ill* tiUfWhce s3mccrat.
BELLEFONTE, PA.
Tba Largest, Cheapest and Beat Payer
ITIILISII KO IK CKJtTRK OOUKTT.
Hancock and Victory.
HY BTOtUiIITON <llO HUE.
Pa** the watchword, llinniek'ilwnncr fling'
Thru your ImlUrtnl Ugiont let the war*crv ring !
I'iim ithitig the watchword, Be you onward g,
Victory, Victory! o'er our en lien fee.
Cnoßtt
Pa* along the watchword; Hancock ! V ktory !
Pane along tie watchword; Hancock ! Victory)
I'ae* along the watchword, about It a* yon go :
Victory ! victory ! o'er our silent the.
Gird anew your armor, Hancock leads the van,
Tried and faithful soldier, he who never ran ;
your gallant Captain gives you, an you go,
Victory, Victory, over every foe !
Oh, then, to the White Hon*e, there four years to dwell,
Forward, lueii, he leads you! loud the chorus swell!
He our Captain gives us, as we forward go,
Victory, victory, over every foe J
GARFIELD'*} FRIEND ON HANCOCK.
PARIS, July 18,1880.
To the Editor of the World: 8ir —
A cable dispatch reached me at Lon
don, whence I answered it more briefly
perhaps than you expected, but I
thought intelligently enough. Your
later dispatch, which came to me here
yesterday, 1 now reply to by mail.
I inferred from your interrogatory
that some evil-disposed persons had
been attributing to me the authorship
of the orders and letters issued by
Gen. llaucock while he commanded
in Ijouisiana aud Texas. My denial
by telegraph was intended to cover the
whole ground. I neither wrote those
rtpers or suggested u word of them ;
had no prerognitiou of his views on
the subject to which they relate and
heard nothing from him about it un
til he had taken the public into his
confidence, ludecd, my personal ac
quaintance with him was then very
slight, and our relations not at all in
timate. The opinion that I would
offer or he would require my aid iu
producing such au order as his No.
40 is absurd. His determiuutiou to
stand by the Constitution and the
laws needed no expression but what lie
could give it better thau any man
alive. It was not au essay on rights of
man that was wanted at that critical
time. The *poken act of a patriot
soldier iu high command alone could
save civil liberty from the destruction
with which it was threatened. That
was what Hancock did, and it was the
timeliest life that the great cause ever
got from any hand except that of
Washington.
I hope my admiration of the order
in question and the gratitude I have
felt to him for issuing it can be reason
ably accounted for without supposing
that I framed or had any share in
framing it. The belief was general
among Uie friends of constitutional
liberty, and expressed by many others
as strongly as by me, that General
Hancock had doue much, and done it
bravely, to rescue the Nation and save
it alive, first from secessionists, aud
afterwards from the more dangerous
and more unprincipaled oligarchy into
whose hands it fell after the war. At
the date of his service in Louisiana the
beau ideal of a "strong government"
was in full operation at Washington,
conducted by men who claimed to be
absolute masters of the country. State
rights, and as a necessary consequence,
individual liberty, were violently trod
den down, and the Constitution which
should have mode us free was habitu
ally over-ridden and insulted. What
those men called "the government"
was not only wondrous stroug, but cor
rupt beyond all example in modern
times. Between its force and its fraud
the people were powerless, and their
despair was aggravated by an indefina
ble dread that the whole army might
at any moment be used to sink the
Nation into still further degrcdation,
if below that lowest depth of lower
deep could be reached. It was in
these circumstances that Hancock
spoke out thosa words of truth and
soberness which rc-assured the friends,
of free government and inspired them
with new hopes. All who were near
enough to watch the current of that
unequalcd contest between abolition
ism and law can remember how the
enemies of the Constitution were star
tled and scared when they found that
the most brilliant General of the Union
had officially declared himself opposed
to their "savage policy." They could
not go upon him, nor send upon him,
nor in any manner destroy him, for not
only was the law of the land on his
side, but the army was found to be full
of sympathy with ita conspicuously gal
lant and faithful leader. So they were
fain to content themselves with harm.-
less sneers and petty persecutions. But
they removed him from the place
where his devotion to the Constitution
was specially interfering with their
schemes to subvert it. When they
made up their minds to strangle the
liberties of a Slate, disperse a legnl
Legiglatnre by brute force, to inaugu
rate for Governor a shameless adven
turer known to have been defeated at
the polls, or to pin the people down
with bayonets while they were plun
dered by alien thieves who claimed to
be their representatives and officers,
someliody else was employed to do the
infamous work. Still more carefully
did they avoid his presence when the
whole uation was to be swindled at a
Presidential election. It was for such
reasons that the heart of the conntry
warmed to Gen. Hancock as its pre
destined deliverer.
