■ilh €rnta fSemeicat.
BELLEPONTE, PA.
The Largest, Cheapest and Beat Papc -
I'UHI.ISIIKI) IN CKNTKK COUNTY.
(i()V. SEYMOUR'S SI'EECII.
He Warns a Democratio Mass Meeting in
Utica Against What the Repub
licans Call Nationalism,
A Diftneotion of Gn. Garfield's Theo
ries n% to thin Election end of
Hie Plena if He Should Win.
When Governor Seymour eauie for
ward on the stage of the Utica Opera
House last Wednesday evening to ad
dress the largest Democratic meeting
ever held in that city, he was received
with the most affectionate greetings,
lie was in excellent voice, and spoke
substantially as follows:
FELLOW CITIZENS : "It must not
bo forgotten that this government is
110 longer the simple machinery it was
in the early days of the Republic.
The bucolic age of America is over.
The interests the Government has to
deal with are no longer those of a
small number of agricultural commu
nities wih here and there a commercial
town. They are the interests of near
ly fifty millions of people spread over
an immense surface, with occupations,
pursuits and industries of endless va
riety and great magnitude ; large cit
ies with elements of population scarce
ly known here iu the early days, and
all these producing aspirations and
interests so pushing, powerful and
complicated in their nature and so
constantly appealing to the Govern
ment, rightfully or wrongfully, that
the requirements of statesmanship de
manded in this age are far different
from those which sufficed a centurv
ago."
These are not my words. If I had
uttered them it wonld be felt that I
was making a harsh charge against
the Administration. They are state
ments put forth by one of its officials,
who speaks from his experience as a
member of the Cabinet, and as one
who formerly had a seat in the Senate.
This declaration made by Mr. Schurz
is official iu character. It will be so
viewed in other countries and will
rejoice the enemies of our Govern
ment while it mortifies the American
people.
Lntil within the past twenty years
the Executive, the Legislative, the
Judicial departments gave honest
construction to the Constitution. They
did not seek to usurp power by strain
ed definition. They sought to carry
out its spirit. They did not summon
crowds of men with schemes, who were
pushing, rightfully or wrongfully, to
get at the public Treasury, by calling
this a nation and teaching the false
doctrine that we should follow the
usages of other and not the constitu
tional law of our own Government.
The leaders in the canvass on that
side are those that hold places as Sen
ators or as Cabinet Ministers or im
portant positions under the present
Administration. All of them, in fact,
and in some form ask that their pow
ers should be increased by taking
from the people some of their home
rights. They say in effect, give to us
your rights of tnakiug laws for your
selves, we can take care of your inter
ests better than you can. Every de
mand for jurisdiction for the general
Government is a demand for the
surrender of rights by the people in
their towns, their counties or their
States. Mr. Garfield openly expresses
his satisfaction and his desire if he is
elected President that the Govern
ment should have more power than it
had when Washington und Adarus
and Jefferson and Jackson filled the
Kxcutive chair. He says there has
been a gain, and that there will be
more by force of gravitation ; not by
the popular will, not by chnnges in
the Constitution in a regular way. hut
that authority, patronage and power
will add to themselves, will by their
own weight increase and grow until
they are up to the full measure of his
desires. He rejoices to see this done
in away against which George Wash
ington warned you in his Farewell
Address, which was submitted to
Alexander Hamilton and other states
men liefore he gave it to the American
]>eople.
Another member of the Cabinet,
Mr. Hherman, Secretary of the Treas
ury, takes a different view of the
state of affairs from that given by his
colleague. He dwells upon the busi
ness pros|>erity of our country. Over
looking the industry of our peo
ple, the favorable seosous that hnve
rewarded their labors with ample
harvests, the demands for our products
from other countries, he claims for the
Administration the gratitude of our
people for all our blessings. I have
no unkindly feelings for Mr. Sherman.
