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We do not wish to strip the Executive branch of the government of the proper and constitutional jiowers belonging to it, but persuaded, as we are, that the Federal Executive claims a binding authority over the Representative, we protest against the exercise of assumed power, and are decided that Mr. lliyc*. as acting Executive, has invaded and dangerously usurped the rights of tho States and the sovreigntv of the people in their exercise of the elective franchise In his attempt to justify his acts, in his veto messages, he only adds insult to usurpation. The Congress passed "An act to prohibit military interference at State elections," and on the 12th of May, 1879, Mr. Hayes vetoed the hill and in stating his objections, lie refer* to his veto of the act of the 29th of April, a similar bill, in which he says "I am forced to the conclusion that the bill before me is not only unnecessary to prevent such interference, hut is a dangerous departure from long settled and important constitutional princi ples.'' This is a bold and reckless as sertion. In his construction of section 4, of article 4, of the Federal constitu tion, he assumes "that military force may be used at the place of elections when such use is necessary to enforce the constitution and laws," that is, that it is left to the discretion of tyrants and usurpers to be put in operation. What part of the constitution authorises the President to invade the States with his marshals and army on the day of elec tion? The section of that instrument to which he refers gives no such author ity—gives no such right, and is in direct contravention of the reserved rights of the States, their constitutions anil law*. Mr. Hayes refers to the acts of t'ongress of 1792 and 179.', and says: "the act of 1792 was repealed by the act of 1795." This is true, and in his veto he quotes the section as a justifiable precedent. What application have they, or what authority do they confer upon him to interfere in the election of members of Congress with his marshals and soldier*? Congress had laid an excise tax on stills and whiskey; the inhabitant* of West ern Pennsylvania were opposed to the enactment, and they armed themselves and with mob violence burnt tho col lector's office. The Governor of Penn sylvania called upon President Wash ington to protect, under the constitu tion, the Htate "against inrasion and domestic violence," and troops, under the command of Gov. Lee, of Virginia, were sent -from Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ac., to quell the insurrec tion. (See Breckinridge'a History of the Western Insurrection, MW. 3, page 9.) Is this a precedent for the usurpation of Mr. Hayes? Iloes it give him super vision over tho free elections of tho free citizens of the States. Tho very statement of the facts refutes his pre. tensions. He next refers to the act of Congress of 1807, which he says met with the approval of Mr. .Jefferson. This is also true. Rut why not act honestly with the American citizen and give the rea son and cause for that enactment ? He knew that at that time England claim ed "the right of search," and the |>owcr to arrest and impfison seamen on hoard of American vessels, and did search ships at sea, and impress American sea men into her own service. Remon strance proved unavailing, and Mr. Jef ferson then asked Congress to lay an • embargo and enforce non intercourse with British teasels. This was done, and no sooner done than it provoked vio lent opposition in the New England State's. The net* of Congress were vio lently opposed,—in other words, nullifi ed in Massachusetts and Connecticut. These .Mate* threatened to dissolve the Union, and unite in a new government with Canada, the (iovernor of which had already sent on hi* agent, spy and commissioner, John Henry, to effect the alliance. These facts, with tho evi dence to sustain them, were laid before Congress by Mr. Jefferson, (see IV. 3, American Ilcvioo,) and under such cir. cumstancea the act of I so" was passed. Rut what justification is to he found in all this for tho position assumed by Mr. Hayes? It is absurd. Mr. Hayes next refers to tho Rurr conspiracy, a* ho calls it, and says Pres ident Jefferson broke it up. Col. Rurr was arrested, and indicted, "Ist, For a high misdemeanor in setting on foot within the United .States a military ex pedition against the dominions of the King of Spain;" and 2d, For treason in assembling an armed force with tie sign to seize the city of New <'rleans." (See Burr's trial, IV. I, jxiges 3-4.) l)ocs Mr. Hayes believe he can