It has often happened that the best
things of the greatest men are attribut-
Ed to others who are wholly incapable
of them. The opiniou was industri
ously propagated and accepted bv a
great many as true that Hamilton
wrote the farewell address of Wash
ington, but the evidence is conclusive
which BIIOWS that every word of thnt
immortal production came from Wash
ington himself; and Hamilton could
not have written it any more than he
could have made the world. Home of
Jackson's most characteristic papers,
hearing the full impress of his own
mind, were hnhitunlly credited to per
sons of fur inferior ability. When it
was charged against Jefferson that he
wrote Logan's speech, ho solemnly de
clared that he wus unequal to such a
composition. lam not affecting mod
esty when I claim credence of my
present denial for u similar reason. 1
could not have written Hancock's No.
40 —uot because I pretend to he dumb
or altogether unskilled in the use of
the English words, hut because if I
had undertaken to write it the chances
are ninety-nine in a hundred that my
argumentation would have marred its
majestic simplicity and greatly dimin
ished its power. When a public man,
especially a military man, meets a
grave responsibility, saving no more
nor less tliun just the thing he ought,
hut suyiug that with unequivocal
'clearness, you may be sure he is the
interpreter of his own thoughts. At
any rate, the attempt is unjust to bas
tardize No. 40 by assigning to it an
origin totally different from the true
one. •
Why should my opinion bo asked or
, I volunteered on General llancoek as a
j civilian t Anybody else who has
watched his life is as good a judge as
1, and there are thousands who know
him much better. But since the cjues
j tion is propounded I will answer, sub
ject to fair correction, that he has in
him the highest and best oualities of a
Republican ruler. I think his fidelity
to sound principles, coupled with his
< sound judgment, will entitle him to
: rauk with the great Presidents of form
{er times. Ido not couijiare him with
Washington, for the grandeur of that
i character is and will remain forever
unapproachable, but I do soy that
Washington, if placed in his situation,
would have acted precisely as he did.
His patriotism has not the impulsive
ardor of Jackson's; but his fidelity to
' the truth, his love of justice and his
scorn of wrong, are uuitG as unmis
! takable. He is not a doctrinaire, like
' Jefferson, for his busy life has left liiin
■ no time to study the abstract philoso
i phy of politics, but his practical good
sense knows the right intuitively und
always catches the nearest way to do
it. if he be elected, the ability of his
administration will inspire universal
respect, ami his moderation and mag
nanimity will conciliate even his ene
mies. i have the fullest faith that he
will not only keep his oath to preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution,
out will so carry out its provisions
tha# the great objects of its trainers as
expressed in the preamble will lie
fully accomplished—"To form a more
perfect I'niou, to establish justice, to
insure domestic tranquility, to provide
i for the common defense, to promote
; the general welfare and to secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity." J. S. BLACK.
Contrast the Two Records.
! From UM Lotilerillo Con ri*r-Journal.
Hancock is a man of destiny. Why,
just look at the record. In 1868 Gar
field brought a bill into Congress to
drop the junior Msjor General. That
was Hancock. It passed l>olh Houses
of Congress and was signed by the Presi
dent. Hut before it could be carried
into effect George H. Thomas, the
senior Major General, died, and Han
cock, going up one grade, was no longer
the junior Major General, and so the
law could not reach him. Then the
Republicans, still led by Garfield, paus
ed an act reducing the major generals
to three. This was signed by the Pres
ident, hut before it could be carried into
effect Meade died, and the major gene
rals were reduced to three by God Al- I
mighty. Finally, a law was passed au
thorising the President to drop one of
the major generals. Before it could be
carried out and llanoock be dropped,
Halleck died, and Hancock becoming
the senior Major General, he could not
be dropped. The man who survived
all these atempts to retire him can not
be retired. Tne man who led them—
Garfield—will, as a fitting consumma
tion of his act, fall a victim to his in
tended victim. Hancock will be elect
ed President. Oarfield will be retired—
at least from the Presidential field.
