Centre Democrat. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, September 02, 1880, Image 2
ill* tiUfWhce s3mccrat. BELLEFONTE, PA. Tba Largest, Cheapest and Beat Payer ITIILISII KO IK CKJtTRK OOUKTT. Hancock and Victory. HY BTOtUiIITON <llO HUE. Pa** the watchword, llinniek'ilwnncr fling' Thru your ImlUrtnl Ugiont let the war*crv ring ! I'iim ithitig the watchword, Be you onward g, Victory, Victory! o'er our en lien fee. Cnoßtt Pa* along the watchword; Hancock ! V ktory ! Pane along tie watchword; Hancock ! Victory) I'ae* along the watchword, about It a* yon go : Victory ! victory ! o'er our silent the. Gird anew your armor, Hancock leads the van, Tried and faithful soldier, he who never ran ; your gallant Captain gives you, an you go, Victory, Victory, over every foe ! Oh, then, to the White Hon*e, there four years to dwell, Forward, lueii, he leads you! loud the chorus swell! He our Captain gives us, as we forward go, Victory, victory, over every foe J GARFIELD'*} FRIEND ON HANCOCK. PARIS, July 18,1880. To the Editor of the World: 8ir — A cable dispatch reached me at Lon don, whence I answered it more briefly perhaps than you expected, but I thought intelligently enough. Your later dispatch, which came to me here yesterday, 1 now reply to by mail. I inferred from your interrogatory that some evil-disposed persons had been attributing to me the authorship of the orders and letters issued by Gen. llaucock while he commanded in Ijouisiana aud Texas. My denial by telegraph was intended to cover the whole ground. I neither wrote those rtpers or suggested u word of them ; had no prerognitiou of his views on the subject to which they relate and heard nothing from him about it un til he had taken the public into his confidence, ludecd, my personal ac quaintance with him was then very slight, and our relations not at all in timate. The opinion that I would offer or he would require my aid iu producing such au order as his No. 40 is absurd. His determiuutiou to stand by the Constitution and the laws needed no expression but what lie could give it better thau any man alive. It was not au essay on rights of man that was wanted at that critical time. The *poken act of a patriot soldier iu high command alone could save civil liberty from the destruction with which it was threatened. That was what Hancock did, and it was the timeliest life that the great cause ever got from any hand except that of Washington. I hope my admiration of the order in question and the gratitude I have felt to him for issuing it can be reason ably accounted for without supposing that I framed or had any share in framing it. The belief was general among Uie friends of constitutional liberty, and expressed by many others as strongly as by me, that General Hancock had doue much, and done it bravely, to rescue the Nation and save it alive, first from secessionists, aud afterwards from the more dangerous and more unprincipaled oligarchy into whose hands it fell after the war. At the date of his service in Louisiana the beau ideal of a "strong government" was in full operation at Washington, conducted by men who claimed to be absolute masters of the country. State rights, and as a necessary consequence, individual liberty, were violently trod den down, and the Constitution which should have mode us free was habitu ally over-ridden and insulted. What those men called "the government" was not only wondrous stroug, but cor rupt beyond all example in modern times. Between its force and its fraud the people were powerless, and their despair was aggravated by an indefina ble dread that the whole army might at any moment be used to sink the Nation into still further degrcdation, if below that lowest depth of lower deep could be reached. It was in these circumstances that Hancock spoke out thosa words of truth and soberness which rc-assured the friends, of free government and inspired them with new hopes. All who were near enough to watch the current of that unequalcd contest between abolition ism and law can remember how the enemies of the Constitution were star tled and scared when they found that the most brilliant General of the Union had officially declared himself opposed to their "savage policy." They could not go upon him, nor send upon him, nor in any manner destroy him, for not only was the law of the land on his side, but the army was found to be full of sympathy with ita conspicuously gal lant and faithful leader. So they were fain to content themselves with harm.