Centre Democrat. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, April 01, 1880, Image 7

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    ®&e Centre
bellefonte, pa.
The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper
PUBLISHED IN I'KNTKIC COUNTY.
THE H ANCOC K BOOM.
i|o GENERAL WINriBI.D SCOTT HANCOCK
IIAITBNS TO BE THE BEST CANDIDATE,
from Sp<x-I*t D|*tcb to Boston Globe.
WASHINGTON, March 15.—Tho friends
• cf Gen. Hancock are getting in some
very effective work for their favorite,
niui if t' u> movement in his favor con
tinues to grow from now until June 22
1(S s todily and rapidly as it has grown
(or the past three or four weeks Gen.
Hancock will he a formidable candidate
for the Democratic nomination by the
time the convention meets. There have
been several conferences in tien. Han
cock's interest held in this city within
the put few days, and Gen. Hancock's
friends are much encouraged by the re
ports which have been received front
ill parts of the country. They are par
ticnltrly encouraged by the reports
which come up front the South, and,
indeed, thev seem to have good reason
for their claim that the South generally
is coming to regard Gen. Hancock as
the strongest candidate, and that a very
large proportion of the Southern dele
gates will support Hancock in the con
vention. One of the most eminent of
the Southern Democrats in Congress, a
"Confederate Brigadier," and a man
whose name, if mentioned, would carry
weight, has favored me with a very full,
very interesting, and, in some respecta,
very important atatement upon the
question of the Democratic Presidential
nomination, and the feeling of himaelf
and other Southern Democrats upon it.
At his request I withhold hia name, but
am able to give the substance of his
conversation, and, indeed, so nearly his
exact language that he agrees to father
the subjoined report of it:
"For many reasons," he said, "I would
have been glad to see the great wrong
righted by the re nomination, re-election
and inauguration of Mr. Tilden. There
would have been a poetic justice in that
which would have rejoiced the hearts of
the Democracy. For a long time 1 be
lieved that result would come about;
but my last hope vanished with the
crushing defeat of Governor Robinson
in November. After that it was hope
less to expect that those who bolted
Robinson could in any event be induced
to vote for Tilden.
"Besides this, it has become only too
evident that, if nominated, Mr. Tilden
would loose several Southern States.
The schism in Virginia is as bitter and as
and hopeless as that in New York, with
this difference, in favor of New York,
that the entiie Democratic vote there
could lie polled for any candidate from
some other State who has never been
mixed up with either faction and is not
the nominee or tool of either, while the
two wings in Yirginia are divided on a
question of public policy. It happens
that both the readjusters and the debt
payers are opposed to Mr. Tilden. It
is useless to explain why this is so ; it
is the facts we want to face. Virginia
was not at heart for Tilden in 1876 ; but
accepted him, when any one of the
other candidates would have pleased
her better, on account of the sup|>oscd
necessity of nominating him to carry
New York. Now it is not Yirginia
alone, hut the entire South, which is
thoroughly disgusted with New York
dictation and New York leadership,
which have only led the party to suc
cessive defeats.
"Many Southern men are fully ready
to* escape from the evil of a sectional
division of parties by an alliance with
the Republicans. Those of this way of
thinking, and who will act accordingly
if they see no likelihood of the election
of the Democratic candidate, or even if
that candidate is particularly distasteful
to their constituencies, are numerous
enough to carry with them snch Slate*
ft* South i'arolina, Florida, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas. In
these the parly can be held together by
General Hancock's popularity; but as
Itetween Tilden and Grant the latter
would win. It would be easy against
an unpopular Democrat or a weak can
didate for Grant, Blaine, Sherman, or
Washhurne to give such assurances to
an influential body of the leading poli
ticians as would secure the electoral
votes of five or six Southern States.
You can imagine the result if the lead
ership of the negro vote were assumed
by an even incor.siderivble number of
native Southerners of the Wade Hamp
ton stripe. The evidence that this is
not an imaginary hut a real danger ia,
to my mind, conclusive. I have inter
course with hundreds of Southern men,
and receive great numbers of letters,
and the bulk of all I gather confirms
the verity of what I have stated.
