway, and he never engaged in commerce or trade. He never made a tangible religious faith which consoled him living or gave hopes for the future, or raised a temple to a deity. He never learned to build for himself a house, to manufacture, or to invent, and scarcely knew bow to make clothing to cover bis nakedness, lie inhabited a country of great rivers and extensive forests, a land of great pro ductiveness ; a healthy climate with all the surroundings and appointments of beneficent Providence, ar.d yet he lived without a language or an alphabet, with out history or tradition. He was a bar barian then, and he remains in the ig norance and superstition of a barbarian still. Now, Mr. Speaker, with five or six millions of that race in this country—a race now our ward*—our first duty as a Christian people will be performed in giving tbem all the enlightenment tbey will accept, all the teaching in nur power. Having raised them to man hood we must instruct them in the principle* of our Government, the value of the rights they have acquired, and instill into tbem our religious faith, and it mav le in the mysteries of Providence 1 that Kihiopia. the country of their home, may open her arm* to the light and knowledge of civilislion which we have given to those of their unfortunate and unhappy race who were forced among us and who are now the ward* of this great nation. If our duty to this race is performed, as I trust and hope it shall be, we may condone the first oricte of bringing tbem here, and they may contribute to the future prosperity of our country. But the fact cannot be concealed that there ere many patriotic and learned and wise men who look with apprehension to future dislur b*re fmm that element in our politi cal organisation. Mr. Speaker, having disposed of one raoe, and In the disposition of the In dian we cannot have very great pride in that part of our history ; HIMI having another race entirely foreign to lhs Caucasian people here, over whom we Itave assumed protection, to whom we propotte to give enlighlnieiil arid kuowl edge, until We have tuaiiiict. well known ami understood hy , both. With u* in the North the di* | unction between the white mm ami ! (lie black wa* only a social di*tincliori, j and it remains a social distinction still, j allil the distinction between the races has riot been broken by the ballot. If | the negro man of the South, having bet n raied to an equality with the j white man, i* to he advanced by that i equality to a higher plane of civilization | arid learning; if lie i to learn the duty ! of obedience to the Government, of the | support of it* law*, and through the I ble*mgs of freedom and equality, the ! while man of the South i hi* proper teacher, because between the white man of the South ami the n-gto man of the South there are friendship* and aflii* lion* which are not understood in the North; and I have failed to understand the character of the Southern while man it lie i* not inclined to riiike the most of llie negro race that he can. arid *urely inspired hv the sfiitiiiiet of winch 2 have *t*oken the colored uisn of the South will liml in the white man hi* true friend. If it i* not hi* sentiment, it i bi interest. And, sir. with the knowledge, the .11. factory kn w le.lgc. that the intellectual stature of the tie gro man ha* t.een improved by his con dltlon of freedom, and without ap| re hensiotia of disturbance from that ej. meni in the near future, 1 srn inspired by the hope that all that i expected hy the higiie*t and nio*t expansive philan thropy will be accomplished in that hitherto degraded and unhappy people. 1 have said, Mr. Speaker, that it i a common and favorite topic, however •incere, to speak of labor, ami ver* much has been **. I of its powers and it* demand* for just protection by and through the (internment. Thi* Gov ernment should give protect.on to the Islairing CWM-S in any enactment of this Congress. The ofjec! of previous leg sialiou has generally been the pro lection of capital, and the protection of their interests the incident. Sir, we have given away empires to corpora tions, We raise subsidies. We extend the credit of our Government to **i*t central red and incorporated capital. \ and we protect the products of our own ingenuity and industry by imposing du lies on foreign oom;>eiition when we raise revenue, iif that 1 do not corn plain, because I know capital offers en terprte* in which labor will find em ployment and pay. And, sir. if the cenlrahxaiion ot jaiwer arid of capital, winch I must not think tht American aniens look U|on with satisfaction for the future of this country, and if we do not dueci the legislation msde to the protection of all cls*.e* engaged in ami necessary to develop our resources in which capital i invted to active em plnyment we fail in our duly. There should I e perfect harmony between capital and labor, (ins is de|>cndent iijwin the other ; and it must be reinem bored that c*| ilal is much more able to take care of the interest of capital than labor can le of labor Independently of the Government there is scarcely in thi* conutry any of the enterprises or avenues through which capital find its direction and employ* lalvor where there are not combination* to regulate the supply and demand, provide for markets, and sometimes, 1 regret to say, fix the price of wages. When incorporated companies or as . sociated cat ilal can combine to eatab j lisli puces of production or carnage or the value of labor, or at their pleasure or convenience fix the value of the pro duct ions of the farm or the price which shall be paid for the products in our maikets or needed in the prosecution of their business, it is not strange, in deed, that we are often disturbed by the restlessness of laborers. My learn ed and eloquent friend from Mississippi read in the course of his remarks a re |>ort made of a