Centre Democrat. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, June 24, 1880, Image 1

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SHUGERT A. FORSTER, Edilors.
VOL. 2.
(Crntrr growrcat.
Terms SI.ISO per Annum. In Advance.
S. T. SHUGERT and R. H. FORSTER, Editor*.
Thursday Morning, June 24, 1880.
Democratic State Ticket.
roft *1 PRIME JUtHi*,
(JFOItOF. A. JKNKB, f JpfTonson Gmutjr.
FOR AUDITOR OBMRRAL,
ROBERT P. liKOHERT, of PhlUilclpliU.
MR. TILIIEN'S letter declining a rc
nominatiou for the Presidency by the
Cincinnati convention will be found
iu another column. Like everything
that bears the impress of Mr. Tilden's
name, it is a carefully prepared and
well written document and will com
mand universal attention.
SECLUSIVE and aristocratic James
Milliken, in his speech at the Court
House, on last Thursday evening,
praised De Golyer < iurfield for Imving
ouee been a plow boy, and as coming
from "the people. It's only after the
"plow boy" has received the Republi
can nomination for President of the
United .States that Mr. Milliken is
"willing to take him to his bosom.
"Plow boys" are not iu his line.
ALL efforts, says the Washington
Pod, to explain away the ugly facts of
Mr. Garfield's record serve only to
make them more conspicuous, and to
demonstrate their utterly indefensible
character. It would lie better for his
frieuds to frankly enter the plea of
guilty iu his Imhalf and appeal to the
generosity of the voting masses to cov
er his transgressions with the broad
mantle of tolerant charity.
A WASHINGTON despatch to the Re
publican newspapers'asserts that "Gen.
Garfield as soon as he ascertained that
the Credit Mobilier scheme was in con
flict with his duty as a legislator he
dropjied all connection with it" The
trouble with Garfield is that he did not
"drop all connection with it" until the
disgraceful "scheme" was exposed and
received, as it deserved, the righteous
indignation of the public. He held
on to his dividend for a long time.
GENERAL BEAVER said in bis rati
fication speech, that a prominent Geor
gian told him in Chicago, that if Gen
eral Grant was nominated, Feltou,
Stephens and Speer of that State,
would support him. These gentlemen
are all Democratic memlK-rs of Con
gress. We question the veracity of
General Beaver's "distinguished" in
formant as to Mr. Speer. Stephens
and Felton might have, and possibly
will, throw themselves into opposition
to the Democratic party. Felton is an
"independent" and Stephens is a de
cayed monument of the past, but
Lmory Speer is a Democrat, and his
whole career in Congress refutes the
imputation that lie will under any cir
cumstances, be found acting in oppo
sition to the universal sentiment of his
jieople.
AT the recent serenade given to
Gen. Garfield, at Washington, after
his return to that city from Chicago,
he appeared before the department of
fice holders, who made up the crowd
in attendance on the occasion, leaning
upon the arm of Becor Robeson, Sec
retary of the Navy under the Grant
administration and at present a Re
publican member of Congress from
New Jersey. There was a propriety
in Garfield und Robeson thus grad
ing themselves arm in arm before the
public that will be duly appreciated.
Robeson's management of the navy
department was the most corrupt and
scandalous in the history of the gov
ernment His career of eight years
as head of that department was a con
tinued series of corrupt jobs and vio
lations of law. It was therefore emi
nently proper that so notorious a rep
resentative of the principle of official
debauchery should present to the ad
miring place holders of Washington
a candidate for the Presidency tainted
with the disgraceful scandals of the
Credit Mobilier and the De Golyer
paving contract.
"KqL'AL AND EXACT JUSTICE TO ALL MK.K, Of WII ATE VKK STATE OK I'KRHUAHION, HKLIOIOUB OH POLITICAL."—JaVmoa
The Adjournment of Congress.