"You can easily understand how
widely the situation differs from that of
four years ago. Then the whites of the
South were united in bonds of steel—or
letter call it by the law of self-preserva
tion—to free their States from negro
rule. Having accomplished that they
fcr<- now tree to labor for other objects.
One of those which Southern men
deem important is the obliteration of
the sectional line which now divide*
parties, and which operates powerfully
to the disadvantage of the South; no
tably so with regard to legislation which
affect* her material interests. Texas,
Louisiana, and Arkansas are especially
sensitive on this point, and all the Gulf
States in a lesser but still important
degree.
"Thus, you see, there are other dan
gers which threaten the future of the
Democracy, quite distinct from the
Tilden and Tammany feud in New
> ork. The tendency among Northern
Democrats ia to keep their eyes fixed on
New York, and so overlook what may
prove Dial rocks elsewhere. They must
widen their horizon or encounter the
fall* of the blind.
"Then I see it given out that no can
didate can carry New York who is not
acceptable to Mr. Tilden; or, that if he
d not nominated, he must name the
tsndidate. These outgivings only mean
mischief. In their least nefarious as
pect they mean tbst the set of politi
cians who managed Mr. Tilden's cam
paign, both before and after his election
•n 1876—mismanaged it, I mean, fla
grantly and grossly—must be permitted
to act aa bosses for and absolutely con
trol the destinies of the great Demo
cratio party. They mean to realize in
personal patronage and preferment on
their labors (already tvell paid out of
Mr. Tiiden'a private fortune, if report
speaks truly) of four year* ago, which
proved ao disastrous to it*. I can un
derstand the purely selfish object of
those who clamor that Mr. Tilden must
name the candidate, hut 1 cannot imag
ine any considerable body of Democrats
can be imposed on by a claim so im
pudently silly ami grossly preposterous.
Nothing in the least like it was ever
before lieard of in the annuls of the
party. I hope it does not typify the
degradation of the Northern Democra
cy. The party will be infinitely better
off with the PAltons, Finleys, Marbles,
ami Weeds in active hostility than in
any position of trust or leadership.
"The other interpretation of what
may be called tho standing threat ol
the (Iramercy Park kitchen cabinet is
that Mr. Tilden has the power and the
evil will to defeat any candidate but
one of liis own making. 1 do not be
lieve Mr. Tilden means to set on foot
any ell'orts that do not look to his own
nomination. It is insulting to a man
who is already under as heavy a debt of
gratitude to the Democracy as it is pos
sible for a man to be to impute to him
a desire to defeat that parly in revenge
for his own disappointment. A patriot
who has been honored with great sta
tions, and with the suffrages .of a ma
jority of his countrymen Tor the greatest
in their gift, to he capable of such
malignity would be the basest of man
kind. If Mr. Tilden is capable of rais
ing a finger to defeat the nominee of
liis party he is unfit to be President. It
only shows the baseness of the crew
around him that they can seriously put.
forth such slutf as this. Mr. Tilden is
not in the position of a Democrat who
has served liis party and owes it noth
ing. He is under obligations tohis
party for high honors it has bestowed
upon him. lam sure Mr. Tilden does
not entertain any such traitorous senti
ments. Hut as to the power, if he were
as malignant as those who pretend to
be his friends assume, no man or organi
nation of men, without some apparent
' principle or issue to hack up and
: strengthen thein, could exercise any
1 appreciable influence in taking votes
1 away from an otherwise strong candi
date. The people are not such puppets
:as the contrary theory would make
them out. What I mean is that mere
personal influence goes for little in
great national contests, although forces
like thoe I have described as operating
in the South, and such its caused the
bolt in New York last fall, can destroy
a party's chances.
"Governor Seymour, in a recent in
| terview in the I'n*t here, has correctly
stated this when he said the candidate
had better not be identified with either
of the warring factions, a thing just as
true of Virginia as of New York, That
■ points to the only practicable solution
>of our dilemma. If we can get a candi
! date otherwise strong, and not in auy
way mixed up with either the Tilden or
Tammany factions, all will rally to his
| support. No single individual's dislikes
can do harm, not even Mr. Tilden's.