- less sneers and petty persecutions. But they removed him from the place where his devotion to the Constitution was specially interfering with their schemes to subvert it. When they made up their minds to strangle the liberties of a Slate, disperse a legnl Legiglatnre by brute force, to inaugu rate for Governor a shameless adven turer known to have been defeated at the polls, or to pin the people down with bayonets while they were plun dered by alien thieves who claimed to be their representatives and officers, someliody else was employed to do the infamous work. Still more carefully did they avoid his presence when the whole uation was to be swindled at a Presidential election. It was for such reasons that the heart of the conntry warmed to Gen. Hancock as its pre destined deliverer. It has often happened that the best things of the greatest men are attribut- Ed to others who are wholly incapable of them. The opiniou was industri ously propagated and accepted bv a great many as true that Hamilton wrote the farewell address of Wash ington, but the evidence is conclusive which BIIOWS that every word of thnt immortal production came from Wash ington himself; and Hamilton could not have written it any more than he could have made the world. Home of Jackson's most characteristic papers, hearing the full impress of his own mind, were hnhitunlly credited to per sons of fur inferior ability. When it was charged against Jefferson that he wrote Logan's speech, ho solemnly de clared that he wus unequal to such a composition. lam not affecting mod esty when I claim credence of my present denial for u similar reason. 1 could not have written Hancock's No. 40 —uot because I pretend to he dumb or altogether unskilled in the use of the English words, hut because if I had undertaken to write it the chances are ninety-nine in a hundred that my argumentation would have marred its majestic simplicity and greatly dimin ished its power. When a public man, especially a military man, meets a grave responsibility, saving no more nor less tliun just the thing he ought, hut suyiug that with unequivocal 'clearness, you may be sure he is the interpreter of his own thoughts. At any rate, the attempt is unjust to bas tardize No. 40 by assigning to it an origin totally different from the true one. • Why should my opinion bo asked or , I volunteered on General llancoek as a j civilian t Anybody else who has watched his life is as good a judge as 1, and there are thousands who know him much better. But since the cjues j tion is propounded I will answer, sub ject to fair correction, that he has in him the highest and best oualities of a Republican ruler. I think his fidelity to sound principles, coupled with his < sound judgment, will entitle him to : rauk with the great Presidents of form {er times. Ido not couijiare him with Washington, for the grandeur of that i character is and will remain forever unapproachable, but I do soy that Washington, if placed in his situation, would have acted precisely as he did. His patriotism has not the impulsive ardor of Jackson's; but his fidelity to ' the truth, his love of justice and his scorn of wrong, are uuitG as unmis ! takable. He is not a doctrinaire, like ' Jefferson, for his busy life has left liiin ■ no time to study the abstract philoso i phy of politics, but his practical good sense knows the right intuitively und always catches the nearest way to do it. if he be elected, the ability of his administration will inspire universal respect, ami his moderation and mag nanimity will conciliate even his ene mies. i have the fullest faith that he will not only keep his oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, out will so carry out its provisions tha# the great objects of its trainers as expressed in the preamble will lie fully accomplished—"To form a more perfect I'niou, to establish justice, to insure domestic tranquility, to provide i for the common defense, to promote ; the general welfare and to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." J. S. BLACK. Contrast the Two Records. ! From UM Lotilerillo Con ri*r-Journal. Hancock is a man of destiny. Why, just