Centre Democrat. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, October 21, 1880, Image 2

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BELLEFONTE, PA.
Tk# Largest, Cheapest send Bast Paper
PUBLISHED IN CKNTKK COUNTY.
In the Isle of Dreams.
I>K 001. YKR OAKKIKLU, LOQUITUR,
I wrote thee in the Islo of Dream*,
Thou loet Do Oolyer brief,
While straying on the silver sands
That line its coral reef.
Yes, by the flashing waterfalls,
That lulled the hours asleep,
I wrote that deep and learned brief,
Which some one failed to keep.
1 met thee in the Islo of Dreams,
Thou dear departed Ames ;
'Twas there for Credit Mobilier
Thou madest tempting claims.
The lilies blossomed on our path,
Wild roses lined our wav,
Tho sweet birds carolled merrily,
And 1 was led astray.
I wandered in tho Isle of Dreams,
In fair, enchanted ways,
And, dulled by tho Lethean streams,
I helped to count in liayes.
For all was sunshine, bliss and light,
Tho Speakership seemed mine,
And glory, honor, ull things good,
While life was half divine.
I tread again those sounding shores—
They echo in my dreams ;
I meditate upon the gains
Of more De Oolyer schemes,
For I am up for President,
I'm willing to be sold,
And there are those perchance who'll buy
With silver and with gold.
I'll drink a deep and goodly draught
From Lethe's cooling stream;
I am undone if I should wake
From this delicious dream.
Come fraud, come perjury and bribes,
Swindles and grabs forsooth,
And aid, with all your mighty arts,
Garfield to tell the truth.
Gen. Sickles on Hancock.
A CLEAR PRESENTATION OF THE IS
SUES OF THE CANVASS —THE
SOUTHERN CLAIMS
IJUOABOO.
From tho New York World, Oct. 0, JBSO.
14 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, )
October 6, 1880. j
W. A. FOWLER, Esq., Chairman Ex
ecutive Committee, St. James Hotel.
Dear Sir: Husiucss engagements
that cannot be deferred will occupy j
my time during the next fortnight, so
that I am unable to make such ap
pointments for public meetings as you
propose. My impressions about the
present canvass have been freely ex
pressed to my friends and may be
summed up in a few paragraphs.
I have always felt that whenever
the Democratic party North and
South—frankly accepted the results of
the war and nominated a candidate
for President who was a firm and
steady friend of the Union throughout
the struggle, I could then as a war
Democrat honorably resume my for
mer political relations. The nomina
tion of Hancock, one of the most
distinguished leaders of the Union
armies; his affirmation of the inviola
bility of the war amendments to the
Constitution ; bis denunciation of the
unlawfulness of all reclamations set
up by those who took part in the
rebellion ; the general favor his nomi
nation has received in the Southern
States —the "solid" support of the
South given to a Union soldier—
remove the causes which have for
some time alienated me from my old
political associates. I shall cheerfully
unite with them now to promote the
election of their worthy candidate.
The people do not sympathize with
the struggle of the leaders of the Re
publican party to perpetuate their
power. The earnestness of Lincoln,
the strength of Seward, the enthusiasm
of Sumner, the energy of Stanton are
followed by the rivalries, jealousies
and intrigues exhibit! d in the Chicago
Convention. The patriotic zeal which
animated these great men of the Re-
Eublican party of the past seemed to
ave degenerated in their successors
to a mere strife for patronage and
place, and days were spent in bitter
contention about candidates without
presenting to the country any issue
having a practical bearing on its wel
fare. The paramount question to be
settled by tho leaders at Chicago
seemed to be the order of their succes
sion to the Presidency.
It is desirable that the inevitable
change in the political control of the
government, which is no doubt imrai
mnt, shall take place under safe con
ditions. It is not to be supposed that
any party can bold power indefinitely.
The examples of our own and other
countries show that an alternation of
parties every few years is to be antici
pated, and experience proves these per
iodical transitions to be wholesome and
useful. Democratic control can be
safely tried with Hancock. He will
give us all the advantages without any
of the risks of the change of adminis
tration.