I regret that he does himself a wrong
when he is ungrateful to God and un
just to the laborer of the land. It was
not the statesmanship of the Cabinet,
but the statesmanship of the plough,
blessed by a fruitful season, that gives
us our growing wealth. Not the skill
of the rreasurv Department, hut of
mechanics and manufacturers, that
make the springs of our prosperity;
not the talk in Congress, but tne toil
of labor in all its varied fields. In
another respect he does himself a
wrong. He does not warn our people
of the danger which the change of
seasons may make. He does not, as
he should, admonish them that tit this
time, when money is abundant, men
should throw off' the burden of debt
and cxtricnte themselves froin positions
of perils if times should change, lie
teaches the false and mischievous doc
trine that government policies and
not honest toil and frugal care, that
the schemes of the brain, not the
sweat of the brow, give competence to
men. Much has been said about the
absurdity of fiat money. How much
more absurd are Mr. Sherman's teach
ings of fiat prosperity. In this direc
tion Mr. Sherman outstrips Denis
Kearney.
The points most conspicuous in the
speeches and journals of the Republi
can party are, first that this is a nation,
and next, this election is a contest
between the Northern and Southern
States, iu which a victory will be great
gain to the former party. We charge
that the denunciations of the South
are used to mask their designs to get
jurisdiction over all the Union and
mainly over the interests and people
of the North, as they are the most
important and varied; that the term
"nation" is selected because it is a word
of obscure and indefinite meaning, and
if it is substituted for the legal and
proper title of Government it will en
able them to make changes in its
character hurtful to the rights of the
people and disastrous to the prosperity
of their business and industrial pur
suits; that the mischief it will create
will not ho for the remote future, but
they are pressiug upon us now and
will he felt in their full force from
this time on, unless they are averted
by the results of the pending electious.
It is a marked and conspicuous fact
in the political discussions of the past
four years that the Republican leaders
have sought to briug into use the words
Nation and Nationalism when speak
ing of our country. These have been
heretofore used without any special
significance as terms generally applied
to different divisions of the human
race into communities governed by
some forms of law. We always find
that the men who use the word —and
many like Senator Blaine love to call
it a sovereign Nation —are in favor of
a different construction of the Consti
tution than has heretofore prevailed.
Mr. Garfield openly states this when
he says that the views held by Mr.
Hamilton are growing in strength,
and he rejoices that our < rovernment
is gravitating to more power. We
find, too, that they favor the plans of
the same distinguished statesmen of
gaining jurisdiction by constructions
put upon the words of the Constitu
tion. As they do not like, at this
moment, to develop ail their plans
which would excite alarm particularly
at the North, to mask their purposes
and to divert attention by exciting
passions and prejudices, they use the
word as far its they can in connection
with sectional controversies, so that
it may he felt they only have in view
the strength of the Union. It is this
idea which gives their phrases a
measure of favor with the Republican
party. They also take great pains in
their discussions to carry the idea that
nationality means something farvora
ble to the interests of the North. We
charge that the purposes of the Re
publican leaders are in conflict with
the Constitution; that they endanger
the peace, the order and the safety of
the Union. They draw to the Na
tional Capitol hordes of men who
have selfish and corrupt objects, who
tempt officials to violate duty from
motives of ambition and greed for
gold. They impair the interests and
prosperity of different sections of our
I'nion by laws framed by men ignor
ant of the subject upon which they
act and by legislation not only in con
flict with the letter of the Constitution
but with its spirit and the genius of
all our political institutions, both local
and general.
It must not he thought that the
changes which men seek to make in
the character of our Government by
the use of the words nation nnd na
tionalism, and by the constructions
which they mean to put upon them,
relate only to the theory of politics ;
that their influences are too uncertain
and remote to be of immediate con
cern. They a fleet us now. They not
only threaten hut work disastrous re
sults to the commerce of our country,
to the interests of the farmers of the
Western .States, and to the business
prosperity of the whole country. We
know that cheap transportation has
led to the sale of our farm products
in Europe and has lifted all kinds of
business from the depression which a
short time since was felt by all pur
suits. The ability to send what we
make and raise to the markets of the
world at cheap rate is of more im
portance to the North than to the
South. The products of the latter are
of a kind that do not suffer from the
competition of other countries. Eu
rope must have the cotton of the
Houth. Increased cost of transporta
tion docs not prevent their sale; it
adds to cost to the consumer. The
farmers and manufacturers of the
North have to compete with those
who make or raise the same products
in the markets which we seek to gain.