It is the inveterate prejudice* of large
bodies of voters we must avoid antago
nizing.
"Now where is the candidate to be
i found? Personally, my choice is Sena-
J tor Bayard. lie is loved by the South,
' even where our people hare been in
fected with greenback and silver the-
I ories. Hut lam convinced that I shall
| never see Tom Bayard in the White
House if he is nominated this year—of
which, by the way, there is not much
! danger. He is yet a young man, and I
know I shall do more to secure his
; ultimate elevation to the Presidency by
opposing his nomination at this junc
ture. when it would be premature and
unwise. Events may not improbably
bring atioiit bis candidacy under more
favorable conditions.
"Gen. Hancock is, by all odds, the
man for the emergency. He has no
embarrassing record on the financial
question—which is one of the all-impor
tant requisites. His nomination will
be tho best possible answer to the
bloody shirt—this being the second in
dispensable requisite to real availability.
And then General Hancock's grand
civil record splendidly answers the ob
jections that are urged in some quarters
against military candidates. His whole
career is of a kind to excite enthusiasm
in a political canvass. The independ
ent voteseem* to be peculiarly attracted
to him. I notice various independent
newspapers out for him. A good many
Greenbackers seem to be turning their
eyes toward bim. All those things
count, for there is such a thing as the
independent vole, and we want to
capture it. I don't see why Hanoock
sbould't carry his own State, where
80,00(1 votes went to a third ticket, so
that the Pennsylvania Republican Gov
ernor was in a minority of 70.000 on the
total vote. Such a State can only be
faMy claased as doubtful, and sagacious
politicians will make a fight for it.
That State haa a Democrat in the Sen
ate, and elected a State ticket in 1877.
I understand tbeTilden-RsndallTßlioue,
who are rushing en defeat in a hopeless
effort to capture the Slate Convention,
talk that Pennsylvania is hopelessly
Republican. Such talk is sinister, and
ought not to commend the leaders who
urge it against those who actually have
carried the State for the Itamocracy,
and who earnestly mean to do it again.
Senator Wallace is one of the most
useful men in the Senate | no one is
more trusted snd counseled with by his
colleagues, and the abuse and defama
tion heaped on him are atrocious, it
speaks well for the Senator and bis
friends that they do not retort in kind
upon Speaker Randall.
"Hancock's nomination would save
us Virginia, because he is the favorite
of the readjustees. You doubtless no
ticed that the readjuster members of
the State Committee announced at their
recent meeting that they would support
Gen. lianoock, but would not support
Tilden. A number of llahone's most
trusted lieutenants are strong Hancock
men. The nomination of Gen. Hancock
would insure us a soiled South, and
without exciting jealousy at the North.
And he must have great popularity at
the North, unless your old soldiers and
their descendants have feelings toward
their military men very different from
those which actuate ours. Why, 1
only need to read between the lines of
radical journals, like the Tribune and
Timet, to find in their studious silence
about hi* candidacy, or equally studied
depreciation, that be is the man they
really fear. They do their best to create
the impression that Tilden's nomination
is certain, knowing that men naturally
try to get on the strong aide. All tiie
Republican* want Tilden set up again.
But when an honest Republican givea
me his frank opinion in private conver
sition lie almost invariably,'say* : 'Han
cock is the one of your candidate* who
would give us the hardest race.' "
LUTIIER.
e
FEDERAL INTERFERENCE.
Kntui tho Baltimore American.
The recent decisions of the Supreme
Court affirming the validity of the Fed
eral election laws are of far-reaching
significance and importance. A* Judge
Field, in hia dissenting opinion, express
ed it, their effect is to confirm the as
sertion by Congress of a power which is
"destructive of the independence of the
States in matters over which their au
thority has iieser been surrendered."