Republicans and Democrats who
united with so much satisfaction in
electing General Grant do not serious
ly doubt the fitness of a soldier to fill
the Presidential chair. The support
era of General Hayes and the party
that has now nominated General Gar
field and General Arthur must have
confidence in military men, unless it
be suggested that neither Garfield or
Arthur have seen enough service to
imperil our institutions by their mar
tial proclivities. The country was
never more fortunate than in the elec
tion of General Jackson, the champion
of theJUniou and of a sound currency
and of the independence of the gov
ernment from corporations and who
raised our youug republic to the high
est plane of national dignity und
strength. Grant and Hayes aud Gar
field belonged to the gallant armies of
the West. It is time that the army of
the Potomac —the victors of Antietam,
Gettysburg, Spottsylvauia and Rich
mond—should be remembered in the
person of one of its greatest com
manders.
Five million votes will be cast for
General Hancock. He will have the
suffrages of a considerable and influ
ential part of the population of every
State in the Union. And although the
greater portion of his votes will come
from the North and East and West, it
will represent in the aggregate every
section and interest of a reunited
country as they have not been repre
sented by any executive since the war.
All parts of the Union should share
the prosperity we now enjoy. There
is no doubt that the political agitation
in the South, growing out of appre
hended interference in their local gov
ernment, and absorbing the attention
of the Southern people during the past
fifteen years, has seriously retarded
improvement in their condition. All
such fears would be tranquillized by
four years of Hancock's conservative
administration, and a general revival
of enterprise, activity and thrift would
be seen throughout the new South—
the South of 1880 —greatly to the ad
vantage of the whole country.
The North means to hold fast to the
. results of the war. These are embod
ied in the recent amendments to the
Constitution. General Hancock de
| dares them to be inviolable. The
I South says, Amen. So be it. Let us
make this a compact by electing
Hancock and so put an end to all
further controversy about the funda
mental questions settled by the law of
j secession. Let the decree be written
in Hancock's own words: "When
rebellion was crushed, the heresy of
secessiou in every form and in every
incideut went down forever. It is a
thing of the dead past."
All we need in the Executive is an
honest mid intelligent administration
of the government. It is a mistake
to suppose that General Hancock is
without preparation or experience to
qualify him for Executive duties. No !
man without administrative ability
can successfully fill the great military
offices (ieneral Hancock has held dur
ing the past eighteen years. His
present military jurisdiction embraces
seventeeu States —from Maine to Louia
iaua—and whether commanding large
forces in the field or dealing with the
difficult questions incident to recon
struction in the South, or in restoring
tranquility to Pennsylvania, overrun
by mobs and disturbed by riots, he has
always shown the discrimination, dis
cretion and tact which point out the
man of executive capacity. At least
it may be said that a stainless and
successful career in the army affords
as many guarantees for the faithful
discharge of the functions of a chief
magistrate as can be found in n long
jieriod of service in Congress, with its
many temptations and frequent com
plications with the interests of corpor
ations, contractors and jobbers.
I am, sir, very respectfully,
I). E. SICKLES.
♦
TIIK FIGHTIXU CONKLING,
Colonel F. A. Conkling, brother of
.Senator Roscoe Conkling, nddressed a
large and enthusiastic meeting of
Democrats and independent Republi
cans on Monday evening last in New
York, and among other things said :
"Who have taken the place of Sum
ucr, Chase, Trumbull, Seward, and
other leaders ? The I>ogaus, the ('ani
erons, the Garfields and the Colfaxes.
From the time these men have as
sumed the control of the party it has
been held together by the cohesive
power of plunder. And now I would
like to ask what that Republican par
ty has done. The party has put for
ward a man whose character will not
bear scrutiny. They have made an
odious, malignant sectionalism the
chief feature of the canvass. This
man Garfield has been put forward as
representing the principles of that
party. Now I tell you he stands be
fore the American people as a liar, a
perjurer, a bribe taker, a back-salary
grabber, and, last but not least, as the
most conspicuous figure in the electoral
fraud of 1876. Now, of course you
and I understand that the men who
have put Garfield forward must nec
essarily support him, and if their con
science will permit them to do so I
find no fault with them. Hut I do
object to one thing. Ido object to the
Hon. Hamilton Fish declaring that
'no purer or abler man ever assisted
in the councils of the nation. No bet
ter man can be found.' Now, we do
not expect that men like Hamilton
Fish and George William Curtis shall
throw dust in the eyes of the Ameri
can people like that."