look at the record. In 1868 Gar field brought a bill into Congress to drop the junior Msjor General. That was Hancock. It passed l>olh Houses of Congress and was signed by the Presi dent. Hut before it could be carried into effect George H. Thomas, the senior Major General, died, and Han cock, going up one grade, was no longer the junior Major General, and so the law could not reach him. Then the Republicans, still led by Garfield, paus ed an act reducing the major generals to three. This was signed by the Pres ident, hut before it could be carried into effect Meade died, and the major gene rals were reduced to three by God Al- I mighty. Finally, a law was passed au thorising the President to drop one of the major generals. Before it could be carried out and llanoock be dropped, Halleck died, and Hancock becoming the senior Major General, he could not be dropped. The man who survived all these atempts to retire him can not be retired. Tne man who led them— Garfield—will, as a fitting consumma tion of his act, fall a victim to his in tended victim. Hancock will be elect ed President. Oarfield will be retired— at least from the Presidential field. The Patriarch of Rattlesnakes. From (ht Washington Star. The largest rattlesnake probably that has ever been seen in this city arrived at the Smithsonian Institute on Saturday, from Florida, forwarded by Mr. James Bell, who is in that State on special duty from the Interior Department, The snake belongs to the crotaaus ada mantues, or diamond rattle family. It ia about eight feet long, will measure twelve inchea around the body and has twelve rattles and a button on the end of its tail. It came in a close woven canvass bag and was at once dropped Into a targe wooden box with wire work and a sliding cover, prepared for the re ception of venomous reptiles. Not hav ing been fed for some lime, it is particu larly ferocious, and its rattle is constant ly on the shake whencfrer any one ap proaches or there is any noise in the room where it is kept. This monster snake is to be killed in a day or two for the purpose of taking a plaster cast of it, which will be done by A. Zeno Bhind ler, artist. The manner of killing for this purpose is by nutting the serpent in a close vessel and admitting a sponge saturated with chloroform. This pre verves the form so that a life like cast can be taken. GARFIELD TRIES TO LEGISLATE GEN. HANCOCK OUT OF OFFICE. A FAITHFUL OFFICER TO n* REMOVBI* HE CAUSE 111 OIIEVED Till LAW AND WOfl.lt NOT GOVERN WITH Till SWORO. BEAD THE RECORD. In January, 1808, Andrew Johnson was President, U.W.Grant was Gcu eral of the Army,and Winfield H. Han cock was Major-Genernl in command of Louisiana and Texas. Nov. 29, 1807, Hancock assumed command nnd issued his famous Or der No. 40. It contained, these words: " When insurrectionary force lias been overthrown and peace established ami the civil authorities are ready and willing to perform their duties, the military power should cease to lead, and the civil administration resume its natural and rightful dominion. Sol emnly impressed with these views, the General announces that the great tirin ciples of American liberty are still the lawful inheritance of this people, and ever should be. The right of trial by jury, the habeas corpus, the liberty of the press, the freedom of speech, the nuturul rights of persons, and the rights of property must be preserved." From the Congreerional Globe, Jan uary 13, I*oß, page 489: MR. GARFIELD. I ask unanimous con sent to offer for consideration and action a bill to reduce and improve the military establishment by discharging one Major-General. The bill was read. It provide! that the Army of tho United States shall be reduced by the discharge from military service of the Major-General, who was the last commissioned in that grade before January, 1868, to take effect from its passage, so there shall he hut four Mujor-Generals iu the Army. MR. GARFIELD. I hope the bill will be allowed to corne in, and then we can act on it in the morning. Objection was made, aud Mr. Gar field said he would bring it up the firßt thing on Monday next. Major-General Winfield 8. Hancock was commissioned Major-General on July '2O, 1806, and he was the last (icrson commissioned iu that grade he fore January, 1808. Thus we see that within six weeks after