It WON said ut the close of the 45th
Congress by our opponents that the
whole session hud beeu a conspicuous
failure and thut the ]>eoplc would Jet
the seal of their condemnation upon the
party for whom the majority iu that
Congress had spoken. The re-election
of another Democratic Congress effect
ually dissipated the charge of inefli
ciency uud corruption so glibly charged
upon the 45th Congress by the Repub
lican press. There was one honorable
exception to be found in the New
York Evening Pott, which fruukly
acknowledged that the 45th Congress
had made a memorable record iu that
it had utterly extcrpated the corrupt
and powerful lobby built up and fos
tered by the Republican party while
in jtower in the House. The i'od
further said that not a vestige remain
ed of the old Huntingdon, Gould ring
that had so long and faithfully de
bauched legislation in the interest of
the giant monopolies controlled by
these men. Upon this voluntary trib
ute to the great work accomplished by
the 45th Congress, coming as it did
from uu uncompromising Republican
journal, the Democracy were disposed
to rest their case, and the judgment
rendered by the people in the follow
ing elections more than justified their
confidence. Rut to the 46th Congress
so far as it has progressed will come'
a whole volume of unstinted praise.
While it has not accomplished any
measures of great National importance
it has conscientiously ami carefully
addressed itself to such legislation as
would best benefit the country with
out distracting it by augry discussion
or embittered persona! autagonisms.
While it will be universally regret
ted that the deputy marshals bill did
not become a law, there is great
satisfaction to be found in the fact
that the veto of this measure was
a direct snub to General Garfield
whose amendment the Democracy
had accepted. One of the most im
portant facts demonstrated by the two
sessions of the 46th Congress, was that
no leader on the Republican side was
found able to cope with the parliamen
tary leaders of the majority. Mr.
Garfield was accorded the mantle of
Mr. Rlaine as the head and front of
his party upon that gentleman's pro
motion to the Seuate, but he has had
the humiliation of seeing the only
measure he introduced during both
sessions endorsed by the Democracy
and repudiated by his own party..
This was certainly an anomalous posi
tion for a great party leader to find
himself in at the close of this arduous
session. In Kugland when such a
thing occurs the leader thus over
thrown is compelled to resign and new
men are brought to the front. Rut
here, under the enlightment of free
institutions, the defeated leader in
Congress is advanced to the head of
his party and with the cruel marks of
his discomfiture still upon him is
brought conspicuously forward as the
standard bearer of the party he had
but just lead to disaster. The Demo
crats, with a clear majority in both
branches patriotically submitted a bill
for the count of electoral votes, to the
end that the dangerous scenes of 1876-
*7, during which the busiuess interest
of the country suffered untold loss
by the agitation and uncertainty that
succeeded the election, should never
again be re-enacted. But the Repub
lican minority resorted to disgrace
ful filibustering and defeated action
upon this most just and much needed
measure.
In every instance in which the ma
jority have come in conflict with the
executive they have been absolutely
right and be wrong, as he took the
pains to demonstrate in the message
submitted vetoing the deputy mar
shals bill. The "political" bills passed
were not intended to inure to the ben
efit of the Democratic party, bat to
prevent any further arrogation of un
constitutional power upon the part of
BELLEFONTE, PA., THURSDAY, -JUNE 21, 1880.
tlio Federal government. The reduc
tion made in the appropriations for
the last fiscal year but carries out the
promises made by the Democratic
party to the people that when it cuine
into power economy would be prac
ticed and retrenchment enforced. Al
together the Democratic masses have
reason to congratulate their represen
tatives in congress for the able, faith,
ful and conscieutous manner in which
they have discharged their resjionsible
duties during the dual sessions of the
forty-sixth CYmgress.
Democratic National Convention.
The Democratic National Conven
tion met at Cincinnati on Tuesday,
and shortly after twelve o'clock was
called to order by Kx-Senator Bar
num, chairman of the National Com
mittee. After an impressive prayer
by Rev. C. W. Weudt, Senator Bar
num, by the unanimous request of the
committee, announced that Hon. Geo.