According to the law as interpreted, it is
now competent lor the Fedeiul authority
to degrade the States "to the level ol
municipal corporations existing at the
will of Conuress." This is tho doctrine
of centralization as advanced by the
radical wing of the Republican party
in ita most ultra lorni. That it should
have received the indorsement of the
highest judicial tribunal in the land
must he a matter of profound rpgret
for every man who appreciates at its
full value the fundamental principle of
correlation between the State and Fed©
nil Governments, upon which our whole
I political system is based. Hereafter,
unless tbe election laws are repealed, it
will be within the power of the General
Government to interfere in the most
i arbitrary manner In all the election* for
; members of Congress and to punish vio
lations by the election officer* not only
|of Federal but of State laws. The effect
! of the deaision does not stop even here,
for, as Judge Field remarks, "If the
Federal Government may punish a vio
lation of the laws of a State it may also
punish obedience to them and exer
! ci*e a supervision over the legislation ol
the States, subversive ol their reserved
powers."
Judge Field, supported by Judge Cli
fford, made a strong protest against the
decision of the majority ; and his dis
' xenting opinion is a clear and able pre
j scntation of tbe theory which has been
maintained by the Democratic party
from the beginning, thai tbe enforce
ment legislation is unconstitutional and
I void, it is not encouraging to reflect
that the Republican members of the
court indorsed unanimously the stal
wart view of the case and that a tribun
al which should be above all political
considerations has again divided on a
partisan issue according to the party
predilections of its members. The de
| cision of the court, however, does not
end the matter. An appeal may still
be taken to the people, and among the
questions to be submitted at the Preni
, denlial election next Fall will he the
paramount issue whether the centrali
zation, which is proceeding so rapidly
■ under the lead of the Republican party
backed up by a partisan .Supreme Court,
shall be checked or not. For more
than ninety year* the United .State*
have grown and prospered without the
laws which are now to be enforced and
which the Republicans claim to be ne-
I cessary to the purity of our elections.
The Federated States have survived
tbree wars ; they have grown from thir
teen feeble colonies to thirty-eight
i States, covering a larger cultivated ter
ritory than any other power in the
world ; they are to-day more pro*|>er
ous, happier, stronger than any other
people. Yet at this day— at the begin
ning of the last decade of the first cen
tury of their existence—their sovereign
ty is denied and it is fought in a time
of profound peace to bind upon them
the shackles of a Federal authority, the
exercise of which, even under the in
terpretation of the doctrine of States'
rights enforced by the war, can only I*
justified by armed revolt. If this de
! cision of the Supreme Court be not
nullified by tbe repeal of theenforceo a it
laws, tbe autonomy of the different
States is destroyed and the title "Unit
ed States" applied to this country be
comes an absurd misnomer. Under tbe
ruling of the Court we are, in fact, no
longer of Slates, but a strong
ly centralized Republic divided for con
venience into thiity-eight dependent
provinces.
THE qiEEN'N DRAWING ROOM.
HOW lIRK NAJESTT AND THE I.MES OV lIER
_ COURT ARE ATTIRED.
Don-lon Cnrreepnedsae# Nfw Vorfc Time.
Fashion and the tipper ten have been
greatly fluttered. Her Majesty held a
drawing room on Friday. She is only
going to "receive" onoe more this year,
it is said. Blood and mammon, there
fore, crowded Buckingham Palace, and
will do so again, to fall off a little when
the Prince of Wales takes un the run
ning for his royal mother. Her Majes
ty, according to a semi-official modiste,
wore a dress and train of black poult de
tote and terry velvet, embroidered in
black silk, and a long white tulle veil,
surmounted by a coronet of diamonds.
She also wore a necklace, brooches and
ear-ring* of large opals and diamonds,
the ribbon and star of the Order of the
Garter, tbe Order of Victoria and Albert,
the Crown of India, Louise of Prussia,
Nt. Catharine of Russia, St. Isabella of
Portugal, etc., and the Saae-t'oburg and
Gotha family order. The Princess of
Wales appeared In a dress of prune
colored velvet, with pearl embroidery,
train of Brussels lace, and no end of
pearls and diamonds. She looked thin,
I thought, and by no means strong in
health. I saw her arrive. The Duchess
of Connaught was resplendent io white
satin, trimmed with duohes* lace and
white rosea. She wore • tiara of dia
mond* and a profusion of pearls. If
tbe imperial atone ia really to be manu
factured wholeaale by the' chemist, will
these royal ladies replace it in their
crowns and ooroneU? Will it be set
aside, being no looger worth a large
sum of money 1 Do they prise it for ha
beauty? In the daytime there are oth
er stones that eclipse it, undoubtedly.