Hancock issued his order, No. 40, Garfield, being at that time chairmau of the Military Committee, moved a bill to remove him from office. ThU was not to retire uor to pension him, hut to punish him. This hill was not heard of again, but House Ilill No. 439 came from the Committee on Reconstruction on that day ( January 13, 1808), through Mr. Hingham. The hill contain* *1 the following lec tions : The following are sections 2, 3 and 5 of House Hill No. 439: Sac. 2. And be U further enacted. That for tbe speedy enforcement of the sot entitled " An act to proride for the more efficient government of the rebel States," |teased March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and the sev eral acts supplementary thereto, the General of the Army of the I'nited States is hereby authorized and required to enjoin by special orders upon all officers in command witbin the several military departments within said sever al States, the performance of all acts authorised by said several laws above recited, at his discretion, by bis order from command any or all of said com manders, and detail other officers of tho I'nited Slates Army, not below the rank of colonel, to perform all the duties and exercise ait tbe powers au thorised by said several acts, to the end that the people of said several Sutee msy speedily reorganise civil govern ments, Republican in form, in aaid several States, and be restored to polit ical power in the Union. Sac. 3. And be it further enacted. That the General of the Army may remove any or all civil officers now acting un der the several provisional govern ments within said several diaorganised States, and appoint others to discbarge ths duties pertaining to their respective offices, and may do any and all acta which by said several laws above men tione.d are authorised to be done by the several commanders of the military departments within mid States ; and so much of said acta, or of any act, as authorises the President to detail the military commanders to said military departments, or to remove any officers who may be detailed as herein provided, is hereby repealed. The f>th section made any interfer ence by force with the ordera of the (General of the Array (Grant), or any refusal or neglect to carry out the statute, a high misdemeanor, punish able by $5,000 fine and two years' im prisonment. This statute aimed at compelling Hancock to obey the orders of Grant, the General, and not of Johnson, the President; and it empowered General Grant to remove Hancock if be obey ed Johuson and not Grant It also gave the General of the Army full power to do everything he saw fit to in each of the Military Departments without any control of the President Its real animus was the effort of Garfield, and those who acted with him, to subordinate the civil to the military power in all the South, and to remove Hancock because he recog nized the law as superior to the sword. The bill was put upon its passage, and the Oongremional Glob*, of Jan uary 21, 18(18, contains the following speech from James A. Garfield in its favor. "1 call attention to the oath that •very officer and enlisted man takes before entering the army. It is in these words: " 1 do solsmnly swear that I will bear true allegiance to the United States," • • • • and will observa and obsy the orders of the President of the United Btates, and the orders of the officers appointed over me, according to the rules and articles for the govern ment of tho Army of the United Mtates." Now, should the President of the United States give to the humblest officer of the Army an order contrary to the Rules and Articles of War or to the law of Congress, the subordinate can peremtorily retime to obey, because the order has not been given in accord ance with tli*i rulea and regulation** of tho power which conimanda both him and the President. Now, if Congress can make laws ussigning special duties lo subordinate officers, such AS judge-advocates, quar termasters, and barrack masters, what new doctrine is this that it may not also assign special duties to the General of the Army 7 The volumes of statute* arc lull of laws of Congress command ing all classes of officers to perform all kinds of duties. It is now proposed to require of the General of tne Army the performance of a special duty, namely, the duty of