The Patriarch of Rattlesnakes.
From (ht Washington Star.
The largest rattlesnake probably that
has ever been seen in this city arrived at
the Smithsonian Institute on Saturday,
from Florida, forwarded by Mr. James
Bell, who is in that State on special
duty from the Interior Department,
The snake belongs to the crotaaus ada
mantues, or diamond rattle family. It
ia about eight feet long, will measure
twelve inchea around the body and has
twelve rattles and a button on the end
of its tail. It came in a close woven
canvass bag and was at once dropped
Into a targe wooden box with wire work
and a sliding cover, prepared for the re
ception of venomous reptiles. Not hav
ing been fed for some lime, it is particu
larly ferocious, and its rattle is constant
ly on the shake whencfrer any one ap
proaches or there is any noise in the
room where it is kept. This monster
snake is to be killed in a day or two for
the purpose of taking a plaster cast of
it, which will be done by A. Zeno Bhind
ler, artist. The manner of killing for
this purpose is by nutting the serpent
in a close vessel and admitting a sponge
saturated with chloroform. This pre
verves the form so that a life like cast
can be taken.
GARFIELD TRIES TO LEGISLATE
GEN. HANCOCK OUT OF OFFICE.
A FAITHFUL OFFICER TO n* REMOVBI* HE
CAUSE 111 OIIEVED Till LAW AND WOfl.lt
NOT GOVERN WITH Till SWORO.
BEAD THE RECORD.
In January, 1808, Andrew Johnson
was President, U.W.Grant was Gcu
eral of the Army,and Winfield H. Han
cock was Major-Genernl in command
of Louisiana and Texas.
Nov. 29, 1807, Hancock assumed
command nnd issued his famous Or
der No. 40. It contained, these words:
" When insurrectionary force lias
been overthrown and peace established
ami the civil authorities are ready and
willing to perform their duties, the
military power should cease to lead,
and the civil administration resume its
natural and rightful dominion. Sol
emnly impressed with these views, the
General announces that the great tirin
ciples of American liberty are still the
lawful inheritance of this people, and
ever should be. The right of trial by
jury, the habeas corpus, the liberty of
the press, the freedom of speech, the
nuturul rights of persons, and the rights
of property must be preserved."
From the Congreerional Globe, Jan
uary 13, I*oß, page 489:
MR. GARFIELD. I ask unanimous con
sent to offer for consideration and
action a bill to reduce and improve the
military establishment by discharging
one Major-General.
The bill was read. It provide! that
the Army of tho United States shall
be reduced by the discharge from
military service of the Major-General,
who was the last commissioned in that
grade before January, 1868, to take
effect from its passage, so there shall
he hut four Mujor-Generals iu the
Army.
MR. GARFIELD. I hope the bill will be
allowed to corne in, and then we can
act on it in the morning.
Objection was made, aud Mr. Gar
field said he would bring it up the firßt
thing on Monday next.
Major-General Winfield 8. Hancock
was commissioned Major-General on
July '2O, 1806, and he was the last
(icrson commissioned iu that grade he
fore January, 1808.
Thus we see that within six weeks
after Hancock issued his order, No. 40,
Garfield, being at that time chairmau
of the Military Committee, moved a
bill to remove him from office. ThU
was not to retire uor to pension him,
hut to punish him.
This hill was not heard of again,
but House Ilill No. 439 came from
the Committee on Reconstruction on
that day ( January 13, 1808), through
Mr. Hingham.
The hill contain* *1 the following lec
tions :
The following are sections 2, 3 and
5 of House Hill No. 439:
Sac. 2. And be U further enacted. That
for tbe speedy enforcement of the sot
entitled " An act to proride for the
more efficient government of the rebel
States," |teased March second, eighteen
hundred and sixty-seven, and the sev
eral acts supplementary thereto, the
General of the Army of the I'nited
States is hereby authorized and required
to enjoin by special orders upon all
officers in command witbin the several
military departments within said sever
al States, the performance of all acts
authorised by said several laws above
recited, at his discretion, by bis order
from command any or all of said com
manders, and detail other officers of
tho I'nited Slates Army, not below the
rank of colonel, to perform all the
duties and exercise ait tbe powers au
thorised by said several acts, to the end
that the people of said several Sutee
msy speedily reorganise civil govern
ments, Republican in form, in aaid
several States, and be restored to polit
ical power in the Union.