It is at night, when it radiates the glare
of lamps, that it i* supreme in its beaufy
and color. The dresses at the drawing
room were richer and more magnificent
than ever. Gold brocade was in high
fashion. The modiste aforesaid awards
the palm to the dross worn by the
Countess of Clarendon, of which the
coloring was Pompadour; it consisted
of a close train and Directoire coat
bodice of Louis XV. brocade, lined with
pale blue satin and bordered with point
a'Alencon, over a petticoat of ivory
satin duchessc, with gathered front,
trimmed with flounces of point d'Alcn
con and lisse, studded with pale shaded
roses to match the brocade of the train,
which was ivory and pale pink ; tiara
of diamonds and diamond ornaments.
Lady Julia Womhwell wore a dress of
old gold colored broche, trimmed with
sutiu of the same color and old point
lace; a train of dark green and gold
broche velvet, trimmed with old point
lace and bouquets of gold mulberries
and folisge frosted with gold. Home of
the elderly ladies in the enforced low
necked dresses of the court looked cold
and miserable. The queen will have
everything done as it was clone in the
Prince Consort's time, and no amount
of criticism or appeal will induce her to
modify the low-necked dress of pre
| sen tat ion. I'.ut this is no reason why
the Princess Louise should enlorce the
same silly regulations upon Canada.
So fit in is the queen in maintaining her
reminiscences of Prince Albett's day
that she discards a new railway on one
of her royal journeys and travels one
hour longer than necessary because it
was the track she used when her hus
band was alive.
Natloual Debts of the World.
A recent number of the Frankfort
Zeituiig gives the national dehta of the
leading eountties of the world for the
year 1879, as compared with 1865. The
general result is a frightful degree of
increase, and it shows what a conserva
tive people we of the United Slates are
in the average, and how much more ca
llable of securing otir own interests by
self government than other countries
are through the adventitious control of
self-constituted rulers. In the period
of fifteen years between 1865 and 1879
the debt of Great Britain has heen re
duced .7.8 per cent., but still stands at
$3,007,470,000, with a deficit of $50,600,-
000 to be met by the present chsncelor
of the exchequer. The debt of France
has increased 48.4 per cent., and is now
greater than that of any other country,
touching within a fraction of $4 000,000,-
000. The debt of Ifu-aia has increased
188.5 per cent., and is still growing rap
idly, through the operation of causes
over which the im|>eriat government
has practically no control. The debt of
Spain has increased 150 per cent., and
now amounla t052,499 000,000, virtually
an unmaiiagable sura for that impover
ished kingdom. The debt of Italy has
increased 127.2 per cent., ia nearly $2.-
: 11U0,000,000, aud compels a rale ol Uxa
i lion so enormous as to keep the people
|in a state of chronic discontent. The
i dept of Turkey hat increased 421.7 per
i cent., and of the Turkish provinces
11040 per cent., proving all these coun
tries to be bankrupt. The debt of Ger
many has increased 71 6 |>er cent., but
I ia villi maintained within very moderate
I limits. Portugal owes $392,700,000, hav
j ing increased her debt 100 2 per cent.
' The debt of the Netherlands has only
been augmented 5.7 per cent., but that
of Belgium has increased 148.7 per
cent., that .State, however, having avail
; able valuable assets to show for it, in the
i shape of the purchase of railroads and
telegraph lines.