A small difference in the cost of
carrying will prevent our grain and
provisions from going abroad.
We find that many fair-minded men
receive the terras nation and national
with favor because they have vague
ideas that they will give more strength
to the General Government and secur
ity to our Union. We all seek to
%
make our Government strong. We
ull pray that our Union may stand
forever. But it is a fatal error to
suppose that the, strength of a Gov
ernment grows out of the amount
and not the beneficence of its power.
There is truth in the maxim that
the government is best which governs
least. That which gives the largest
measure of freedom, rights of con
science, of persons and of property.
That government is the most endur
ing which lifts up its citizens into a
sense of the right and duties of their
positions, which trains them to watch
and guard the public welfare, which
makes them bold, free and enterpris
ing and imbues them with the proud
feeling that government belongs to
them and not they to government.
Ijot us turn our eyes from this system
which thus gives strength and dura
tion to the despotisms of the world
when all jurisdictions are in the hands
of monarehs, upheld by all the powers
of the state, its treasures and its armies.
The thrones which topjde in civil
ized Europe are those which are over
loaded by jurisdiction. The monarch
who holds unlimited sway over the
greatest empire, who commands vast
armies, who claims control over the
lives, liberties and conscience of men
is the one who dares not walk the
streets of his capital, lie trembles
for his life in the recesses of his palace.
This dread of assassination or revolu
tion does not grow out of personal de
fects of character, but from the princi
ples of government which constantly
bring him in collision with the con
science, the aspirations and the inter
ests of his subjects. In marked con
trast with this we find another great
empire that is governed by a woman,
whose appearance in the streets of her
capital is hailed with acclamations of
loyalty and affection. Hut her juris
diction is divided with l'urliament,
and shielded from prejudice and pas
sion by distribution of jniwera. It is
not true that any power given to a
government which brings it in conflict
with any class of the citizen or any
section of its domain gives it strength.
It was on account of this truth that
our enemies in Europe predicted at
the outset that our I nion could not
stand because it had to deal with ter
ritories so broad and interests so varied.
It has been the marvellous wisdom
which distributed fair diction between
different local departments that has
carried it safely und triumphantly
through the first century of its exist
ence. Our great political duty is to
keep it strong by saving it from the
exercise of jurisdiction which shall
excite hostility towards it. Its strength
must ever lie in the affections of our
|>eople. Its duration will dei>end uj>on
the fact that its actions will be bene
ficent to all nnd hurtful to none.
I beg our Republican friends to
look at the attitude of Mr. Garfield
with regard to the Constitution and
sec if it is one that shows loyalty
to its provisions. It is the bond of
our Union. It is the charter of our
rights and liberties. He has on many
occasions to uphold it. On the 4th of
March next he will as a Senator from
< >hio take a solemn oath to support
its provisions. The Senate was orga
nized to assert and defend the letter
nnd its spirit. Docs the conduct of
Mr. Garfield accord with these oaths?
He avoids the use of the titles it gives
the (iovernment. These were selected
to show its character and object. He
uses in n marked way words the fram
ers of the Constitution rejected and
shuns those they selected. What could
bo 'bought of a clergyman who should
aihstitute for the grand, clear toues of
the Bible vague and unmeaning words
which obscure the law of Christian
life? Yet in this way Mr. Garfield
treats the law which makes the life of
our Union. In view of his efforts to
change the Constitution by substitut
ing construction for its language, you
doubt if, in his oath of office, he swears
for or at the Constitution. You wonder
what he seeks, which is rebuked by
the title of 'United States,' the 'Union,'
the "General Government." What
leads him to dwell upon tho words
"Nation" or "Nationalism," which are
weak, obscure and trivial? us
sec how Mr. Garfield looks at his in
terest and position. We can give his
ideas almost in his own words when he
communes with himself. He says:
"I am to he a Senator from Ohio for
six years. Hamilton was right when
he said that Senators should hold for
life. lam glad that his opinions grow
in favor. He did not like our Consti
tution, hut said everything depended
upon the way it was construed. This
heavy volume upon my table called
the civil list shows the names of more
than seventy thousand men paid from
the Treasury. This docs not include
the soldiers or sailors. 'I am glad to
see we are gravitating towards more
power.' The Senate, of which lam a
member, gives most of these men
their places directly or indirectly.