The speaker said he thought it
proper to read Thomas Jefferson's ad
dress, and he quoted at length from it,
and added, "I may say that there is
no man that has lived in this country
who lives up to that creed better than
Gen. Hancock." When he was asked
to support the nomination of General
Hancock he said he held back, having
thoughts of West Point and of mili
tary men who hod no experience in
civil affairs, but after he had read
General Hancock's letters it seemed
no exaggeration to say that no man
who has figured in the affairs of this
country better appreciates the spirit of
our institutions than General Hun
cock. "I have referred," he contin
ued, "to the dilemma in which the
Republicans are placed. I feel sorry
for them. J said something just now
about Hamilton Fish. Now, if any
gentleman should happen to hear of
my brother speaking of Mr. Garfield
in that way he would oblige me by
dropping me a postal card." [Cheers
and laughter.]
One of the important circumstances
of this campaign, he thought, is that
so many Republicans have come out
in the support of General Hancock.
"There is no need of giving names,"
he said. "You know many of them.
There are about three hundred of
them where I just came from. They
asked me to come here and speak.
They are against the narrow, odious
sectionalism that forms the chief fea
ture of the Republican canvass."
IKHV HISTORY KEI'EATM ITSELF,
From tli N. Y. I lent Id, (Independent) 50, IHNI.
The Republicans, who have for sev
eral months foretold the inevitable
ruin of the country if General Han
cock should be elected, cry out 'Ruin!'
louder than ever. They hoj>e to change
somebody's vote by this device, and
long Custom has made its use entirely
useless. A free people have too much
courage to be scared out of their votes
by such means.
We should not speak of the mutter
now, however, were it not our duty to
put the public on its guard. Such
campaign cries are sometimes used by
shrewd operators to afreet the stock
markets in a manner which, while it
brings them large prolits, brings loss to
many innocent holders of securities;
and it is to warn these latter against
holding just now more than they have
paid for, and against selling out on u
needless fright what they hold, that
we remind them of some previous in
stances in which the "bears" have
taken occasion of political excitement
to make a raid on the market. There
is no occasion for alarm. The coun
try is solidly prosperous, and nobody
is going to injure its credit, whatever
even very eminent persons may assert
to the contrary.
Everybody remembers that only
I four years ago, in IH7G, Mr. Morrill,
i then {Secretary of the Treasury, came
to New York from Washington on the
eve of the election ami solemnly warn
ed us nil from the steps of the Sub-
Treasury that if Mr. Tildeu should be
elected bonds would fall and the fi
nances would go to the demnition bow
wows. Everybody remembers, too,
that Mr. Evarts, then not yet Secretary
of the State, preceded Secretary Mor
rill by a few days with the same sol
emn declaration, laying his hand on
the place where he believes his heart
to Ire, the arch joker, as he assured his
audience that Democratic success
meant unutterable wo 3 and loss of
money to them.
Well, in spite of these assurances
from an actual Secretary of the Treas
ury and a potential Secretary of State,
in spite of the gravest fears excited
in the breasts ami pockets of many
honest ami credulous people by these
prophecies of contingent woe, New
York had the audacity to give the
Democratic ticket nearly thirty-thee
thousand majority; and nobody was
hurt.
GROW ON THE TARIFF.
From lb* I'itULuiK P*i.
Galusha Grow is perambulating the
State making sjweches accusing the
Democratic party of being n Free
Trade party. Grow has a faint idea
that he is a candidate for U. 8. Sena
tor, and that the Camorons will allow
him to Ire elected. He is much more
likely to be struck by lightning. Quay
is the selected Senator by the powers
that be, in case they carry the Legis
lature, and Mr. Grows province is
merely that of a decoy to induce auti*
Camernn Republicans to vote for leg
islative candidates sure to nominate
the chief of the Pardon Board. Four
fifths of the Republicans uominated
for the Legislature in the State will do
as Mr. Cameron indicates. He has
the whip-hand of the McManes crowd
in Philadelphia by threats of investi
gating and exposing the gas trust and
other municipal jobs by the next Leg
islature.