I loudly, of Ohio, had been selected for
temporary Chairman. As Mr. Hoadiy
ascended the platform he was received
with hearty cheers. He made a ring
ing speech which was received with
great applause by the convention. The
usual committees were then appointed
and other preliminary business trans
acted, when, at 2 o'clock, the con
vention adjourned until 10 o'clock,
A. M., Wednesday. The convention
met yesterday pursuant to adjourn
ment and proceeded immediately to
effect a |>eruiaueut organization. The
committee on organization reported in
favor of Ex-Gov. J. H. Stevenson, of
Kentucky, for permanent Chairman,
with oue Vice President from each
State and continued the Secretaries,
reading clerks and other officers of
the temporary organization. This
report was adopted and the [>ermw
nent officers assumed their duties. The
first business taken up by the conven
tion was the consideration of the re
port of the committee on contested
seats, there being two reports from
the committee iu the case of New
York—the majority agaiust giving
seats to the contestants and the minor
ity in favor of seating twenty of
them. After a sharp discussion of
the merits of this case there was a call
of the States on the miuority report
und it was rejected by a vote of 205
in favor and 457 against its adoption.
The report of the majority was then
adopted, aud the committee on resolu
tions dot being ready to report it was
decided to receive nominations for
candidates for President and the roll
of States was called over for that pur
pose. The following arc the names
presented in the order in which their
States were called : Field, of Califor
nia ; Bayard, of Delaware; Morrison,
of Illinois; Hendricks, of Indiana;
Thurman, of Ohio; Hancock, of
Pennsylvania. A ballot was then
taken resulting as follows: Hancock,
161 ; Bayard, 165 ; Payne, 1M) ; Field,
65; Thurman, 64; Morrison, 62;
Hendricks, 47 ; Tilden, 30.
After this first ballot the conven
tion adjourned until Thursday morn
ing. The vote of the Pennsylvania
delegation was cast for the following
candidates: For Jewett, 1 ; Field, 1 ;
Seymour, 3; Randall, 1; Hancock,
28 ; Bayard, 7 ; and Tilden 15. At this
writing—Wednesday evening—it is
impossible to predict who will be nom
inated. It is gratifying to be able to
state, however, that while the contest
is earnest and animated, the best of
feeling prevails and everything bids
fair for results that will be entirely
satisfactory to the party. The nomi
nees will be such as cannot fail to
lead the party to a grand victory in
November.
OAKEH AMES is dead but yet he
livetb,—-in that little memorandum
book, which is now making the pious
heart of Garfield yearn for that age of
the world, when the records of passing
events were inscribed on the leaves of
the trees. If that custom still pre
vailed what a tornado would sweep
through our forests.
GOVERNOR FOHTKR, of Ohio, seems
to be so much concerned about his
friend Garfield, the Republican can
didate for President and the Credit
Mobilier business, that he is continu
ally making explanations that don't
explain worth a cent. Foster says
that one of the principal objects of
his late visit to Washington was to
confer with Judge Wilson, who was a
member of the Credit Mobilier inves
tigating committee, respecting the
charges against Gen. Garfield, and lie
asserts that Wilson " went over the
entire ground and gave facts to show
that the charges were absolutely false."
Gov. Foster might have ascertained
the fucts without going to so much
trouble. The Poland investigating
committee embodied them in its re
port to the lower branch of ( kingress;
and so far from showiug that "the
charge* were absolutely false" the re
port of this committee fixed the truth
of them upon Garfield so firmly that
he has never beeu able to explain
tbem away. In his testimony before
the committee Gen. Garfield made the
following sworn statement:
" 1 never owned, received, or agreed
to receive any stock of the f'redit Mo
bilier or of the Union Pacific railroad,
nor any dividends or profits arising
frotn either of them.— Garfield nmrn
UituMny be/ore the Poland Committee, Jan
uary 14, 1873.
Now what did the committee find
to have beeu the real state of the facts ?