They depend upon confirmation by us
of the Resident's nominations. In
view of this fact, he usually sends in
the names of those we want. If he
does not, we throw them out. While
large uumbers of those in the civil list
are not acted uiwn by our body, yet as
a rule they hold under those we confirm
so they all look to us for support. If
we can make the civil list up to a hun
dred and fifty thousand we shall be
able to hold our places for life"
These plain words give you the theo
ries of Mr. Gnrfield and his friends
about this election and their plans for
the future. What they say and do
shows you what they aim at. Will it
not he wise on the part of the great
Republican party to leurn und think
who will ho the victors and who will
he the victims if they have their own
way in this election ? If they do not
do this they may fall into the trap set
for the people, und then we all shall
feel that nationalism is a curse.
Turn from Mr. Garfield's letter of
acceptance to that of General Han
cock. He hows to the decrees of the
Constitution. He accepts its teach
ings, ho is imbued with its faith ; its
terms to hitn are sacred ; his earnest
ness shines out in every line, and
when he swears to sup|>ort the Consti
tution in its letter and spirit we know
he means to do so. Those who formed
it not only chose fitting words to tell
its meaning, but patriotism, like re
ligion, has its symbols. No flag which
floats in the winds of Heaven tells so
much as ours of the history and char
acter of the government it represents.
Its stripes recall the names of the
States which fought the battle which
gave us liberty, and which crowned
their glorious work by forming our
Union. The States are numbered by
the stars which glitter upon its blue
field. He who would strike one star
from its place, or who would blend or
blur these symbols so that they would
tell only of obscure nationalism, has
latent treason in his heart.
We are asked why we took a soldier
for our standard-hearer? To whom
can we intrust it with more safety
than to one who has had its deep ami
grand significance burnt into his very
being by the fires of battle-fields ?
There is not a color upon its folds, |
there is not a stripe upon its emblazon
ry, there is not a star upon its azure
ground that has not been made sacred
to him. The appeal which drew him
and his fellow-soldiers from their homes
to the battle field, was to rally round
the stars and stripes and to uphold the
Union. They will never make our j
flag nu unmeaning thing ; they will |
see to it that it remains a true emblem ;
of the spirit of our Constitution. By •
the people's vote General Hancock
will bear this standard on to victory j
in this contest as be has heretofore J
done on the bloody fields of battle, j
He has learned from it the grand pur- j
poses of the Constitution by teachings
amid all the solemn lessons of war, by
the inspirations of the battle field, hy
the sad and solemn aspects of the
blood-stained earth and the dying
groans of men when the struggle has
ended. He has learned the great les
sons of statesmanship, not uinid scenes j
of party strife, not in an atmosphere
tarnished by personal ambition or
scheme of plunder, but where Wash
ington and Jackson learned the lesson
of duty to their country and of obedi
eucc to its laws and Constitution. It
is now charges! by our opponents that
we are inconsistent when we place a
soldier at the head of the (iovern
ment. The propriety of doing this
depends upon the character of the
man and the nature of the service
upon which he has been engaged.
The general who has fought only for
victory or a conquest, or has been en- j
gaged only to promote schemes of am- j
bition or uratifv feelings of hate, has |
been taught upon the battle-field only j
lessons of force and violence. But
those who have dared the jK-rils of
war to free their country of oppres- j
sion, to gain for it nn independent 1
government, to resist hostile invasions j
or to uphold it against resistance to j
its rightful authority, have their mind j
tilled with objects instructive, enno- I
filing and patriotic.