directing the oper ations of that part of the Army which occupies the Slates lately in rebellion. If the Oeneral should neglect this duty the President, as coramander-ln chief, can call him touccount for such neglect, hut he cannot prevent his obedience to the law. So much for the constitutionality of this section. I now come to inquire why this legislation is needed. It ia be cause this Congress, in ita work of restoring to their places the States lately in rebellion, authorized the Pre* i.lent to assign the officers of the Army to the duties prescribed in the. law ; and the President has made such uxe of that authority aa to obstruct and delay the restoration of those State*. Without violating the letter of the lsw he baa been able, in a great mea* ure, to hinder the full nnd efficient execution of the law, llis acta and those of bis advisors are, to-day, the chief obstacle* to the prompt restora tion of the rebel States, and Congress proposes to remove those obstacle* by transferring the power to the hands of one who has shown hia loyalty to the country, and his willingness to obey the laws of the Union. Mr. SI-SSEES, I will not repeat the long catalogue of obstruction* which he has thrown in the way by virtue of the power conferred upon him in the re construction law ol 1807, but i will allude to one example, MIIEKE ut uas rot NO ix * MAJOE GSXEBALOI TIIE Aaav I a FACILE INSTBC HEKT with whictamore ; effectually to obstruct the work- ol re ! construction. This case is all the more I painful because an otherwise merxtorxoas I officer, who bean honorable scare, earned is battle for the Union, has been made a party to the political madness which has so long marked the conduct of the President. This General was sent into the district of Ixruisiana and Texas with a law of Congress in his hand, a law that commands him to see that Justice is administered among the peo ple of that country, and that no pre tense of civil authority shall deter him from performing his duty, and yet we find that officer giving lectures in the form of proclamations and orders of what ought to be the relation between civil and military departments of the Government. WE SBB HIM tssciKu A ÜBXEEAL OB DEB IX WHICH IIK USCLAKES THAT THE CIVIL SHOCLD NOT GIVE WSR Btross THE MtUTABT. We bear him declaring that he finds nothing in the laws of Louisiana and Texas to warrant hi* interference in the civil administra tion of those Slates. It is not for him to say which should be first, the civil or the military, in that rebel community. It is not for him to search the defunct laws of Louisiana and Texas for a guide to bis conduct. It is for him to obey the laws which he was sent there to ex ecute. It is for him to aid in building up civil governments, rather than pre paring himself to be the presidential candidate of that party which gave him no sympathy when he was gallantly fighting the battles of the country." The bill pamed the House—yeas, 124, all Republicans; nays, 4-~, all Democrats—James A. Garfield voting yea. (Hee House Journal, ]gc 219.) The record is made up: It is Han cock, the soldier-civiliau and the law, against Garfield, tbe disgraced-civilian and the sword above law. CHOOSE YE! Colonel MTalment for Hancock. WHT HE HAS COHCI.CDSD THAT A CHANGE IS NECEMABT. Jokm a almost'! Wl.r is V.ut|o SpMtekx. Since tbe nomination of Hancock and Knglish by the National democratic Convention my preference for their elec tion baa become so decided that it seems proper to give it the form of a public expression. I regret logo against General Garfield, for whose political and moral worth I have sincere regard, in spite of some specks in his record. But I cannot say as much for tbe nomi nee for Vioe President on the Republi can ticket. His virtual dismissal from the post of Collector of Customs at New York by an administration which recognised civil service rules is prima facie evidence of disqualification for the dignified office of President of the Sen ate. On tha other hand, the Demo cratic candidates, Hancock and English, present a clean record of efficient and faithful service to their country. The executive power of the country can be no better placed than in the hands of General Hancock. His love of justice is proverbial,4iis firmness for the right invincible and his honesty and integrity unquestionable. His