The following is the report of the
committee so far as Garfield is con
cerned :
The facta in regard to Mr. Garfield,
as found by the committee, are that be
agreed with Mr. Ames to take ten shares
of Credit Mobilier stock, but did not
pay for tbe same. Mr. Aines received
tbe eighty per cent, dividend in bonds
and sold them for ninety-seven per
cent., snd slso received the sixty tier
oent. cssh dividend, which, together
with the price of the stock and inter
est, left a balanoe of S3'JV. This sum
was paid over to Mr. Garfield by a
•ettVE wl Hi* •srgssntMrtwrau, end Mr.
Garfield then understood this sum was
the balance of dividends after paying
for the stock.— The Poland Committee't
Report, January 18, 1873.
Did General Garfield swear to the
truth? Or did a committee, of his
own party wilfully pervert the evi
dence before them to make a false
charge against a fellow member of
Congress? Certainly the committee
did not make a false report. Its
truth has never been denied, and pub
lic sentiment will decide that it is
rather late in the day for Gov. Foster
to lie goiug " over the entire ground "
with members of the committee to
prove a different slate of facts from
those reported by them to Congress.
■ ■■ ♦
THERE is a striking contrast, re
marks the Harrisburg Patriot, be
tweeu the worldly wisdom and craft
of the late James A. Bavard, of Dela
ware, and the lamblike innocence of
James A. Garfield, in the matter of
the Credit Mobilier. When General
Garfield was solicited to take some of
the Credit Mobilier stock he consent
ted and took his share of the profits,
as the Poland committee reported,
though he afterwards pretended to be
entirely ignorant of the nature of the
operation. In his extreme simplicity
he never supposed he would be called
upon to act as a representative on a
question in which the interests of the
corporation would he involved. When
Mr. McComb invited Senator Bayard
to invest in the Credit Mobilier he
made the following reply dated Jan
uary 14, 1868, which ia printed iu the
report of the committee on the inves
tigation :
"l received this evening your letter
of this date, informing me that Mr.
Amee, of Massachusetts, had SI,OOO or
$2,000 of stock in the Credit Mobiiier
for me. My son (now Senator Thomas
K, Bayard), in a letter which I received
this morning, informed me of your
short conversation with bim, and that
it was to your friendly feeling I was in
debted for the subscription to what you
tell me is <a good thing.' I am, how
ever, utterly in the dark as to the na
ture and object of this corporation, and
you will oblige me if you will give my
son as muob Information as you bava in
relation to them. 1 do not know Mr.
Ames personally and must wait, of
oourse, until ha addresses me on the
suhJoot. 1 take U/or granted that the cor
poration hat no application to make to con
gtttt on which / shall bo called to act official
ly, at I could not eonsitUntly with my vitwt
if doty upon a question tit which 1 hart a pe
cuniary interest. Whether I become the
owner of this stock or not, I am obliged
to you for your intention to benefit me.
As I mugt, of course. pay for any stwk I
get plea*e let rny eon have full informa
tion as to its prospective value. Your
communication F consider, as you have
indicated, confidential except to him,
and he and 1 are almost one person.''
This letter closed the correspond
ence. It is needless to say that Sena
tor Bayard took none of the stock
which was so kindly offered to him as
"a good thing" through "a friendly
feeling." The committee in the rcj>ort
say of this letter: "We commend ft
all men the letter of the venerable
Senator Bayard in response to an offer
of some of the stock." Had General
James A. Garfield been actuated by
the nice sense of houor that marks
this letter he would not stand before
the country in his present lamentable
plight as a sharer of the bribe of
flakes Ames seeking to save himself
by prevarication and falsehood.
THE I'ittsburg Commercial-Gazette
says that "Garfield is only an alleged
free trader." Hid Mr. Krrett, the
editor of the Commercial-Gazette think
so when he refused to vote? for this
alleged free trader for Speaker of the
House of Representatives ?
♦
TII.IIE.VS FA HOI S LETTER.
A Patriotic Review of Politics Pant and
Present.