Mr. Grow while lampooning the
Democrats as Free Traders should re
memher his own record. While a
member of the House he opposed the
subsidy to the Collins line of steamers,
and in one of his speeches declared :
"This Government has no business
to come in with its strong arm to aid
one class of citizen iu competition
with another in the same business, es
pecially in the carrying trade of the
nation, where it requires a large in
vestment of capital and long experi
ence in htisiness to which men have
devoted their lives and in which is in
vested their all. It is a kind of pro
tection more odious than that given to
the rolling mill and eotton factory, be
cause more exclusive, and every man
knows that it is odious enough. The
Government has no right to extend its
hand to interfere in the business re
lations of life. Let the citizen regu
late his own business under the laws
of trade with no competition but that
of superior skill and industry."
Mr. Grow was the successor in Con
gress of the famous David Wilmot,
who was the only representative in
the House who, in 1846, voted for the
repeal ol the tariff* of 1842. David
in I'll. .M ■' i = -n.i.
Wilmot was elected by the Republi
cans to the United States Kenate sub
sequently, as a tribute of their resjiect
for the only free trader from Pennsyl
vania in Congress. Mr. Grow is his
worthy disciple and follower. He
has been an apt scholar, and has
proved his sturdy devotion to his free
trade education and principles by de
nouncing "the odious protection to the
rolling mill and cotton factory."
Mr. Grow's memory should be jog
ged on these points while on his speech
making tours. He and Garfield are
both free traders, sailing under false
colors.
THE SAGE OF I TICA SI'EAKS.
Krotn the Wimhiiißton I'owt.
In his recent address in New York
city, Governor Seymour took up and
effectually disposed of the ingenious
sophistries which Mr. Conkling has
woven together in his campaign
speeches. The work is thoroughly
done.
The burden of Conkliug's complaint
is that, as the North is richer than the
South, she is more wronged than that
section by the alleged undue promi
nence of the latter in Congress, and
that the North will be still further op
pressed if the poorer section shall gain
that influence in the General Govern
ment which would, in Mr. Conkliug's
opinion, be the legitimate result of a
Democratic victory in the pending
contest.
Mr. Seymour admits that inequality
of representation, whenever and where
ever it exists iu our system, if not
controlled by the Constitutional limi
tations, is dangerous, and tends toward
usurpation. He shows that the whole
course of Republican administration
has been to expand the power ami in
fluence of the Senate, the body which
is constituted without reference to pop
ulation, and iu which the smallest
State possesses the same voting strength
; as the largest.
With all the limitations, provided
by the Constitution, this inequality
might not 1m? a source of injustice or
| danger. But the Republican party
| has disregarded those limitations, and
has steadily carried forward the work
of concentrating in the Senate the
powers and duties which the framers
of our Government located elsewhere.
Governor Seymour calls on the bus
iness men who are disturbed by Mr.
Conkliug's remarks on the alleged
uudue influence of the South, to re
member that, while according to the
census of I*7o, the population of the
State of New York was over four
millions, there were thirteen States,
with less population, that had twenty
six members in the United States
Senate, while New York had but two.
Of those States, nine are Northern
and four arc Southern. But even this
does not show the unequal power ex
: ercised by different States over the
action of our Government. More than
• half of our people live in nine States ;
it is iu these that the great interests,
capital, commerce, manufactures and
I agricultural production, are displayed
|in the grandest proportions. Yet this
1 majority of American citizens have
I only eighteeu Senators out of seventy
, | six—less than one-quarter of the num
j ber. On the other hand, there are
, i nineteen States whose ]K>pulation is
, less than one-fifth that of our country,
, who have one-half of the members of
the controlling department of our
Government. This small minority,
through their Senators, can prevent
the passage of laws for the interest of
the majority, or the repeal of those
! laws which are hurtful.
The Republican party has not only
1 persisted in its settled pur|sise to con
-1 centrate power in the Senate, but has
made the danger greater by adding to
the number of States such small com
-1 muuities on the frontiers as seemed
tolerably certain to elect Republican
1 Senators. With these, and with North
ern men billeted on Southern States
' by bayonet rule, the Senate defied the
jieople for four years. And more than
' this —a fact which has not been meu
' tioued by Governor Seymour, or any
of the statesmen who have discussed
' this question —it was this packing of
1 the Senate that made the fraud of
1 1*76 and 1877 |mssible. Usurpation
in the Senate led up to usurpation of
the Executive office.