deceive tho American people by shamefully perverting the acts of Mr. -Jefferson to shield himself in his usurpation of power? He was unfortunate in quoting the acts of Mr. Jefferson. hat analo gy do they hear to hi* encroachment upon the rights of the people in their State elections ? None whatever. At no time, during the eight ycur* of Mr- Jefferson's two administrations, did lie claim the right to interfere with hordes of deputy marshals and armed soldiers in the election of members of Congress. Mr. Hayes, with all his effrontery, daro not directly assert that he did. It was Mr. -Jefferson wJio wrote in the Ik-clara tion of Independence that "these unit ed colonies are of right and ought to he free and independent States." When President Adams, who had labored with great zeal, perseverance and industry to establish Independence, attempted with no less zeal and ability to inculcate monarchical principles in tho adminis tration of the Fetlcral government it wa* the same Mr. Jefferson, then Vice President, who wrote to Mr. Madison, tee I'unningham's eorrtsj>ondencf) "I am for preserving to the States the powers not yielded l-y them to tho Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its consti tutional share in the division of /- went ; and I am not for transferring all tin powers of tho States to tho general government, and all those of that gov ernment to the Executive branch." Again, after ho became President, in his first message to Congress, which was adopted a* the creed of the democratic party, and the theoretical outlines of a free government, Mr. Jefferson, among other things, says, "I am for the sup jiort of the State governments in ail their rights as the most competent ad ministration for our domestic concerns, and the surest hullwarks against anti Republican tendencies." In the same message he was also for "a jealous care of the right of elections by the jieople." Mr. Hayes must call another witness than Mr. Jefferson. In his pursuit of authorities to justify his attempt to abolish tho right* of the States in holding their elections, Mr. Hayes shows his servility to the consoli dation's, and with unblushing duplic ity also refers to the course of I'resident Jackson in the case of .South Carolina. In the session of 1832-'33, Congress passed a tariff or revenue tjill, against which South Carolina protested as un constitutional and oppressive, and her legislature p.a*d an ordinance against its enforcement within her Jiorders— known as the nullification ordinance— and prepared to resist the collection of duties ly force ol arms. Gen. Jackson promptly issued his proclamation and directed the collectors to collect the revenues provided by the act of Con gress at all hazards, and the army and navy were ordered to render assistance. The President was only obeying the commands of the constitution in thus enforcing the revenue laws. How can Mr. Haye* apply these acts as precedents | or authority for interference in State "lections or elections for members of ; C-ongress? I'resident -Jackson was ever an advocate of the rights of the State*, and never in his long official career dreamed that he had authority to con trol or interfere with citizens in the free exercise of their elective franchise, and it is presumeahle that Washington, Jefferson and Jackson knew what was required of them under (he constitu tion fully as well as Mr. Hayes. He must find other authorities. PATRICK Htxar. — - - B. He was also the compiler of Smull's Legislative Hand Hook. He died at the age of 50, leaving an estate of about SAS,QOO. The Pittsburg paper* announce that the Marquis of Lome and the Princees Ixxiise will visit the Exposition in that city in September. LETTER FROM WASHINUTON. PolltioN ot tho Capitol. Wasiiimoton, D. .July 14, 1879. Your correspondent one pleasant evening la*i week, while nosing for news about Willard's, discovered two young men in conversation. There was nothing remarkable about tho fact of seeing two young men in conversation ; but in this case tlie individuals in ques tion happened to bo those who, by a sort of common consent, aro regarded as lliss primary instigators of the lute extra session— ollo in the capacity of Representative 111 Congress and tlie other that of journalist. To this intro duction it is hardly necessaty to add that the two men in question were Mil ton .1. Southard, of Ohio, and A. Hue!], ol Missouri, both now peruia ncntlv resident in the District of Colum bia. Your correspondent, with natural curiosity to lean any hitherto unpublish ed gossip regarding tho inception of the extra session, proceeded to interview