CINCINNATI, June 20. —T0-night the
New York delegation held a meeting
at the Grand Hotel, and organized by
choosing Daniel Manning chairman,
and H. B. Halliday secretary. Mr.
Peckhaui read the following letter
from Samuel J. Tilden :
NKW YORK, June IS — To the delegates
from the iStatr of JVVX? York to the Demo
cratic Xational (Jonvention : Your first as
sembling is an occasion on which it is
proper for me to state to you my rela
tion to the nomination for the Presi
dency, which you and your associates
are commissioned to make in behalf of
the Democratic party of the United
States. Having passed my early years
in an atmosphere tilled with the tradi
tions of the war which secured our Na
tional independence, and of struggles
which made our continental system a
government for the people and by the
people, 1 learned to idolize the institu
tions of my country, and was educated
to believe it the duty of every citizen of
the Republic to put his fare allotment
of care and trouble to public affairs. I
fulfilled that duty to the best of my
ability for forty years as a private citi
zen. Although during all my life,
giving at least as much thought and
effort to public affairs as to all other
objects, I have never accepted official
service except for a brief period and for
a special purpose, and only when the
occasion seemed to require of me that
sacrifice of private preferences to public
interest*. My life has been substanti
ally that of a private citizen, it was, I
presume, the success of efforts, in which
as a private citizen I had shared, to
overthrow a corrupt combination then
holding dominion in our metropolis
and to purify our Judiciary, which had
become its tool, that induced the De
mocracy of the State in IST4 to nomi
nate me for governor. This was done
in spite of tiie protests of a minority
that the part 1 had borne in those
reforms had created antagonisms fatal
to me a* a candidate. I felt constrained
to accept the nomination as the most
certain means of putting the power of
the gubernatorial office on the side of
reform and of removing the impression
wherever it prevailed, that the faithful
discharge of one's duty as a citizen it
fatal to hit usefuluess as a public serv
ant. The breaking up of the canal
ring, the fietter management of our
public works, the large deduction of
taxes and other reforms accomplished
during my administration doubtlesa
occasioned my nomination for the pres
idency by the Democracy of the Union
in the hope that similar processes
would be applied to the Federal govern
ment. From the responsibilities of
such an undertaking, appalling aa it
seemed to me, I did not leel at liberty
to shrink. In the cenvaaa which en
sued, the Democratic party represented
reform in the administration of the
Federal government and a restoration
of our complex political system to the
pure ideas of its founders. Upon these
issues the people of the United Statea,
by a majority of more than a quarter of
a million chose a majority of the elect
ors to cast their votes for the I)emocrat
io candidates for President and Vice
President. It is my right and privilege
here to say that I was nominated and
elected to the Presidency absolutely
free from any engagement in respect to
the exercise of the powers or disposal
of its patronages. Through the whole
period of my relation to the presi
dency I did everything in my power
to elevate and nothing to lower the
moral standards in the competitions
of parties. By what nefarious means
the basis of a false oount was laid io
several of the States I need not recite.
Tbeee are now matters of history, about
which whatever diversity of opinion
tuay have existed in either of the
great parties of the country at the time
of their consummation has sinoa prac
tically disappeared. 1 refused to ran
som from the returning boards of the
southern States the documentary evi-
TERMS: $1.50 |H*r Annum, in Advance.
dence by the suppression of which and
by the substitution of fraudulent and
forged paper* a pretext was made for
the perpetuation of a false count. The
constitutional duty of the two house*
of Congress to count the electoral vote*
as cast, and to give effect to the will of
the people as expressed by their suf
frages, was never fulfilled. An elector
al commission, for the existence of
which i have no responsibility, was
formed, and to it the two house* of
(ingress abdicated their duty to make
the count, by law enacting that the
count of the commission should stand
as final, unless overruled by the concur
rent action of the two houses, it*
false count was not overruled, owing to
the complicity of a Republican Senate
with the Republican majority of the
commission, controlled by iu Republi
can majority of eight to seven. The
electoral commission counted out the
men elected by the people and counted
in the men not elected by the people.