With intellects quickened by all the
dangers and excitements of the strife
they sec more clearly than other men
the value of obedience to laws and the
duty of sacrificing all things for their
country's good. It was in this school
that Washington learned the grand
duty of laying dowu his sword and
retiring to private life when the world
thought he would claim a crown as
his reward. This act, so constantly
referred to in other lands as well as
our own, gave him his immortality.
It was in the same school, uuder
like influences, that in the hour of
victory Jackson curl>ed and restrained
his fiery spirit and submitted to in
justice and indignity because it was
imposed upon him hy a legal tribunal.
"If called to the I'residency I should
deem it my duty to resist with all my
power any attempt to impair or evade
the full force and effect of the Consti
tution, which, in every article, section
and amendment, is the supreme law of
the land."— WINFIELD SCOTT HAN
COCK.
He who has learned to obey right
ful authority haa been taught the
great lesson which fits him to exercise
authority. He who reverences the
laws of his country is the right man
to administer them. He who has
proved his devotion to its interests is
the one to whom we can most safely
trust the work of guarding and pro
tecting them. Therefore we placed
him in nomination, ami go into this
contest with the firm faith that we
shall elevate him to the position of
President of these United States.
IT is better to have an opinion of
your own and to be half wrong than
to allow your lips to be shaped by
' others. The Danes say: "He who
builds according to every man's ad
vice will live in a very crooked house."
♦ ~ • ■
THEY met, they smiled, they wept,
they loved. Ho called her Jaue, she
called him Thomas; a richer man
came down the lane, and Tom brought
suit for breach of promise.
COL IiOB'T I\ DECIIERT,
Democratic Candidate for Auditor General.
Colonel Robert Porter Dechert, who
is the nominee of the Democratic party
for the otlice of Auditor General of
Pennsylvania, in a resident of Philadel
phia und a member of the bar in that
city. At the breuking out of the Re
hellion ho was only eighteen year* of
age, hut yielding to his patriotic irn
pulses, be enlisted as a private soldier
in the Twenty ninth Regiment of
Pennsylvania Volunteers. Before the
Regiment took the Held, Col. John K.
Murphy, commanding, appointed young
Dechert to the position of Sergeant-
Major on his staff, This position he
filled with great credit until February,
1862, when he was promoted to he
First Lieutenant of Co. C of the same
Regiment. His promotion was made
over all of the Second-Lieutenants of j
the Regiment hy the selection of the ;
Colonel, and was considered to he mer- i
ited hy his ability and attention to
duty. In this rank he served with his
Regiment in the catnpnign of Major
General Ranks in the Valley of the
Shenandoah in Virginia, and in the
memorable retreat of that General. He
also served with his company in the
Army of Virginia under Major General
Pope, including the buttles of Cedar
Mountain, Second liull Run and Chan
tiily, and subsequently at Antietam and
Chancellorsville. Immediately after the
battle of Antietam, he was selected hy
Brigadier General George L. Andrews,
now a professor at West Point, to serve
as his Aid de-Camp and Assistant Adju
tant-General, and on that oflice being
transferred to the Department of the
South, Lieutenant Dechert performed
the same duty on the staff of Brevet
j Major-General Thomas 11. Ruger, now
a Colonel in the regular army, and
prominently named for the position of
Chief of the Signal (Jorps to succeed
the late Brigadier General Myers—bet
known as •' Old Probabilities." At the !
great Pennsylvania buttle of Gettysburg
Lieutenant Dechert served as Assistant
Adjutant--General of the First Division
j of the Old Twelfth Corps at Culp'r Hill, j
| and was honorably mentioned for gal-
I lant service in the official report of that '
! important engagement.
Immediately after the battle the
j Western troops of the Army of the
I Potomac were sent to the '"ity of New
j York under the command of General
j Ruger to enforce the draft that had been
temporarily suspended by reason of
the removal of the troops from that j
city for the defence of Pennsylvania ;
in the Gettysburg campaign.