Sac. 3. And be it further enacted. That
the General of the Army may remove
any or all civil officers now acting un
der the several provisional govern
ments within said several diaorganised
States, and appoint others to discbarge
ths duties pertaining to their respective
offices, and may do any and all acta
which by said several laws above men
tione.d are authorised to be done by the
several commanders of the military
departments within mid States ; and so
much of said acta, or of any act, as
authorises the President to detail the
military commanders to said military
departments, or to remove any officers
who may be detailed as herein provided,
is hereby repealed.
The f>th section made any interfer
ence by force with the ordera of the
(General of the Array (Grant), or any
refusal or neglect to carry out the
statute, a high misdemeanor, punish
able by $5,000 fine and two years' im
prisonment.
This statute aimed at compelling
Hancock to obey the orders of Grant,
the General, and not of Johnson, the
President; and it empowered General
Grant to remove Hancock if be obey
ed Johuson and not Grant It also
gave the General of the Army full
power to do everything he saw fit to
in each of the Military Departments
without any control of the President
Its real animus was the effort of
Garfield, and those who acted with
him, to subordinate the civil to the
military power in all the South, and
to remove Hancock because he recog
nized the law as superior to the sword.
The bill was put upon its passage,
and the Oongremional Glob*, of Jan
uary 21, 18(18, contains the following
speech from James A. Garfield in its
favor.
"1 call attention to the oath that
•very officer and enlisted man takes
before entering the army. It is in these
words:
" 1 do solsmnly swear that I will bear
true allegiance to the United States,"
• • • • and will observa and obsy
the orders of the President of the
United Btates, and the orders of the
officers appointed over me, according to
the rules and articles for the govern
ment of tho Army of the United
Mtates."
Now, should the President of the
United States give to the humblest
officer of the Army an order contrary
to the Rules and Articles of War or to
the law of Congress, the subordinate
can peremtorily retime to obey, because
the order has not been given in accord
ance with tli*i rulea and regulation** of
tho power which conimanda both him
and the President.
Now, if Congress can make laws
ussigning special duties lo subordinate
officers, such AS judge-advocates, quar
termasters, and barrack masters, what
new doctrine is this that it may not
also assign special duties to the General
of the Army 7 The volumes of statute*
arc lull of laws of Congress command
ing all classes of officers to perform
all kinds of duties. It is now proposed
to require of the General of tne Army
the performance of a special duty,
namely, the duty of directing the oper
ations of that part of the Army which
occupies the Slates lately in rebellion.
If the Oeneral should neglect this duty
the President, as coramander-ln chief,
can call him touccount for such neglect,
hut he cannot prevent his obedience to
the law.
So much for the constitutionality of
this section. I now come to inquire
why this legislation is needed. It ia be
cause this Congress, in ita work of
restoring to their places the States
lately in rebellion, authorized the Pre*
i.lent to assign the officers of the Army
to the duties prescribed in the. law ;
and the President has made such uxe of
that authority aa to obstruct and delay
the restoration of those State*.
Without violating the letter of the
lsw he baa been able, in a great mea*
ure, to hinder the full nnd efficient
execution of the law, llis acta and
those of bis advisors are, to-day, the
chief obstacle* to the prompt restora
tion of the rebel States, and Congress
proposes to remove those obstacle* by
transferring the power to the hands of
one who has shown hia loyalty to the
country, and his willingness to obey the
laws of the Union.
Mr. SI-SSEES, I will not repeat the
long catalogue of obstruction* which he
has thrown in the way by virtue of the
power conferred upon him in the re
construction law ol 1807, but i will
allude to one example, MIIEKE ut uas
rot NO ix * MAJOE GSXEBALOI TIIE Aaav
I a FACILE INSTBC HEKT with whictamore
; effectually to obstruct the work- ol re
! construction. This case is all the more
I painful because an otherwise merxtorxoas
I officer, who bean honorable scare, earned is
battle for the Union, has been made a
party to the political madness which
has so long marked the conduct of the
President. This General was sent into
the district of Ixruisiana and Texas
with a law of Congress in his hand, a
law that commands him to see that
Justice is administered among the peo
ple of that country, and that no pre
tense of civil authority shall deter him
from performing his duty, and yet we
find that officer giving lectures in the
form of proclamations and orders of
what ought to be the relation between
civil and military departments of the
Government. WE SBB HIM tssciKu A
ÜBXEEAL OB DEB IX WHICH IIK USCLAKES
THAT THE CIVIL SHOCLD NOT GIVE WSR
Btross THE MtUTABT. We bear him
declaring that he finds nothing in the
laws of Louisiana and Texas to warrant
hi* interference in the civil administra
tion of those Slates. It is not for him
to say which should be first, the civil or
the military, in that rebel community.