Mr. Southard, who was asked " Whether, when he offered hi* now famous amend ment to the Legislative Rill near tlie close of the last Congress, ho foresaw the tremendous controversy to which it would give rise? ' "Oh, yea; in a general w*y,'' replied the Ohio Representative, of course it was impossible to foresee tlie shape or direction tlie discussion might take a* to details; hilt I knew that all the sub ject required was to be put 011 the boards, a* the saying i*, in order to be come an all-engrossing theme of public comment and popular agitation : (" rrcsj in/- -if Did you consult with any considerable number of Democrats m either House before you offered your amendment ? Mr. s uth ird Not formally. The matter hud been generally talked over. We u'l knew that Mtll Nsyler had been beaten hy the deputy marshal* in Cin cinnati, and tiiat tlie operation* of .lohnny Davenport in New York had exercised nil imtiortrwit influence upon tho tlie result of the <'ongre.f,n ,1 elec tions 111 New York. It was ni*o a mat ter of notoriety that tho election law* iiad been made use of in Massachusetts, in Chicago, in I'liihcldphia, and in I,oiii*iaiiit a* part of the Republican machine. Altogether it was generally computed that tlie o|>eration, or rather tho partisan abuse of these law* had made a difference of at least from ten to twelve et* in the lloue in favor of tlie Republicans, thereby atlecting the majority in that liody to the extent of from twenty to twenty-four. lam con vinced tiiat had those laws not been in existence or had tlie partisan method of executing them heen unknown to the Administration, there would have been at least IGO instead of 1.70 Demo crats returned to the present House, which would have made the Democratic majority .'il instead of 11 over all. These tiling* naturally formed a staple subject of conversation among Demo cratic member* of the out-going House, and there was a common consent that something must le done in defense of the principle# of |>opular representation, and done at once. Rut no settle.! plan had been devised either hy the titular leader* of tho party in conference or hy tlie party a* a whole in caucus. 1 may say that my amendment was a volunteer expression of what 1 knew to he the universal sentiment of the party. 1 saw that the party wo* waiting for somelsidy to take the responsibility of the initiative and I took it, fully conti 'lent that when the step was once taken the party would hack it up. Cor. — The result justified your judg ment ? Mr. A".—Entirely so. I had no appre hension that it would he otherwise. There were many I>emocrat* who ex pressed fears that forcing an extra e sion would turn out to tie had ioliry. They seemed to he under tlie influence of tlie clamor of the New York pros* which, without exception, represented an extra session to be an evil of indefi nite proportion*. Tho only way to over ooms this influence was to force the is sue and bring on a discussion which would open the eyes of the country to the character of the election law*, and al the same time open the eye* of rep resentative men in Congress to the mo tives which inspired the clamor of the New York press. Cor. —Was there at any time during tlie closing hour* of the regular session any danger of a book down ? Mr. A".—Not to my knowledge. There were a great many rumor* of defection here and there; and you may have noticed that during the lost night of the regular session the galleries and lobbies were jammed with a throng of Department employes, male and female, who were doing everything they could and exerting every |-os*il,lo influence in their peculiar way to seeuro the pass age of the Legislative Rill. Rut the conferees on tlie part of the House, | who during the last twenty four hours f the session bad charge of the matter, 1 were firm, and as long a* they were so there was no danger. Ido not believe there was a word of truth in any rumor of defection. Mr. Riackburn got ! alarmed at one time, and went so far as ! to make arrangements to filibuster the session out in case the conferee* should give way, hut that was probably an ex cess of caution. (br.—What would have lieon the re sult of a surrender at that time?" Mr. A.—Fatal; now and for all time to come. It would have taught the people that they onuld not depend on the Democratic party to protect their franchises against the encroachment of the oligarchy which controls the execu tive branch of tho Government, and great numliers would have sought other channels for the enforcement of their ideas upon public polity. Cor. —You regard the I>emocratio party then as being unanimously com roitted to the line of policy inaugurated by your amendment? Mr. A'.