That subversion of the election created
a new issue for the decision of the peo
ple of the f'nited States transcending
in importance all questions of adminis
tration. It involved vital principles of
; self-government through elections by
the people. The immense growth of
the means of corrupt influence over
the ballot-box, which is at the disposal
of the party having possession of the
executive administration, had already
become a present evil, and a great dan
ger tending to make the election irre
sponsive to public opinion, hampering
the power of the people to change their
rule and enabling the men holding the
machinery of the government to oontin
iue and perpetuate their power. It was
rny opinion in 1876 that the opposition
attempting tochange the administration
needed to include at least two-thirds of
the voters at the opening of the can
vass in order to retain a majority at the
election. If, after such obstacles bad
been overcome and a majority of the
people had voted to change the admin
istration of their government, the men
in office could still proceed to a false
count founded upon frauds, perjury
and forgeries furnishing a pretext of
documentary evidence on which to base
that false count, and if such a transac
tion were not only successful, but if
after allotments of its benefits were
mate to its contrivers, abettors and
apologists by the chief beneficiary of
the transaction, it was condoned by
the people, a practical destruction of
elections by the people would have
been accomplished.
The failure to install the candidate
chosen by the people, a contingency con
sequent upon no act or omission of
mine and beyond my control, has thus
left me for the last three year* and
until now, when the I>emocratic party,
by the delegates in the national conven
tion assembled, shall chooae a new lead
er, the involuntary but unnecessary
; representative o&ahis moinentuousissue,
as such denied the immunities of public
life without the jtowers conferred by
public station, subject to unceasing
falsehood' and calumnies from the
partisans of an administration laboring
in vain to justify its existence. I have
nevertheless steadfastly endeavored to
present the same to the Democratic
party of the United Slates. The su
preme issues before the people for their
decision next November are whether
this shall be a govenuentby the sover
eign people through election or a gov
ernment by discarded servants holding
over by force and fraud ; and I have
withheld no sacrifice and neglected no
opportunity to uphold, organise and
consolidate against the enemies of the
representative institution of the great
party which alone under (iod can effect
ually resist the overthrow. Having now
borne faithfully my full share of the la
bor and care in public service, and
wearing the marka of iu burdens, I de
sire nothing so much as an honorable
discharge. 1 wish to lay down the hon
ors and toils of even quasi party leader
ship, and to seek the repose of private
life. In renouncing a renomination for
the presidency 1 do so with no doubt in
my mind as to the vote of the State of
New York or of the United States, but
because I believe that it is a renuncia
tion of the re-election of the preaidency.
To those who think my nomination
and reelection indispensible to an af
fectual vindication of the right of the
people to elect their rulera, violated in
my person, I have aooorded as long a
reserve of my decision as possible, but
I cannot overcome nay repugnanoe to
enter into a new engagement, which
involve* four years of oeaaelaas toil.
The dignity of the presidential office is
above a merely personal ambition, but
it createa in me no illuaion. Iu value
is a great power for good to the country.
I said four years ago, in accepting the
nomination : "Knowing as 1 do, thera
fore, from fresh experience how great
the difference is between gliding
through an official routine and working
out a reform of system* and policiea, it
ia impossible for me to contemplate
what reeds to be done in the Federal
administration without anxkxu sense
of the difficulties of the undertaking.
If summoned by the suffrages of my
countrymen to attempt thia work, I
•ball endeavor with God'a help to be the
efficient instrument of their will." Such
a work of renovating after many years
of misrule, such a reform of systems
and polioiet to which I would cheerful
ly have sacrificed all that remained to
me of health and life, ia now, 1 f*r,
beyond my strength. With unfeigned
thanks for the honors bestowed upon
me, with a heart swelling with emotions
of gratitude to the Democratic masses
for the support whieh they have given
to the oause I represent and their oon
fldenoe in every emergency, I remain
your fellow citisen.
SAXVXL J, TtLbtX.
NO. 26.