conspic uous servioes are a part of the country's history, and his excellent civil attain ments are firmly imbedded in the prin ciples of Magna Charts and the common law. Nor is Mr. Knglish wanting in my esteem. Tbe only objection mode to him is that he has been faithful in the managemeut of his own affairs since his retirement from an honorable office, which he ably and worthily filled. He has not been charged with the misuse or the prostitution of a public trust. The leading Democrats of the oountry behaved so handsomely in the last count of the electoral vote that it would now be fit that their reward should come in such a decisive majority for their ticket as to preclude in the next count all grounds for thf interference of the House of Representative**, or, what in none, the executive army of the gov ernment. - ♦ Garfield Attempt** to Secure Hancock's Removal In infiM, WiuliliiKloti 'Unpaid, tn Mrs Votk WotM, The famous Order No. 40 wax issued hy General Hancock November 29, 1807, Ivtrly in the enxtiina session of Oongrwu, .lanuary 13, 1808, Mr. (iarfiehl, accord ing to the Oonf/riiuioiiiil Globe, page 4 Hi*, nuked unanimous consent in tin- House to intro<luce for immediate considera tion and action a hill "to reduce and improve the military establishment hy discharging one major-general." The bill provided that the ariny should he reduced by the discharge from military service of the major general who was the last commissioned in that grade before January, 1868, the bill to take etfect from its passage, so that there should remain hut four major generals in thearrny. As soon os the hill had been read Mr. Garfield expressed (he wish that it might he acted u|Kn the next morning. Objection being made, Mr. Oat field then said that he should bring it up the first thing on the follow ing Monday. The hill was aimed di rectly at Oeneral Hancock, who had been commissioned Major Oeneral July 20, 1866, and was the last commissioned in that grade before January, 1868. Thus it is seen that within six weeks after Hancock had issued Order No. 40, i Oarfield, chairman of the Military Corn : miltee, moved a hill to punish him for | issuing it—not by retirement or pension, ! but by removal. The Oarfield bill was ! not heard of again for the reason that on the same day, January 13, Mr. Ring ham, Irom the Committee on Itecon struction, reported a bill that answered nearly the purpose sought byOatfirld. It was in three wordy sections, but its I purport was to compel Hancock to obey j Orant, the general, rather than Johnson, 1 the President, and investing in (irant the power to remove Hancock if he I obeyed Johnson. It also gave Grant the power to do anything he might see fit in each of the military departments, regardless of the President. In broader terms, it meant that the powers granted the President by the Constitution should be overthrown by statute. The bill was put upon its passage January 17, and on ; that day Garfield made a speech from !an alleged constitutional standpoint. ' After be had disposed of what he called j Us constitutionality he let the light in ■ on his real purposes hy arraigning Han ! cock for issuing Order No. 4<. The lan : gunge of the arraignment was repeated i by Mr. Lawrence at Rocky Point yeater- I day. Mr. itingham's bill passed the i House, after Mr. Garfield's speech, by a j strict party vote of 124 Republicans to 4."> Democrats, Garfield of course voting yea. It was not heard of again in Con ress. for the reason given by Gu field to iinsdaie tbwt Hancock afterward "kept • hi* place." The speech, however, places , Garfield in square antagonism not only <to General Hancock,* doctrines, but { also to those which he has permitted his party associates of late to attribute to himself, at least so iar as it embodies 1 what he was pleased to consider his i opinions of the relation* of the civil and ! military powers as warranted by the | Constitution. The Deplorable Condition of the Out rage Business. j from lb- Nrw York Wnrtd. It must be especially aggravating to ■ our esteemed Republican contempora ries to see, on looking over the political field, outrage, outrage everywhere, but never one to print. There was a negro ! shot dead during a political procession I in Miasissipi, but ax he was not a Re | publican he might for all practical