—(juite so. There is no dissent snywhere. There is but one voice, and that is the election laws must be re pealed. They are predicated upon the Republican assumption thai the musses of voters aro unlit to exercise tho elec tive franchise except under guardian ship and surveillance at tho hands of a central bureuuocracy located at or ma nipulated front Washington. Tliat is mi assumption which the American people will purer tolerate a moment af. | ter tlioy arrive at an adequate under- I standing of it. Hitherto the issue has I been obscured and the nature of the law* themselves ha* heen concftlri I hy ; the Republican pre** and politician* ; I hut the late discuiudon* have torn oil" i the mask, and now the Republican j managers will find that they have got ;to face the fact* a* they are. Hut bo ' sidea all thi*, my amendment reached ; still further in another direction, in j that it inaugurated a complete change in what I may cidl the atrategy of the Democratic party. It lran*fered the battle-ground ol politic* I rem the South !to tlie North. It put an end to the de ! fenxivo system that we had observed inco JK(IS ami inaugurated a plan of at tack. It put tlie Republican* on the defensive lor the firat time in the hi*- lorv ol the party —defending a arheine of laws which are indcfonaihlo before any free people -and made the Democ racy the attacking party -attacking thing* which are entirely vulnerable, and luted fall. Cur. —What i* your view of the net re null ol the extra *e**ion and its debate* upon the public mind ? Mr. A'.— That i* not an ea*y question to answer. Tlie debate* of the extra : *es*ion simply provided material for the information of the people and the edu cation of the public mind. The result will be low of fruition. The people will rend the speeches and almorb the fact* set forth in them. Then they will talk it over around their fireside* and at tlie cross-road country store*. Finally they will see clearly what tho election law* mean and to what they logically tend. Then you can form some idea of what you call the net re suit. Rut the process, a* I said, i* slow. I have no idea that there i a farmer or a workingman in tlie United State* who -loc* not regard himself a* abundantly capable of exercising tlie elective fran chise without the least assistance from the Attorney Ueneral, or any mar*hal or deputy marshal. And when the farmers and workinginen get to view the question in this light the result* of the extra session will begin to appear. Rut not sooner. Cur.—What will be the future course of the Democratic party 011 thi* i"-uc? Mr. A".—There can he hut one course —to persevere. The Republican party, which, as shown by the offi. lal total* of the last vote, is in a minority of over twelve hundred thousand in the coun try at large, cx|>erts to win 111 18 SO, partly hy division* among their oppo nent* and partly hv adroit manipulation of small number* of votes in closely contested localities. In a word, they hojie to prevail, not a* a majority party, hut n* a plurality party. To thi* end the machinery of tlie election law* is absolutely indi*f>on*abic. With those laws in full operation they can turn the scale in any closely-contested State. They can calculate beforehand just how many voter* will have to be ditfran cht*ed by arbitrary process under the election laws, and then they can disfrsn close them hy a simple stroke of the pen. as the testimony taken by Senator Wallace's Committee in D.ven|>ort * case shows. This power, in a triangular contest, such a* we are hkeiy to have next year, would prove invincible. The election law* form the Icq-e of the Re publican manager* for success in the next campaign. Take them away and tlie Republican* would stand no more show ol recovering the power they have Inst than tlie Stuart dynasty stands of a restoration in Kngland. Cor. — You regard the deputy mar*h al* as inore formidable then than tlie " troops at the polls ?" Mr. A".—Undoubtedly. The deputy marshal* could he used in a hundred place# to every one place where troops could he used. And besides their ue 1* more dangerous because more insidi ou*. In fact, the whole situation next year turn* practically on the operation of the election law*. (s>r. How can the Iemocratic Con gross prevent the Administration from o|>erating the election laws in tlie inter ests of the Republican party next year ? Mr. A'.—That is a question which the repiesentatives of the Democratic party in Congress must decide. It is a ques tion of method to be agreed uj>on in the councils of the party when tho time cornea for action. (W.