It is not for him to search the defunct
laws of Louisiana and Texas for a guide
to bis conduct. It is for him to obey
the laws which he was sent there to ex
ecute. It is for him to aid in building
up civil governments, rather than pre
paring himself to be the presidential
candidate of that party which gave him
no sympathy when he was gallantly
fighting the battles of the country."
The bill pamed the House—yeas,
124, all Republicans; nays, 4-~, all
Democrats—James A. Garfield voting
yea. (Hee House Journal, ]gc 219.)
The record is made up: It is Han
cock, the soldier-civiliau and the law,
against Garfield, tbe disgraced-civilian
and the sword above law.
CHOOSE YE!
Colonel MTalment for Hancock.
WHT HE HAS COHCI.CDSD THAT A CHANGE
IS NECEMABT.
Jokm a almost'! Wl.r is V.ut|o SpMtekx.
Since tbe nomination of Hancock and
Knglish by the National democratic
Convention my preference for their elec
tion baa become so decided that it
seems proper to give it the form of a
public expression. I regret logo against
General Garfield, for whose political
and moral worth I have sincere regard,
in spite of some specks in his record.
But I cannot say as much for tbe nomi
nee for Vioe President on the Republi
can ticket. His virtual dismissal from
the post of Collector of Customs at
New York by an administration which
recognised civil service rules is prima
facie evidence of disqualification for the
dignified office of President of the Sen
ate. On tha other hand, the Demo
cratic candidates, Hancock and English,
present a clean record of efficient and
faithful service to their country.
The executive power of the country
can be no better placed than in the
hands of General Hancock. His love of
justice is proverbial,4iis firmness for the
right invincible and his honesty and
integrity unquestionable. His conspic
uous servioes are a part of the country's
history, and his excellent civil attain
ments are firmly imbedded in the prin
ciples of Magna Charts and the common
law. Nor is Mr. Knglish wanting in my
esteem. Tbe only objection mode to
him is that he has been faithful in the
managemeut of his own affairs since his
retirement from an honorable office,
which he ably and worthily filled. He
has not been charged with the misuse
or the prostitution of a public trust.
The leading Democrats of the oountry
behaved so handsomely in the last count
of the electoral vote that it would now
be fit that their reward should come in
such a decisive majority for their ticket
as to preclude in the next count all
grounds for thf interference of the
House of Representative**, or, what in
none, the executive army of the gov
ernment.
- ♦
Garfield Attempt** to Secure Hancock's
Removal In infiM,
WiuliliiKloti 'Unpaid, tn Mrs Votk WotM,
The famous Order No. 40 wax issued
hy General Hancock November 29, 1807,
Ivtrly in the enxtiina session of Oongrwu,
.lanuary 13, 1808, Mr. (iarfiehl, accord
ing to the Oonf/riiuioiiiil Globe, page 4 Hi*,
nuked unanimous consent in tin- House
to intro<luce for immediate considera
tion and action a hill "to reduce and
improve the military establishment hy
discharging one major-general." The
bill provided that the ariny should he
reduced by the discharge from military
service of the major general who was
the last commissioned in that grade
before January, 1868, the bill to take
etfect from its passage, so that there
should remain hut four major generals
in thearrny. As soon os the hill had
been read Mr. Garfield expressed (he
wish that it might he acted u|Kn the
next morning. Objection being made,
Mr. Oat field then said that he should
bring it up the first thing on the follow
ing Monday. The hill was aimed di
rectly at Oeneral Hancock, who had
been commissioned Major Oeneral July
20, 1866, and was the last commissioned
in that grade before January, 1868.
Thus it is seen that within six weeks
after Hancock had issued Order No. 40,
i Oarfield, chairman of the Military Corn
: miltee, moved a hill to punish him for
| issuing it—not by retirement or pension,
! but by removal. The Oarfield bill was
! not heard of again for the reason that
on the same day, January 13, Mr. Ring
ham, Irom the Committee on Itecon
struction, reported a bill that answered
nearly the purpose sought byOatfirld.