The debt of Greece has been increas
ed 158.8 percent., and the countiy is
j about insolvent. The debt of Sweden
: has increased •00.7 |nr cent., and that
of Denmark 7.9 per cent., and that of
Norway 176.3 per cent. Switzerland
has increased its dehta from $714,000 in
1865 to $6,664,000 in 1879, an increase
of 833.3 |M-r cent., incurred in the con
struction of great public works such as
the St. Gothard lunnel. The reduc
tion of the debt of the United States
since August, 1865, has been $761,319,-
350, or 27,0 per cent. In that year the
public expenditures of this country
were $1,21 (,704,199, of which more than
half was raised by taxation. In 1879
the expenditures were reduced to $260,-
947.883. In all the Kuropean countries
named above, however, the public ex
penditures have largely increased in the
course of the fifteen years, those of
France rising from $449*820,000 to $567,- I
392.000, Greal Britain from $321,300,000
to $406,980,000, Russia from $245,616,-
000 to $511,700,000 and Germany from
$151,606,000 to $314,398,000. The aggre
gate of all annual expenses of the Ku
ropean countries named, and including
also Austria-Hungary, baa riven from
$1,898,288,000 in 1865 to $2,788,646,000
in 1879, an aggregate increase of 46
per cent. The increase in srt ordinary
txptnxrt of the United States from 1865
to 1879 ha* been only 23 per cent., while
the same expenses in Germany have in
creased 107 per cent, in the same time,
yet Germany is the moat frugal govern
ment in Europe. The steady reduction
of the debt in this country and the
constant solicitude of the people to
prevent an inordinate increase in the
average running expenses of govern
ment are facta upon which our citisena
can reasonably congratulate themselves.
They show that self governmnnt ia not
merely a name, but a thing of reason
and judgment.
Major liershberger, of Chamberaburg,
now 69 years of age, ia applying for a
pension. He served with the regular
army aa a private and non-oommiaaion
ed officer for fourteen years, and was
appointed when holding the rank of
Sergeant Major at the cavalry school,
Carlisle Barracks, aa Rrillmaater at
West Point. This was on the 29th of
December, 1841, and he remained there
until September 18, 1848. During his
aervioe at West Point among the cadets
he drilled were General* McClelland,
Grant, Burnsidee, McDowell and Pope,
distinguished Generals of the Union
army in the lata war; and Generals
Stonewall .lackvon, A. P. Hill, Long
■treat, Pickett, Lee and Gernett, ail
leading Generals of the rebel army.
The PitUburg CkronirU states that the
Standard Company ia buying up every
barrel of oil they can get bold of, and
storing it away in anticipation of falling
off in production, whan they will be
prepared for the increased prices.
THE CZAR'S BODY GUARD.
SOWB ACCOUNT Or TBI! FAMOUS FINLAND
HBO I BENT.
The thanks and acknowledgments
which the Kmpcror Alexander haw
returned to the soldiers of the Finland
Regiment of the Guard, who, hy the
latest accounts received, have lost ten
killed and furiy-seven wounded from
the effects of the explosion, were cer
tainly no more than the couruge and
presence of mind they displayed upon
this one occasion deserved. Rut this
was not the first time he was greatlv
indebted to the loyalty and courage of
this regiment. On the 24th of De
cember, 1M25, the Finperor Nicholas,
who had up to this time inhabited the
little Anitehofi'l'aluce in the Nevski
I'ro.-pect, took up his quarter* with
| bis wife and family in the huge Win
ter I'alace on the Isaac Square. On
i the day following he received a secret
communication from the Sub-l.ieuten
-1 ant Rostoftsor which might well make
him exclaim, "What a beginning of a
reign !" A plot was ready to hreak
out in the \\ inter J'ulaee itself, and
the regiment of Greuadiers of the
Guard that was on duty aliout his
j person had heen canvassed for days to
1 join it. No sooner, however, had he
! read R< s'oAsor'a letter than he saw
| that not a mome nt was to be lost in
getting rid of this armed band of con
spirators who were his guard and
might very likely Ik: his assassins, even
; if the revolt were precipitated by bis
■so doing. The nianceuvre was carried
lout bv Alexis Orloff, Nicholas' right
hand man, with consummate ability
i and corresponding success. A num
erous detachment of the Finland Reg
iment of t cuards was sent for f rom
their barracks in the dead of night ;
; their superior force overawed the
I Grenadiers, who left the Winter Pal
| ace without a show of resistance, the
| newcomers taking their places.