LINCOLN AND HANCOCK.
s From the New York Son,
In 1860 the panic makers who are
> now active in seeking to create a false
i alarm among what are culled the
, business interests were engaged in a
similar work. They told the country
i that Lincoln's election would destroy
I everything, and they painted that man
i of peace and good will ns a devil in
• carnate. Conspicuously amoug these
! prophets of evil were many Silver
gray Whigs, some of whom are to
day repeating in Philadelphia and
i elsewhere their old electioneering pre
• dictions.
After having pictured Lincoln as
> the very worst of his species, these po
■ litical traders with seven principles, of
k five loaves and two fishes, were quick
i after his election to turn their
i coats and to pretend a devotion which
they never felt at heart They made
capital of a hypocritical conversion,
aud filled their pockets at every chance.
And now when a proved patriot,
and a statesman soldier, who shed his
blood iu defence of the Uuion when
his assailants were speculating io jobs
i and contracts and were buying subsli
i tutes with the profits of shoddy, is a
I candidate for the Presidency, these
• .. -
unscrupulous partisans have the au
dacity to charge that his election
would imperil peace and prosperity.
This trick is an insult to public in
telligence, and will hardly impose on
even the weuk and credulous. It has
hitherto been tried in many forms, and
will be tried again before Garfield is
condemned by the popular verdict.
When, after all his boasting and as
surances of a large majority, Blaine
was beaten on his own ground, with
every advantage hut votes in his favor,
an attempt was made to bear Govern
mcut bonds and other choice securities,
charging it to fear in the money mar
ket caused by Fusion success.
The alarmists soon sickened of that
experiment when the reaction over
took them, inside of forty-eight hours,
and they were too glad to beat an ig
noininous retreat. At this time, when
our commercial streets are actually
blocked up with merchandise for South
ern markets, and extra steamers have
been put on for Charleston, Savannah,
New < )rleans, and other ports, to carry
the enormous freight required for that
new trade which has taken unprece
dented proportions, Mr. Conkling and
others like him have done their ut
most to divert it elsewhere, and to
break up the confidence that should
exist between the North and the South.
The Union has no worse enemies
than these professional politicians, who
live by disturbing the public peace,
who seek to keep the sections in hos
tility, and whose vocation is to excite
jealousy, discontent, and hatred be
tween a people who have common tra
ditions, common interests, and common
objects of affection, now made closer ,
and wanner by a former alieantiou.
TIIE MASSACHUSETTS CAMPAIGN.
I.ETTEK FROM THE HON. ROHEKT C. WIN- 1
Timor.
i To the Editor of tin Boston J'wt.
DEAR Sin: I ain sorry to see by
| this morning's Po*t that niv name
wat placed at the head of the list of
vice-presidents at the Democratic
i meeting last night. 1 am duly sensi
| hie of the compliment, hut it was
| without my consent. laCt me add,
; however, in justice to the committee,
; that a printed invitation was addressed
j to me : but, owing to its being left ut
i niv house, it reached rnc too late.
For many years past I have been
i altogether an independent voter. Dur
j ing this period I have repeatedly sup
I ported Democratic candidates, and I
jam quite likely to do so again. But
I 1 have sometimes voted the Repuhli- j
| can ticket; and I prefer to remain for
the rest of my life unconnected with
I anv party organization.
Indeed, I had no purpose of enter
ing at all into the political discussions
of the approaching election, but to
reserve the privilege of voting accord- j
ing to my immediate convictions when
the election day shall arrive. And i
this I shall still do.
But I have nothing to conceal, and
this occasion obliges me to say frankly {
that I am opposed to-day, as I always
have been, to any concerted array of i
i solid Norths against solid Souths. ■
, These sectional antagonisms and con- I
tentions are worthy of all reprobation, ;
| and never more so than when foment
ed and kept alive, one the on side or :
on the other, for the purpose of pro- ;
longing party power. They brought j
on the war, and they will still inter
fere with the best fruits of peace.
The condition of the freedmen them- |
■ selves —their prospects of education, ,
and their secure enjoyment of all the '
privileges of citizenship, would, in my 1
judgment, be far more hopeful if the i
pressure of a solid North were taken
off from the Southern States, and if
they could cease to feel, whether rea
sonably <rr unreasonably, that they
were under the dominiou of conquer
ors.