The draft being successfully accoin j
pli-bed, these troops were returned to !
the Army of the Potomac on the Rspa |
dan, in Virginia, and a few days after- i
wards, in consequence of our repulse at j
j G'hicamauga, the 11th Bnd 12th Corps
were transterred to the Western Army, j
No time was lost in their transportation,
and disembarking from the cars at
Nashville, Tenn., they were marched to
Chattanooga. In Decemlier of the year
1K63, The Twenty-ninth Regiment was
the first in the artny to accept the
offer of the government to re-enlist for
another three years, and Lieutenant
Dechert concluded to rejoin his regi
ment for that purpose, and he was
immediately promoted to the Captaincy
of his company. The return of thi*
Regiment to their homes, on availing
themselves of the veteran furlough for
thirty days, has not been forgotten hy
by the survivors or their friends. They
! were received in public hv the official 1
authorities of the City of Philadelphia
at t'ld Independence Hall and at the
' Cooper Relreshment Saloon, and after ]
recuperation and additional enlist
ments, the regiment was sent to the
Hospital building at Chester, Penn'a,
and then was removed to the scene of
its former labor* at Chattanooga, Tenn. i
For several months Captain Dechert
i was stationed at Philadelphia for the
i purpose of enlisting additional recruits, 1
: liut he rejoined his regiment in the
> Atlanta campaign, having been relieved
from recruiting duty at Philadelphia at I
his own request.
After the capture of Atlanta, he was
again selected by his Commanding Gen- j
eral for important service. Major i
General 11. W. Slocum appointed him
the Assisant Adjutant General of the
Twentieth Army Corps— that thorps j
being the result of the consolidation of
the 11th and 12th Army Corps which
had been shortly before commanded by
Msjor General .ioe Hooker.
When Major General A. S. Williams
was advanced to the command of this !
Corps, hy reason of the promotion of
General Slocum, he retained Captain
Dechert in the same position on the
Corps sUff.
During the eventful march of Major
General W. T. Sherman "to the sea,''
and at Savannah, Ga., General Slocum
again recognized the efficient service of j
Captain Dechert by appointing him
Assistant Adjutant General of the Army
of Georgia on his atsff, which position
he retained until after the surrender of
General Joe Johnson, at Raleigh, and
after the Grand Review of Sherman's
Army at Washington in May, 1865. He
was meanwhile promoted to he Major
of the Twenty-nintli Regiment, and at
the close of the war he was brevited hy
the President of the United States on
the recommendation of Generals Slocum
and Sherman to he Lieutenant Colonel
" (or gallant and meritorious services
during the war."
In July, 1865, be being then less than
twenty-three years of age, he returned
to his home with his comrades, after an
active service in the field of over four
years. He immediately entered upon
the duty of the law in the office of hia
brother, Ilenry M. Dechert. Kaq„ a
Erominent member of the Philadelphia
*r, and was admitted to practice in
November, 1866. The same year he
waa the candidate of his party in the
Twenty-seventh Ward for Select Coun
cil, and although Governor Geary had
a majority of upwards of 400, he was
returned defeated by but thirty-two
votes. In this canvass he waa support
ed by many of the moat prominent
property owners of the ward who were
not members of hie own political party.
In 1868, on the election of Honorable
Furman Sbeppard to the office of Dis
trict Attorney of the county of Phila
delphia, Colonel Dechert was appointed
Assistant District Attorney (or three
years, and was again appointed by the
-j& ;
name official for the same term on In
re election in 1874.
When Mr. Hubert wm elected t 0
the name oflice in 1H77, Col. Dechert
declined a reappointment, preferring
to remime the general practice of In,
profeaaion to which he ha* devoted )i..
1 attention until called, without hi, own
•olicitation, to accept the nomination
for Auditor General. I^iirin>f thin mtv
ice a* a prosecuting officer, he w,,
independent and fearless, and condur t
ed many ini|*ortant trial* in which 1,,,
diaplayed abilitien that allowed J,,.
eminent fiuie** for the requirement,
of the poat.