pur- Rosea have remained unperforated. Mr. alaam White, of South Carolina, an "inoffensive, peaceable colored man," was recently "brutally assaulted on ac t count of his political opinions and badly cut and beaten," but he was a I *emo crat and doesn't count. At Montgome ry, Ala., it was attempted to murder Lafayette Thomas, colored, for exercis ing his right of suffrage aa an American ; citizen, but at Mr. Thomas voted the Democratic ticket he met with little sympathy from our esteemed content j norarie*. When, it was heard that at ' Montgomery Prince Smith had been j fiound over to stand hia trial for en j deavoring to prevent Goo. Washington, i a colored man, from voting, a thrill of | gladness ran through the Republican | writers, and they set to work to prepare | screeds expressing exultation that in j tho midst of the brutal and bulldozing | South there waa at leaat one Federal | official found to protect the poor colored j man; but when they came to examine j the subject more closely and discovered that Mr. Prince Smith waa a Republican and George Washington waa a Demo crat, and the Court whose protecting arm waa invoked was a State tribunal, : the article* were filed for future refer- ! i ence in the waste baakeC Then there j were four cases reported in the Florida j Ktjf if ike Gulf of negroes attacked and , wounded for their political opinion*, j but their political opinion* I were Democratic. Altogether the Re- j publicans in the outrage business have , of late been in the predicament of the ! ; historical newsboy who bad plenty of - | newt hut nothing to holler. Judge lUark at Home Agaia. j Fiain ths Xt York World. Judge J. 8. Black, of Pennsylvania, with hi* wife and their granddaughter, Miss Shunk, were among the passenger* who landed yesterday about V a. *. from the Conard steamship Batavia at this port. After the usual absurd formali ties of the Custom House had been gone through with and the luggage of the party checked through to York, Pa., the Judge and his family drova rapidly up town to breakfast, the Judge bearing with him in the carriage a particularly fine pot of genuine shamrock, which he resolutely declined to confide to any other keeping than hia own, and the morning having been devoted to seeing a few friend*, the party left for York at 3.30 r. to arrive there at 8.30 last evening. Judge Buck returns in e*- owllant health and spirits. This was A" , f * lsit f Europe and he divid ed hi. time between Ireland, Eng 'ff 1 ' I". 1 ?" 0 * Germany, •• Thrw things," he said,'! spwcUHy wkhe<Uo nee—an Knglinh mnnitc, nn Knglinh hor-n race and tin- fluid of Hunnymeile." All these bo II, J.Y INK TO THE scene of Magna Clmrla the tribute of a *|>ecial pilgrimage, which may well ho recom mended to the preaent generation of Americana, brought Ufounder a twenty, year*' eclipse of the great principle* of Conatitulionnl liberty which took loot on that irnniurtal field. With the beau. ty of Ireland the Judge wa quite carried away, and he rxpre***<i hit natoniahment at tho indifference w.tl, which the crowd of American tourhw ! allow them—lve* to be cheated of -v< n a glimpae of that nictur<>qu<- and at i tractive inland. Hut he w** more auxiou* to learn the condition of j-oli tica at home than to expatiate on tint charm* of foreign travel, and expre>-<-<| the liveliest latmfarllou at the |.r"p-ct of 11 real re eatablhhment of the I'nion of the Government of our father* under General Hancock. While he i* not likely to take an active j.art in the cam paign a* a Speaker, tlig powerful aid of hia counsel and hia pen will be given to the cauae of sound democracy and liberty, protected by law, with all the earne*tne ahown in hi* admiiahle letter from l'aria to the editor of the W'-rrhl, which wat laid before our render on the 3l*t of duly la*t, ' ♦ A Mighty Carelcaa Man. Fnn fjf S'-t York We cannot forget that Gai field wax more deeply involved in the sad Credit ; Mobilier difficulty than any other mem 'of the Home of Representatives—<•* cepting, of coure, Aran and Hrnoks. After such an experience, he ought to ! have been extremely cautiou*. Hut the testimony taken in the inveitigation of the I>iwtrict of (Columbia fraud* ahow* that Mr. Garfield received f >,OOO for Lis aid in getting through a pavement con tract accepter] by the I)itricl govern ment. Every cent