This is the great consideration which
weighs on my own mind, my view of
the coming election, and which will
control ray vote. It is not a question
of candidates or persons. It is not a
question of parties or platforms. It is
not a question whether the decision of
the Electoral Commission, four years
ago, was just or unjust. Nor is it,
with me, any question as to the ad
ministration of President Hayes, which
has been so generally acceptable. But
mv vote will be influenced solely by
the desire to help in breaking up the
intense sectionalism which has so long
prevailed iu our land. I long to see
Southern people once more divided into
parties, as they were when I was in
public life—not by caste, or color or
sympathy with a lost cause, but accord
ing to their honest judgment of'what
is best for the whole country. But the
North must concur, and even lead the
way, in this patriotic obliteration of
sertional prejudices, or it will fail to
be accomplished.
Let me ouly add, that I am not one
of those who foresee dangers to our
institutions, or to the general prosperi
ty of the country, in the success of
the Democratic party. Nor, in view
of the great uncertainties of the re
suit, does it seem wise to create a panic
in advance bv exaggerated partisan
predictions. In my opinion, there has
never been a moment since the war
ended when it would have beeu safer
to intrust the government to such a
man as General Hancock, with the
assurance that it would be administer
ed upon principles as broad as the
Constitution, and as comprehensive as
the Union.
Youra respectfully,
ROB'T C. \V I NTH ROP.
Brookline, Mass., Sept. 30.
Kanilall Gibson on Southern Hugheum.
THE RESULTS OF THE WAR CORDIALLY Af-
CEI'TEn IIY TIIE PEOPLE.
Congressman Randall I. Gibson, of
Diuisiana, was recently interviewed at
Washington by a local reporter upon
the public order and industrial, moral
and intellectual development of tin-
South. In the course of the interview
he said :
"The Southern people are devoted
to the form of government cstah]i-h<-d
by the Federal Constitution over tl,<-
Union. The idea prevails with some
in the North that because the South
ern States desired a separation from
the Northern States Cinder an appre.
hension that their domestic securitt,
on account of slavery, was menaced
that therefore they were inimical to
the Federal Constitution. Tin* i. a
great mistake. The Federal Coii*titu
tion was iu the main formed by South,
ern men ; the only part of it in which
they had no voice was in th<- amend
ments proposed after the civil war, hut
which they have now cordially a< <. j
ed, for they embody the results of th<-
war. These amendments prohibited
| slavery and the doctrine of sec<—ion.
With these exceptions the ton-tit ;-
tion stands generally ax it came from
the hands of our forefather-, and j.,
Southern man to-day can !><• found
who would advocate secession a- a
remedy for any possible grievance, ,r
the restoration of negro elaverv. !
know of no other differences between
the North and the South than iw
longer existence of slavery in j| .
Southern States, and their inor<
j orous attempt to vindicate the idea f
secession. It must not he forgotten
i that the Northern States were one
slave State' as well as the S .utliern,
| and that the doctrine of sec "ion i.
preached once in Massachusetts a
well a' iu South Carolina. A- the
two sections stand now what difrr
! encas remain ? I can see none. N
| that it is over, we thank < Jod that we
are rid of slavery, and that there ran
he no sectional party in the N r:a
hostile to the South which w ill n >: a;
I the same time inflict similar evils up a
j the Northern people, for to-day w<■ ar
one in interest."
"How do the ex •( on federate je.pi;.
lation regard the question of payment
' for the losses of the war and S nthcrn
claims generally ?"
"I say unhesitatingly that the S jth
j ern people are opposed to the pay
ment of w hat are called rebel ( lain:—
I war claims. These claims are ju-t
i w hat General Hancock describes them
to he—a bugliear—a mere phantom . f
Republican imagination to frighten
the Northern people out of their
senses. The amendment to the <in
stitution prohibits the payment of
these claims, and every member of
j Congress takes ati oath to support the
Constitution. There were onlv throe
or four hundred thousand slav.-h 11-
ers in the South, and no sane man can
believe at this late day, when a now
; generation of voters ha- grown up in
| the South since the days of slawrv,
. that eight or ten millions of p< >pie
' would IK* willing to tax themsolv.-- : r
the benefit of a few hundred th u
sand. Never in the history ot the
: jtolitics of this country was such an
absurd hue and cry attempted to 1*
| raised as this talk about the payment
I of Southern claims."
j
('•L 'TsJ I 1 I LJ A T .