—Rut have you no suggestion to olTer, baaed upon your recent experi ence a* a representative and leader in the House? Mr. A'.—No; at least not now. A man in Congress ia a lietler judge of method in -Ueh case* than a man out —even though the latter may have had previous experience. It would bo pro per for me to indicate a policy or advise action in general terms, the same a# any other Democrat in private life, but the selection of immediate method must be : left to the judgment of the legislators 1 themselves. lor. — Rut as the inaugurator of this whole movement your advice must cer tainly lie sought hy those upon whom will devolve the responsibility of carry ing it out. Mr. A.—Oh. well, in that ca*e I sup pose the Democrat* in Congress, when , ever they have occaaion for my advice, will not hesitate to ask it. Rut you can , depend on one thing : there will be no tailing back, tin tlie contrary when the party move* again it will be to advance —an advance which the occupant of the | White House will soon discover to be in force, and not a feint or a reconnoia i sance. In fact, I think we call the ex tra session a reconnoisaance. Tlie real battle will begin next seasion. With which comforting assurance the genial Ohioan betook himaelf to hi* rooms to attend to hta professional af fairs. Rut your correspondent must be permitted to add that the loaa of so cool a head and so sterling a character as Mr. Southard from the Democratic ranka in the Hotiac is little short of a calamity, in view of tho approaching struggle, it afford* no consolation to reflect that Mr. Southard ia himself to blame for the loaa—not his constitu ents. It ia to be regretted that the in ducements of public life should not be sufficient to keen such men in the ser vice of the people. lxTsaruirtß. Common School Itojxirt of Gont.ro County for the year ending Juno 1, 1870. tir 11. MK Y Kit. C-oinparing tho work of the past year with t tint "t tho year before there ap peals hut little progress. Rut in our sanguine expectation* of great resuit* wo are apt to forgot that education i* a plant of slow growth. Reviewing the history of tho most favored race, we an surprised tiiat so little La* been accom plished morally and intellectually, and it is only hy comparing century with i century that wo can appreciate any striking difference. It, then, our schools of tho present day he compared with those of fifteen or twenty years | ago there is found abundant cause to rejoice at the uteat improvement in our system. And it may he confidently predicted that many of tho evil* now I complained of will not ob-truct tlie way of educators thirty years hence. It is probable, also, that many ol our line j spun theories of to 'lav will he brushed away us so many cobweb* in the educa tional temple of the future. I'ul few house* were built during the past year. An excellent building w pill up hy the board 01 Spring 'listri'-t j and furnished with patent seats and desks. '1 he board made a great mis take, however, in not purchasing sufli ! cient space for u play ground. The house is situated within a few feet of the Reiiefonte and Mileshurg pike and the pupils have no pla'-o for exercise and play except thi* pike. This subji < t of too limited school grounds is becom ing monotonous, hut directors mu*t ( have their attention called to il until the evil is rem<-died. I.ike Darius of old, who had detailed an officer to cry , out to liira with u loud voice every night: "fur, remember the Athenians, so it *e< m* necessary that some one shriek into tin- ears of our director* at least annually to remind them of cer tain of their duties. ill Miles district five 'if the nine schools have not a • quare rod of j.. grind, j t the dis trict I* one ol the w- ilthn -t in tlie county arid abundantly able to pur chase all that i r<-q ur- d. I lie hoards of sev-ral otlo-r u.-tr ■ts are coming short of their Duty in this respect. Good fences should be put round the • ol.* a matter 1KI much neglected by directors. Heboo I grounds should be planted with trei . a work that enter prising cituciis ill each sub-dlslrel could jarlorm. The lot of th<- primary school at ltd* rsburg was planted witn some twenty tree- last spring hy several of the patron*, and it t* hoped their g -oor|ortion of grown scholars were found in our schools. There are differ ent causes for the non attendance of the larger Iwiys and girls; some of the brighter pupils are sent to higher insti tutions, some sre obliged to work, and .1 t* to Ik> feared a large number ot ab sentee* pass their time loafing. 