of money voted to the District bad to come through him. Shepherd could not afford to refuse hint anything that he aaked, and Mr. (inr ; field knew it when he aked and receiv ed for hi* aervice* a fee which would have been grossly extravagant hut for hi* official pocitiou. Something lluiidy Ixft Out. ' t'f to tli*- AlUnt Titn<*. Maj, Handy'* " Life of Garfield " i j not a* exhaustively written a* it should IM. It make* no reference whatever to the anecdote in which ilia related that Carter Ifarriaon, then a member of Congrea* and now Mayor of Chicago, *aid to the f'redit Mobilier statesmsn, referring to hia action aa member of the Electoral Coinmiasion: "Garfield, bow could you do it?" Garfield replied : i "Carter, if you had held the card*, would you not have played them." ; J rrr-.-vr-m AT. STATE NORMAL SCHOOL ( Kiqhth Xormnt Srhtxtl DintrM,) j LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA. A. N. RAUB, A. M., Principal. r piIIS SCHOOL,as at present con- A iuim, ufl.-r* th* TV,7 Iml tocUilm* fur I*I I bmiot>*l od Claaatiol la* ruing. HeUltamriaM, (anting nod noaaindtoar; ram | rni'iy b#m*.i a? •<**. <n **wt,it*d. ab 4 run, -a \ *d ultb * buualifal uw'j of |>ur* wator.aufl •iitii.r ! ul*r. | Ix.al.n hnaUbfal *ad <*.T of inw, j Htirroaadlnc orrxiery uan>r}'*** ra > ; Toubrti rfbcH-ul, ud ill,* t tle-ir unrh. Dto-iplia*. flrwi aad hind, uniform i,d tboroufb Bidmo 1 Piftr r.ftii uM-k dadaitioa to tho# tiiaputr gto j iMI t. . Sludaat* admit!*.) of mi lla,. I Court** <4 Mudj jaimnlml by tha Stalo: I V |. I | to-bout. 11. Prvpnrukity. 111. Kl<wrjlu< IV. Sr t. autlftr. ntJI WCT IWUD ' L* Afwlnal 1 -. in Oormaarrtal 111. MaWc. IV. Ait. Tb- Kb-nn-aUry and *. i-Mlltr naiM rr l*i .. | lammnal. am] *lnd**i graduating limit i*r*n* j lii|.laton*. l oifmltj Ik. Mknili n>mt|liti; <)>' §"*" Mnt*f of lb* Kl- tni-iiU. aad Xa,lM •( Uo .•blame*. o, adnata* la lb* oibcr ooara*. rmw.r I Normal ilit.l of ttru aitalaw.nl*. *>cv i I i th* racellv Th* Prafambmnl roar*** ar* liberal, aad am in . tbiiMHf btiaa* act inferior lo tbna* of our load rollet.-. Tba Citla royal r*s a In*, bar *rd*r of caU*ra>l> | I Th< titom daauuid It II la on* M tb* |im* al*eit , of tki* arbool to hal|. to **rur II by fnrni.hinr tatrl- I li**nl aad aSdaal Iwlm Ibr ber acbaoi* to Ibit *ad It oolklla young yam.t* of good ablbtim tod good pnyitw tboa* abo ibolro to haprot* thru timr l Ibalr talent*, aa atadeata To all ami. .1 | pmalmo aid la derebgdn* ibHr |*.w aad abaaiUi i I .■fpottunitw. for well-paid Ivl.r vfi-r Irarlng *!.; ! oaf rafabigua aad laraw addmaa tb* Print tpal aoiia or noma i *torkb..|drr' TraataM—J. 11. Bartoa, M p.. A It I x-rt. Jac* nnwra. ft *. fcrbtoW. baud Cbri*. A G G . fl " k - T C Hlrpla. tao . O KlnUtat, lfll^M,b l ,t..Lliti II Itt-.an l>ta*Tm*t~m-l|n. A <! CurUa Roa II L !>..<• i sr , '*eb. Jeoa* Matrtll, Una W ilban. |b*l.i J C i ft *batay,. Millar Nd wakk. Km, amwM, 1 linn WII.LIAM BIIiLKX, Prwidant. CWrftald r* V fbme.i. |.rt HaT.a r. S. MILI.AK M'-OriMMICK, gacrafary. ■ TIIOMAR TAKItI.RV, Trmuaurar, j WOODWARD SKMIXARV. Boardiag tad Day School for Touaj Laiicr aad Littl* Children. j BJCOOND AND LOOtTrr STREETS, IIAKRIBRUHO, PA. Bagular larta Utll bagia BKPTKMURR W. IT*. •wd Art Mm *f~l'***k aad KHaatlftr, with Mum aa^Zr 1 *** T-r aad a rlwßlaM rlwßlaM aad all daalraM* talbrmaltoa addraa. " . ratMCIPAi. PATENTS. |>ATENTS procured upon InTen ! *♦ la CAVXAT*. •ad obtain TltAlib MAUK*. DEltiK I'ATKM- A. inventors T" 8 "f your laraaMoa. utth your n jyf l !**"* *f ** •" oplaloa a* to pafaataMlH,<. taiTt* 1 vua* ftneur o aarcun. tmr •w* of laotrurtlua. Ac. -u t* Pa~tre* VITUTR* ' oat fbao on n;jai|l; aim M ai,d* roplai f tho Me Ttrte Utv*, ib* taroamrg Jooraal. K ®- *• LACKV, /kfmf Jfbr*nf<, M g M. boar Pafaat fMtoa. Waatoagtoa. AtC MONEY To ,J ° nn nt per CL . vm-tl BT tH* Mt'Tt'At, Lint IXft K AXCC 00. or UKW TURK, oa Kr*t mortaaga. ou trnpeirad farm pita.lv to maw m l laa* than L ' aad not atr.i lli.g alklrd of tbo praarat rain* ..I UM pwywrty Any portbw (4 tbo mtadpal *a to |ntd off at aay Maw, aad It bo* toato la* oaWtoa <d Ito owapnay lo parmll tba rrtrctpul to rtoaaln m ton* * , "T'"" * *• 'btotato to praaipili paid. CIIARI.ES P. SURRMAN. UtaMMI-*'. w to DAVID A " RJdbato.r*- (RAHMAN'S HOTEL, V_R OvpmdloOMrt llnuw, BtbLXPOSTIi. PA _ t . T* IJPER DAT. A good Urwj attache*. 1-ly