T his change—and curiously enough,
if reports from Vienna are true, a
similar change of the Guard was made
a short time before the explosion, two
I sotnias of Cossacks making way for
; the Finland Regiment—was not car
| ried out one moment too soon ; for the
i next day the shell hurst. And when
the revolt had fairly liegun it was to
this same Finland Regiment that
Nicholas entrusted the care of his
family. Taking the little Grand Duke
Alexander by the hand, he said, "I
| confide my son to your care; it will.
|be your duty to defend his life." The
' rough Finns, it is said, were moved to
. tears. They took up the child, then
only seven years old, in their arms,
passed him from rauk to rauk, aud
! swore to form a rampart of their
| IxMlie* la-hind which he should be safe.
I All this must have come back to the
[Czar today, the baby Crarewitch of
! 1825, whe# he thanked the Finland
Regiment for their devotion to his
j person and house U|on their latest
exhibition of loyal bravery.
A Thrilling Incident la a Methodist
Preacher's 111-No*.
Many years ago the writer had a
conversation with a Methodist preach
er in the town of Clinton, La., who
j told him that he was one of the
I preachers sent by the Methodist con
ference to preach to the people of
Texas. He said he went alone on
horseback, hy way of the Rod River;
| that the fir.-t day after crossing the
Mississippi he was overtaken by a
horseman, armed with a ritle, pistol
I and hunting knife. He was clnd in a
suit of dressed buckskin, and was also
going to Texas. He found hitu to
be au agreeable, intelligent traveling
coni|Nuiion,'well acquainted with the
geography of the countrv through
which they passed. Neither asked
the other his busiuess, and they jour
(ifeyed together several days, until they
' reached a new town in "Texas, filled
with rough characters aud desperate
men, many of whom had fled from
justice in other States. Here he ecu
eluded to preach his first sermon.
Notice was posted to this effrct, and
at night the log court house was filled !
with an audience of men solely.
THE PREACHER
said he gave out a hymn, and the
audience all joined in singing it, and
sang it well. But when he took his
text and attempted to preach one
hooted like an owl, another braved like
a jack, a third barked like a dog, and
he was compelled to stop. lie did
not like to be thus thwarted in his
purpose, and be again attempted to
preach, but was prevented uy the
same disturbance. At this juncture
the preacher's traveling compauion,
whom he did not know was in the
house, rtwc in the center of the audi
ence and said:
"Men, this man catne here to preach
to you ; you need preaching to, aud
I'll be d—d if he shan't preacdi to you!
The next one that disturbs him shall
fight me—my name's Jim Bowie."
AAer this announcement, the preach
er remarked, he never had a more re
spect At I audienet; such was the influ
ence this man exercised over the roittds
of these desperate characters. This
was the preacher's narrative, and so
characteristic was it of Bowie that
there can be no doubt of its entire
truthfulness. James Bowie devoted
his life to the achievement of Texan
independence—was made a colonel io
her service, and with Travis and
Crockett, heroes all, yielded up his
life in the ill fated Alamo. Mrs.
Dickeraon and a negro man, the sole
survivors of this massacre, said that
at the lime of the attack on the fort
Bowie was confined to his lied by
fever. He ordered a number of \q/ul
ed rifles to be brought to his aide, and
had the door no barricaded that but
one Mexican could pa** through at a
time. Here he lay and fired upon
them until he shot nine. His body
wax riddled with bullets, and, as if
they feared him even after death, they
repeatedly
THHL'ST THEIR BAYONETS INTO HIM.