It was in three wordy sections, but its
I purport was to compel Hancock to obey
j Orant, the general, rather than Johnson,
1 the President, and investing in (irant
the power to remove Hancock if he
I obeyed Johnson. It also gave Grant
the power to do anything he might see
fit in each of the military departments,
regardless of the President. In broader
terms, it meant that the powers granted
the President by the Constitution should
be overthrown by statute. The bill was
put upon its passage January 17, and on
; that day Garfield made a speech from
!an alleged constitutional standpoint.
' After be had disposed of what he called
j Us constitutionality he let the light in
■ on his real purposes hy arraigning Han
! cock for issuing Order No. 4<. The lan
: gunge of the arraignment was repeated
i by Mr. Lawrence at Rocky Point yeater-
I day. Mr. itingham's bill passed the
i House, after Mr. Garfield's speech, by a
j strict party vote of 124 Republicans to
4."> Democrats, Garfield of course voting
yea. It was not heard of again in Con
ress. for the reason given by Gu field to
iinsdaie tbwt Hancock afterward "kept
• hi* place." The speech, however, places
, Garfield in square antagonism not only
<to General Hancock,* doctrines, but
{ also to those which he has permitted
his party associates of late to attribute
to himself, at least so iar as it embodies
1 what he was pleased to consider his
i opinions of the relation* of the civil and
! military powers as warranted by the
| Constitution.
The Deplorable Condition of the Out
rage Business.
j from lb- Nrw York Wnrtd.
It must be especially aggravating to
■ our esteemed Republican contempora
ries to see, on looking over the political
field, outrage, outrage everywhere, but
never one to print. There was a negro
! shot dead during a political procession
I in Miasissipi, but ax he was not a Re
| publican he might for all practical pur-
Rosea have remained unperforated. Mr.
alaam White, of South Carolina, an
"inoffensive, peaceable colored man,"
was recently "brutally assaulted on ac
t count of his political opinions and badly
cut and beaten," but he was a I *emo
crat and doesn't count. At Montgome
ry, Ala., it was attempted to murder
Lafayette Thomas, colored, for exercis
ing his right of suffrage aa an American
; citizen, but at Mr. Thomas voted the
Democratic ticket he met with little
sympathy from our esteemed content
j norarie*. When, it was heard that at
' Montgomery Prince Smith had been
j fiound over to stand hia trial for en
j deavoring to prevent Goo. Washington,
i a colored man, from voting, a thrill of
| gladness ran through the Republican
| writers, and they set to work to prepare
| screeds expressing exultation that in
j tho midst of the brutal and bulldozing
| South there waa at leaat one Federal
| official found to protect the poor colored
j man; but when they came to examine
j the subject more closely and discovered
that Mr. Prince Smith waa a Republican
and George Washington waa a Demo
crat, and the Court whose protecting
arm waa invoked was a State tribunal,
: the article* were filed for future refer- !
i ence in the waste baakeC Then there
j were four cases reported in the Florida j
Ktjf if ike Gulf of negroes attacked and ,
wounded for their political opinion*, j
but their political opinion* I
were Democratic. Altogether the Re- j
publicans in the outrage business have ,
of late been in the predicament of the !
; historical newsboy who bad plenty of -
| newt hut nothing to holler.
Judge lUark at Home Agaia.
j Fiain ths Xt York World.
Judge J. 8. Black, of Pennsylvania,
with hi* wife and their granddaughter,
Miss Shunk, were among the passenger*
who landed yesterday about V a. *. from
the Conard steamship Batavia at this
port. After the usual absurd formali
ties of the Custom House had been gone
through with and the luggage of the
party checked through to York, Pa.,
the Judge and his family drova rapidly
up town to breakfast, the Judge bearing
with him in the carriage a particularly
fine pot of genuine shamrock, which he
resolutely declined to confide to any
other keeping than hia own, and the
morning having been devoted to seeing
a few friend*, the party left for York
at 3.30 r. to arrive there at 8.30 last
evening. Judge Buck returns in e*-
owllant health and spirits. This was
A" , f * lsit f Europe and he divid
ed hi. time between Ireland, Eng
'ff 1 ' I". 1 ?" 0 * Germany, •• Thrw
things," he said,'! spwcUHy wkhe<Uo
nee—an Knglinh mnnitc, nn Knglinh hor-n
race and tin- fluid of Hunnymeile." All
these bo II, J.Y INK TO THE scene of
Magna Clmrla the tribute of a *|>ecial
pilgrimage, which may well ho recom
mended to the preaent generation of
Americana, brought Ufounder a twenty,
year*' eclipse of the great principle* of
Conatitulionnl liberty which took loot
on that irnniurtal field. With the beau.