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL
(Eighth Xorvuil School District.
J LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA.
A. N. RAUB, A. M., principal.
"PUIS SCHOOL,as at present con-
A atita-ed, offer. lb* nr; I*l tariliti'-t f l'f
fra.iooiil and Clustra) lewralng.
Iluil Itur* tparlnua. tontine and noSMndina< wis
pletely baa led by •tram, aril MliltM. and fun t
--od with a bountiful aupply of pure water. reft nj.nrt
water.
taxation healthful aad wt of arrow.
Surrounding ronj uumt-a—r-d
Tearbera anperiearod, eltioiant, and all.f tr tbe.r
• orb.
IHwiplloo. Arm and kind, uniform and thorough.
Rxpenaaa moderate
Fifty ceuta a nook dodnrtinn to tb-we preparing tr
toarb.
Htudanta admitted at any tltnr.
Courw of atudy prearrtbrd by thr State I Model
School. 11. l'ro|iaratory 111. Elementary. It.Sri
•attSc.
aimer rorMir
t Ara.t-mtr 11. Conmml.l 111 Mnalr IV Art.
Tbr Elementary and Scientlfti coiir-eat an- rt"
tamtonai, and atndeiiia graduating therein rw ' *
litplomaa, conferring tba following onrrrtp-nding b
grew: Mattel of the Klrmenta, and HMI of
srtaoraw. Oiaduataa in tba o'har ooumaa raralra
Normal CartlSeataw of tbair attaißmanta, aign-i b
tha Faculty.
Ttia Prufawional rontana ara llbaral, ami ara in
thorough tic*. not interior to tbnae of our IsJt collage*.
Tha Stata require* a highar order of riUaaaatup.
Tha Uaa* daman.l It It la na ot tha prima oh"-"
of thta orhool to hdp to aarura it by furoiahiag intel
ligent and efhrient taarhara for bar arboola. To th
and It aoltrlu young paaaona of good abllitlaa and
good pr|>eae—lh.-ee wHo doalra to Itapwa tbair
tliaa aad Ihalr talanta, aa atndaola. To all anrh it
pmmiwa aid In d*ral..plng tbair pi-waca and atmadaot
opportuntiiaa for wall-paid labor aftar laa.ing arhord.
For ratafogaa and tarnia addraaa tba Principal.
aotan or raraiua
Rinrkhnltlatw'Truotaaa— j " Barton. M ID., A It.
| IM. Jacob Rrowa. ft. M. Hirkf. rd. Sainuol CbHat. A.
N Rank, It 0. Oook, T. C Hu-pla. W. O. KluUmg,
K P. McOinairk. Ibiß . W W. Rankin. Wai H Broaa
Stale Traataaa—Uoa. A O.Curtin. H. 11. IL. Dial
r-nWh. Uan Jaw MarTlll. fca.W UUMB Blglar.J C
C. Whalay, 8. Millar MrClormlrk. E|
orrtrtaa.
Hon. WI 1,1,1 AM RIOI.IOt. Praabtant. Oearteld.
flan J KKSK MERRILL V. Prratda.il, Lock Karen.r
P MILLAR McCORMICK. Sorradary.
THOM AS TAKDI.KY. Tfraaurar. "
PATENTS.
T>ATEXTS procured i>on Inven-
I Uona No Arretrr' Fiat la AT*ar_ >
iluqw WM IM9. IU I"
aad obtain TRADE MARKS. DRSIQN PATENTS.*c.
J NVENTORS
•and wa a Modal of yoor Intention, with yoar owa
daarrlpgfoa of It, for owr opinion aa to patentability.
No Aeroastr'i Fata rtUMa Ptttnr ta Sarraan- Dor
Rook of I attraction. Sr., "How iw Paoctiai
oral fbaa on roqaatrt; aire wntpla copiaa of tba Sett*-
nrtc Raroto. tba Inraaiora' Joaraal.
R R. A. P. LACKY, Pntent Attorney*,
art* F St., near Patawt tMRca. Waahlngt n. D I'
GARMAN'S HOTEL,
Oppaalta Ooart Hoaao, MRLLRFONTE, PA
TERMS ItdW PER DAT.
A ptd Llrary attached. l->