Thus lived and died this remark
able man. Travis, the chief in com
mand, and his subordinates, Itowie
! and Crockett, were heroes in the true
| sense of the word. Patriotism will
mourn their fate, and memory bedew
their graves with her tears as long as
, geilerous blood courses through the
veins of American freemen. There
are several relatives of James Jlowie
j now i csiding in Caifornia, and one, a
noted lawyer, several years ago, took
offense at an article published in a
: San Francisco journal, which reflect
ed somewhat upon the chaiacter of
his kinsman. The writer of this arti
cle was well acquainted with James
Bowie, and always held him in high
esteem, both as a companion and a
patriot.
♦ .
The I te Reservation.
The reservation which the Utes are
to surrender is nbout half a- large
as the six New England Htate*. It
; w ill lie criminal folly if any further
! treaties are marie setting apart tracts
j of the public domain for Italian tribes.
Such contracts cannot be observed.
They have locn made only to be bro
ken, and all the violations of treaties
have leeii on the side of the strong
and against the weak. No part of
this country can Ik; kept a wilderness
to furnish hunting grounds for nomad
ic tribe*. We might as well talk of
keeping a public cow pasture in the
I heart of a great city as to attempt to
preserve vast tracts of country from
the foot of the white man, while towns,
cities and Slates grow up around such
reservations. The trcaty-inaking pol
icy should have been abandoned when
the I'niou was formed. It was justifi
able only in the early infancy of the
country. The idea that Europeans
were intruders on this continent, and
must buy the right to live here, was a
fallacy. In this world of ours no peo
ple own a country any longer than
they can hold it bj* force. This may
he bad in morals, but it is true, and
the history of all lands and all age*
proves it. Most of the existing trea
ties with the Indians must be annull
ed. We shall do this by negotiations,
not bv war. The red men must be
come tillers of the soil. They must
i have farms, not hunting grounds, allot
ted to them. They must Ire taught to
cultivate the earth aud earn their liv
ing. Their absurd pride, or laziness,
must give way to necessity. They
must learn that he who will not
work has no right to live on the pro
ceedsof other men's labor. It will take
time to accomplish this, and the people
must be patient with the Indiaos,
for it is not altogether their fault
that they regard themselves as
children to be supporter! by the (.iov
ernment. They have been taught
this vicious nonsense till they have le
-! come fully imbued with it. — 1017-I 017-
ton VoM.
Had lieadinir for Boys*
"The dime novel, which, by the
way," remarks the Catholic Hcrietc,
"has curiously enough lteen supplanted
by the blood and thunder Ivor's pajs-r,
was bad enough, and the boys' pa (vers
are much worse ; hut the daily papers
teach lessons of vice with a force and
directness which was beyond the pow
er of either the dime uovels or the
boys' fiction papers. The most im
pressionable boy of to-day is iuclined
to skepticism ou the subject of Indian
fights and the exploits of herculean
burglars; but the pathetic incidents
which surrotind the imprisonment of
the picturesque murderer, who is visit
ed every day by sympathixing friends,
his every won! * and gesture being
chronicled by admiring ncwrspaper
renorters, make the youth cry out,
'This is fame indeed f' The newspa
pers are photographs from life, while
the novels are only 'after life.' The
boy soon learns to read the latest
divorce report, told with much piquan
cy by the expert 'filler of space, and
to revel in all t hose details which, in a
book, would entitle it to be stopped in
the mails as obscene literature. It is
amazing that people can be so careless
as to allow their children to read the
details of crime* which they would
blush even to name in ordinary con
versation."
•The Year lHftl.
fhe year 1881 will be a mathemat
ical curiosity. From left to right ami
from right to left it reads the same;
18 divided by 2 gives 9 as a quotient;
81 divided by 9 and 9 is the quotieut.
If 1881 in divided by 299, 9 is the
quotient; if divided by 9, the quotient
contains a 9 ; if multiplied by 9, the
Srnduct contains two 9s: 1 aud 8 are
; 8 and 1 are 9. If the 18 be
placed under the 81 and added,the
sum is 99. If the figures be added
thus, 1, 8, 8,1, it will give 18. Read
ing from left to right te 18, and read
ing from right to left is 18, and 18
is two-ninths of 81. By adding, di
viding and multiplying nineteen 9s
are produced, being one 9 for each
yenr required to complete the century.