While Col. Dechert held the po*ilion
of A wain tan I District Attorney, a vacancy
occurred in the Firat Senatorial District,
to which he had previoualy removed, hy
which the Senate of Pennsylvania w;,.
left politically a tie. Doth parties look
eel ahout them for their strongest can
didatea, and Col. ilechert vow, without
any aolicitation on hia part, unatiiriiotj
ly made the candidate of hi* party, at. J
after an active campaign, at a special
( election, on December 20, 1 h70 f he v,,.
j elected Senator by a majority ot up
' ward* of 1300, although tbe Republic ,n
| candidate for Sheriff at tbe election in
October had, in the same district, r<-
j ceived a majority of upward* of )<Xfi.
I Col. Dechert'* record during the two
year* in the Senate wa* creditable and
| unirnpeached.
He # the author of several irnpor
; tanl measures, of which the "Criminal
i Evidence" law is one, by which person*
! charged with certain minor criminal
offences are permitted to testify on
I their own behalf.
Col. Dechert is an active member of r
] number of societie-, among which DM
| tbe Military Order of tbe Loyal Legion,
tbe Miennerchor Society, the J'enn
j Club, the Historical Society of Penn-vl
j van in, Hamilton I-odge, No. 274, A. V.
M., of West Philadelphia, and Post No.
! 2 (irand Army of the Republic.
In IxTH Colonel Dechert accepted the
command of the old Veteran Second
j iiegiment, better known to our readers
I as tbe "National Guards," formerly corn
| manded by General Peter Lyle. This
j regiment has been brought under hi*
j efficient management to a high state of
I discipline, and in the recent encarnj
j ment at Fairmount Park it received the
; highest encomiums from soldiers and
j citizen*.
'I he office for which he is a candidate
i is a most responsible one, and lie will,
no doubt, receive a large independent
: vote by reason of hi* high character,
and because it i* often thought that the
Auditing officer of the Commonwealth
! can best perform his duties when he
; differs in politics from those whose &'
: counts are to be audited.
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL
I (Eighth Xormnt Schtiil Diet net,)
! LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA.
A. N. KAt B, A. M., I*rincipal.
THIS SCHOOL,as at present con-
I 1 stltn-sd, off.-rs th# isrr 1-s-t tarJliti.-* for Pr
j fsssionat and Class,, al learning.
Buildings stmrlou*. ln<itlmt sod <omn>odiu, r,m.
ptstsly boated by strain. <dl ventilated, and finbt
lod with a buantiful supply of purs water, si,ft sprit.,-
j water.
I leslli.® hrsllhfsl stid -mj c.f stcsh.
I Burruandlng srenory unsurpassed.
i T-ihsr experienced, rlMni, and silts p. it . -
work.
j tMs. iptins Arm and kind, nn.f'.m snd lh"r<mgb
I Kxpense* moderate.
j Kill} rent* s week dodti'iioD to tb-ws preparing I
Student* kdnlllsd si sny tlms.
I Coursos ..f study prtwniw<l by lbs Pint* J M-d.
, Srti.stl. 11. Preparatory. 111. El.ni.utar, IV. S
sntiftc.
ami-bcv coraac*
I. Acadi-tnlr. 11. Commercial 111 Mualr. IV. Art
Tbi- Kl>m.ntary snd IbirnUA. courses are |-...
Issskmal, nd students graduating therein n-n.
Ml linns-, conferring ths following cnrre*|,nding -
press Master of the Element*. j*J Mk-l-i sf tit
I hefenres. Uradnatr* It, ibs other courses re..-,,
Normal Ortißcste. <,( tbtir attainment, signet I i
Hit Faculty
Tbs Prufoasb-nal courses art liberal, and art la
t t hoc-right, eae Dot inftrior In those ~f onr mil. ~.