farm of thirty thousand acre# in California, where Chinamen were employed, in which it was stated that they were patient and obedient workmen and in no danger of strikes ; and that no doubt i* the testimony ol men who employ them, and it it true patience and docility are not character istica of freemen. If capital can com bine labor baa the right to reasonable and enlightened association in aell de fenae. Meetings are constantly occur ring all over the country in almost every State at thi* time by men who earn their living by the sweat of their face, and those who have noticed the proceeding* of recent meeting* of that character must have noticed with great satisfaction that there i* no violence threatened, no intimation of any breach of the law, hut they have associated for the purpose of getting the highest poa sthle pay for a day'# work. They have the right to refuse to work when they believe the compensation inadequate to their aeoeaailie* unless they are serving under an agreement. They have not the right to interfere with the right* or interest* of other* and their enjoyment of the Meeting* of our Government, or to destroy property, nor, at 1 under stand tba proceeding*, do they claim the right to prevent or interfere with other* who detire to work when they ' r*fu*f, beeaue then tliey nr in viols | tion of lliw law, *H the ligbl* of oih* r* J have intervened. J cannot but regard llm r'riit proceeding* mid of *oriingiiiu ■> sending Co an intelli gent understanding between lalior mid capital and to tben mutual prosperity. Sow. sir. it i Hut LIKELY t<> occur, tut it ii possible to bring 50.000 Chinamen from California ami settle it,etn down | HI Massachusetts, t I. . VAELL or Lyon or ; Fall Iktv r or otln-r enterprising towns, • wliiri they ure busy u* been m tlj-ir I praduotln Industrie*, m| !hu diip I place t),(KKj M iM*rUuctu workmen and laborers. 1 apprehend the enlighl j ened work moil who now make the ; flourishing ciiion I have mentioned > ' prosperous and yield such plentiful re i turns to tbo capital invi -io• l> eoteruio the sympathy that low goes out with sue'ii g-m-io.ny, and in the ex press, , a.l the gentlemen wno liare dtscU-sed this question that we 1 have the right Input limitation on the immigration Ol the<'jiinee people under the treaty n th that nation, a j question 1 need not ti .r discuss, 1 will | Vote for twenty years suspension of irn in gration f*ecause, first, we assert llie ' right ; we believe the representations ! made by all tbe people of the Pacific coMl to tf tru\ th*y iif** our on peoj !e. and as they are the best judges ! of tfie limitations s.s to lime, 1 yield any judgment I might have to the bet ter judgment of those who should un derstand this question. When we con ; cede to their judgment we give it force *nd effect by our legislation in this Con yr-s*. [Great applause ] ♦ The Activity of the Lobby. It cannot have e-ra| ed the o'i'eiv i lion of the country that the present j Congress is lies#- 1 by lobby st on every :si fe. It has torn so from the first day I of the semon. befote the organ j nation of Congress tbe country had been . made to undeiatand that some gigantic scheme* f,,r depleting the public tics ury w. re in ptepiration. and for ten years there has l>oii no such pressure ; ill Ix-balt of all sorts ol jobs as then is !at this tine. The fact is not only dis creditable to the majority ill the press nt j (.oppress, but it is asb ,tne and humiiia i iron to the whole country. lhiring the six years ;n which tlie I Democrat* held a msjority in the M.>u-e of Itepreaeniativr* no loliby made ita appearance around the Capitol. It seemed to understand from the moment J the result of the election* ol l.sT-f I*. j came known that a change of policy : would fret te out trie lobby which bad j for years disgraced Washington and | corrupted Congressmen. No lobby what j ever made its appearauce when the Forty fourth Congress was organised. It it hati it could have done nothing. A Congress whose committee* carefully scrutinise*) the expenditure of almost • very dollar of tbe public money ami rut down tbe appropriations s tine thirty or lortv millions in a year was not the sort of Cmgress to encouivge lobbyists. The contrast with the present is signi ficant and altogether damaging to the present Ct ngress. Many of the old scheme* have been brought back to Washington and many new jobs have been added until the list is appalling. There are several canal scheme* of nvrw or less magnitude, ad represented by lobby its of great enterprise, who are spending const.lerat-le sums of money for cupper* ami wine anil other good things of life such aa Congressmen are presumed to be particularly fond of. There are a number ol other internal improvement scheme* on hand, too, and money se tm to t-e wanted at every tut n for things in which the government can have no interest whatever. At th* beginning of the session there was reason to fear thvt some of these jobs would be made successful The Treasury was well filled, with a Urge surplus constantly coming in, and there was every indication of a disposition on the part of Congress to g,ve the lohhv a lift. That this haa not been done i* largely due to the rule* of the House, which fortunately prevent bill* of any kind from being rushed through out of order. Tht* has enabled those who have been opposed to job. to hold them in check. The f*ct, however, that th* hhhy unner tbe ctrcumstonve* doe* not pro*per doe* not relieve Congress of the •eendab It is disgraceful that lobbyist* •hould dare to appear at the Capitol at all and offer their shhetne* to Guogtm But Cong res* iueif is to blame for that. The average lobby Sat i too ahrewd to weate %.-• time end money where there i* no hope. He wwualfy know* hie Coo fir ess and a Congress winch be* tbe confidenoe of the lobbyist cannot also have the confidence of tbe people.