ty of Ireland the Judge wa quite
carried away, and he rxpre***<i hit
natoniahment at tho indifference w.tl,
which the crowd of American tourhw
! allow them—lve* to be cheated of -v< n
a glimpae of that nictur<>qu<- and at
i tractive inland. Hut he w** more
auxiou* to learn the condition of j-oli
tica at home than to expatiate on tint
charm* of foreign travel, and expre>-<-<|
the liveliest latmfarllou at the |.r"p-ct
of 11 real re eatablhhment of the I'nion
of the Government of our father* under
General Hancock. While he i* not
likely to take an active j.art in the cam
paign a* a Speaker, tlig powerful aid of
hia counsel and hia pen will be given
to the cauae of sound democracy and
liberty, protected by law, with all the
earne*tne ahown in hi* admiiahle
letter from l'aria to the editor of the
W'-rrhl, which wat laid before our render
on the 3l*t of duly la*t,
' ♦
A Mighty Carelcaa Man.
Fnn fjf S'-t York
We cannot forget that Gai field wax
more deeply involved in the sad Credit
; Mobilier difficulty than any other mem
'of the Home of Representatives—<•*
cepting, of coure, Aran and Hrnoks.
After such an experience, he ought to
! have been extremely cautiou*. Hut the
testimony taken in the inveitigation of
the I>iwtrict of (Columbia fraud* ahow*
that Mr. Garfield received f >,OOO for Lis
aid in getting through a pavement con
tract accepter] by the I)itricl govern
ment. Every cent of money voted to
the District bad to come through him.
Shepherd could not afford to refuse hint
anything that he aaked, and Mr. (inr
; field knew it when he aked and receiv
ed for hi* aervice* a fee which would
have been grossly extravagant hut for
hi* official pocitiou.
Something lluiidy Ixft Out.
' t'f to tli*- AlUnt Titn<*.
Maj, Handy'* " Life of Garfield " i
j not a* exhaustively written a* it should
IM. It make* no reference whatever to
the anecdote in which ilia related that
Carter Ifarriaon, then a member of
Congrea* and now Mayor of Chicago,
*aid to the f'redit Mobilier statesmsn,
referring to hia action aa member of the
Electoral Coinmiasion: "Garfield, bow
could you do it?" Garfield replied :
i "Carter, if you had held the card*,
would you not have played them."
; J
rrr-.-vr-m AT.
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL
( Kiqhth Xormnt Srhtxtl DintrM,)
j LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA.
A. N. RAUB, A. M., Principal.
r piIIS SCHOOL,as at present con-
A iuim, ufl.-r* th* TV,7 Iml tocUilm* fur I*I
I bmiot>*l od Claaatiol la* ruing.
HeUltamriaM, (anting nod noaaindtoar; ram
| rni'iy b#m*.i a? •<**. <n **wt,it*d. ab 4 run, -a
\ *d ultb * buualifal uw'j of |>ur* wator.aufl •iitii.r
! ul*r.
| Ix.al.n hnaUbfal *ad <*.T of inw,
j Htirroaadlnc orrxiery uan>r}'*** ra >
; Toubrti rfbcH-ul, ud ill,* t tle-ir
unrh.
Dto-iplia*. flrwi aad hind, uniform i,d tboroufb
Bidmo
1 Piftr r.ftii uM-k dadaitioa to tho# tiiaputr gto
j iMI t.
. Sludaat* admit!*.) of mi lla,.
I Court** <4 Mudj jaimnlml by tha Stalo: I V |. I
| to-bout. 11. Prvpnrukity. 111. Kl<wrjlu< IV. Sr t.
autlftr.
ntJI WCT IWUD
' L* Afwlnal 1 -. in Oormaarrtal 111. MaWc. IV. Ait.