Tim Cut* re-,nirea a higher order < f cMlarbsi
i Tlit timts dstiiaii.l it It t „* „f •,
of (hi, s-fio.l lii brlp f,. o-i or* fi by furnishing ir.it
llgeut and efh.ient lew. hers f..r h.-r •> h...|. I H, •
! d it soll.il* young person, at pad at.Hit,..
g-"l purposes those who ..sails |o itaproie lb, T
Jims and tbtir talents, as students To all so.I, ,t
pl-. miaes Old it. de.el.plng their |*.ere and al.ut. Is. I
I opportunities far well-paid l*ls.r afl.r tearing , ho. ,
For rat a log us *nd ftrms a.I. trims lbs l*niKi|a>l
no,so or rat srggs
j Sb kholdtrs' Trusltss—.l H lUrtr.t, MP K II
lint. Jnnob Brown. S. M Kbkf .rd. Samusl t
5 .'"Ji'Ha*- Cot ' k T C. Illpplt. K*, . CI. KiMrin,
; K P. MrOormirk. fcq .W, H Kat.kin a II ||, .1,
i PuioTruMm— 11.m.A O.CnrUn. H.-n II L P..1
rtnlm-h. Osn J—ss M-mll, 11. r, WillUai B.cb r J C
1 C. W baity, a. Mlllsr MHV.rtnirk. Esp
..rrirnti.
i lion. WII.I.IAM BIUI.KK. Prtmldsi.l. risarfl.ld P.
V • Ma k llsvtn. I'a
j Ml LI. Alt MrOOHMICK, Anrttart, "
TIIOMAS TAKPI.KV. Tmararsr.
WOODWARD SEMINARY.
Bois-dlng Asd Day School for Tczag Ladici
and LStt'e Children.
SECOND AND LOCUST STREET'S
HAKKIBRUBO, PA.
ItrguUr Isrm will bsgia BKPTKM lIKR Pk ITC.
o..ms Of study—(Taaal. and fcfsMlHc, nlib Ma-ir
and Art.
B.rd and tnlUnn rtaaa AiSO to ja'O a par and no
sxtras '
Fw .in ulars and all dsalrabls Inbu-matb-n ad.lrs.
_ PRIWCIPAI
PATKNTS.
I>ATKNTB procured u|on InTen
■ tl.'ns No ArroaatT't Fins 1* Antsarv. ttqr
lloass was rslahllahsd la lf V* Alt CAVKATA.
and obtain TRAPK MARKS. PKSKJN PATKNTS. 1<
INVENTORS
wnd ns a M -W of your InssnUou. uttk roar own
dsarripSioti of 11. f„r oar as to palrntabilit'
so ATT..**rt *hu t aiass I'srrar is San are inir
Bo.* of Instruction. Ac., "Ho* m Pamrai Psnar- "
n "" ; *'*" "aaiplr n|d at Iba bit.
tinrKi. oan.ibs Inrsntora' J.utmal
H 8. A. P. LACKY, Pntrnl A ffomcv-,
<*M F SL, nsar Palmi .>n , w t P'
sMONEY ToLoftnttt Per( , t.
suou T,,K "CTCAL LIFE INSt B
ANCK CO. OF NRW TURK. M Inl aottiwr am
Iman.Tsd farm
and anl sat-snlina ..nn thlrd of lbs pr.sn.al sain* .<
lbs prv>prtly. Any portion of Ibs prfnrtpal can I*
fas of at any Urn*, and II ha* bow, th cnMnm of lbs
company to i-wmit tbs pHwipal 1., rsataln a* km* a*
lbs Imrn.wsr trial,sa. If tbs l*srssl m prwapily paid
Apply lo
CHARLES P. SIIRRMAN. Attomsy-aMa*.
AJTOoart st rust. Road la*. Pa,
or to PA VIP K. KLINROa,'* Appraiam.
m BsHsAmla. Pa>_
GARMAN'B HOTEL,
lUinullsConri lloaos, BKLLEFONTK, PA
TERMS sl. PER DAT.
A food Llssry altarhsd. |.|y
For Hale.
A FARM containing Fißy Acres,
f V and Imving ibs Toon *i*rtsd a TWOdTPORT
FRAME BIILPIVO
I at) airs of LJ.lt.lt URIEBT.
W L'ah'ii,llls, Csntrs couafi, Pa.