Tb- Kb-nn-aUry and *. i-Mlltr naiM rr l*i ..
| lammnal. am] *lnd**i graduating limit i*r*n*
j lii|.laton*. l oifmltj Ik. Mknili n>mt|liti; <)>'
§"*" Mnt*f of lb* Kl- tni-iiU. aad Xa,lM •( Uo
.•blame*. o, adnata* la lb* oibcr ooara*. rmw.r
I Normal ilit.l of ttru aitalaw.nl*. *>cv i I i
th* racellv
Th* Prafambmnl roar*** ar* liberal, aad am in
. tbiiMHf btiaa* act inferior lo tbna* of our load rollet.-.
Tba Citla royal r*s a In*, bar *rd*r of caU*ra>l> |
I Th< titom daauuid It II la on* M tb* |im* al*eit
, of tki* arbool to hal|. to **rur II by fnrni.hinr tatrl-
I li**nl aad aSdaal Iwlm Ibr ber acbaoi* to Ibit
*ad It oolklla young yam.t* of good ablbtim tod
good pnyitw tboa* abo ibolro to haprot* thru
timr l Ibalr talent*, aa atadeata To all ami. .1
| pmalmo aid la derebgdn* ibHr |*.w aad abaaiUi i
I .■fpottunitw. for well-paid Ivl.r vfi-r Irarlng *!.;
! oaf rafabigua aad laraw addmaa tb* Print tpal
aoiia or noma i
*torkb..|drr' TraataM—J. 11. Bartoa, M p.. A It
I x-rt. Jac* nnwra. ft *. fcrbtoW. baud Cbri*. A G
G . fl " k - T C Hlrpla. tao . O KlnUtat,
lfll^M,b l ,t..Lliti II Itt-.an
l>ta*Tm*t~m-l|n. A <! CurUa Roa II L !>..<•
i sr , '*eb. Jeoa* Matrtll, Una W ilban. |b*l.i J C
i ft *batay,. Millar Nd wakk. Km,
amwM,
1 linn WII.LIAM BIIiLKX, Prwidant. CWrftald r*
V fbme.i. |.rt HaT.a r.
S. MILI.AK M'-OriMMICK, gacrafary.
■ TIIOMAR TAKItI.RV, Trmuaurar,
j WOODWARD SKMIXARV.
Boardiag tad Day School for Touaj Laiicr
aad Littl* Children.
j BJCOOND AND LOOtTrr STREETS,
IIAKRIBRUHO, PA.
Bagular larta Utll bagia BKPTKMURR W. IT*.
•wd Art Mm *f~l'***k aad KHaatlftr, with Mum
aa^Zr 1 *** T-r aad a rlwßlaM
rlwßlaM aad all daalraM* talbrmaltoa addraa.
" . ratMCIPAi.
PATENTS.
|>ATENTS procured upon InTen
! *♦ la CAVXAT*.
•ad obtain TltAlib MAUK*. DEltiK I'ATKM- A.
inventors
T" 8 "f your laraaMoa. utth your n
jyf l !**"* *f ** •" oplaloa a* to pafaataMlH,<.
taiTt* 1 vua* ftneur o aarcun. tmr
•w* of laotrurtlua. Ac. -u t* Pa~tre* VITUTR* '
oat fbao on n;jai|l; aim M ai,d* roplai f tho Me
Ttrte Utv*, ib* taroamrg Jooraal.
K ®- *• LACKV, /kfmf Jfbr*nf<,
M g M. boar Pafaat fMtoa. Waatoagtoa. AtC
MONEY To ,J ° nn nt per CL
. vm-tl BT tH* Mt'Tt'At, Lint IXft K
AXCC 00. or UKW TURK, oa Kr*t mortaaga. ou
trnpeirad farm pita.lv to maw m l laa* than L '
aad not atr.i lli.g alklrd of tbo praarat rain* ..I
UM pwywrty Any portbw (4 tbo mtadpal *a to
|ntd off at aay Maw, aad It bo* toato la* oaWtoa <d Ito
owapnay lo parmll tba rrtrctpul to rtoaaln m ton*
* , "T'"" * *• 'btotato to praaipili paid.
CIIARI.ES P. SURRMAN. UtaMMI-*'.
w to DAVID A
" RJdbato.r*-
(RAHMAN'S HOTEL,
V_R OvpmdloOMrt llnuw, BtbLXPOSTIi. PA
_ t . T* IJPER DAT.
A good Urwj attache*. 1-ly