1 am convinced tiiat much ol the time pupils devote to the study of gnuiiun-r is wonted. A* already stated the majority of our boy# and girl# leave school at about th age of fifteen or sixteen, and at that time they- have committed a number of definition* and rule* of grammar but have not learned to ap ply them. If teacher* would give lan guage leasoti* in place of having pupils study technical grammar and would in sist on constant practice in writing sentence* and short com|xsilion, 1 la-iieve pupils would derive greater ben efit. Il book-keeping were substituted for abstruse grammar it would lie of more practical use to a majority of our pupils. I would, of course, not he in lavor of afwtlishing grammar—if pupils are'far enough advanced to take up this study and the probability is that they will stay at school long enough to acquire a practical knowledge ot the subject, let them study hy all means. It may be pro|>er in this connection to allude to the study of mental arithmetic, i Certain of our teacher* have assumed tlie authority of discarding this branch. This, I think, ia a mistake; it is taking ua ftack a quarter of a century—when both pupila and leachera, though able to "do" liieir "aunts" mechanically and trariscnlw them artistically into a blank book prepared for that pur|>o*e. knew very little of the principles involved in Ik* solution of a pmhlwn That aome teachers devote too much time to this ; branch is admitted, but to drop it en tirely ftoni our course of study would be productive of still greater evil. For aoveral year# there ha* been a growing sentiment in favor of county uniformity of text books. Friends of the measure claim the follow ing as the leading advantages: Rooks could he procured at much I~wer rales than under the preoent sys | lem. At present neatly every district lias a series of books different from those of all the other districts, and a family moving across the line of a township or borough necessitate* the expense of a new out-fit of books—a heavy burden. This burden fall# generally on that class least able to bear it. This fact and the high prices of bonks are, in a great measure, the cause of non attendance and ini|terfect classification, for many parents are unable to buy a new series of books every year or two; hence their children either stay at home or come to school with but half the books needed. If there were a uniform ser ies of book* thwre would then tie a con siderable saving financially, and our schools would tie improved in regard to attendanoe and classification. A con vention of director* was called which met at Bellefonte during Institute week, December 28th, 1878, and a plan was agreed on for ill* Mlrdion ola seii'-* /if hook* for the county. A wleclion linn since beeri made nitl grifle certiHcates and of whom much might Its expected, but they generally disappoint u>. Their presence would not 1- discovered were M not for the vigilance of the roll clerk. A majority of the teacher* are in favor of holding the Institute in the smaller low us of ihe county, for the reason that the citi/. ns of ilellcfonte do not support the cause very liberally, finan cially nor mor.lt/1/, by their presence. Beside* the suggestions already made, I would again call the attention of di rector* to certain others of their dutie* which in wijn- districts, are sadly neg lected . Nearly all our schools n; I more apparatus; the teacher* cannot work to advantage without tool*. Out houses are still wanting in some of the districts. lamat a loss what plan to propose to arouse our director* to the im|>ortari' e of thi* matter—unless it were Ui send them, when snow* aro deepest and days coldest, to those saiho -i hools ah' re th<-*e convenience* arc lacking. Visit* to school* should l>o more frequent; directors want* to know wl at their teacher* are doing, and schools are greatly stimulated by regular and frequent visit*. Some di rector* blT* an aversion to making *d drcso- to s hools nd fvr thi* reason do not vi*;t. Long *j <-ech true economy. We have a nutnl-er of excellent director* in ouroounty who are keenly sensible of the great trust committed into their hand*. They pay living salaries, visit their schools, respect their teacher* and assist them in their work. They keep themselves well inforrneoard* might l>e named which take very little interest in their school* ; their school* merely cjruf. If the Irttrr of the law i* compiled with so that the State appropriation may le drawn, the director* are satisfied. lira* mo* STATISTIC*!, at roar. *c*s .t starves. (4 Hifli iffit *ir* _ 34*, •* (Bt|*r< -ad „ A not c M ..f ■rbwsl h U*" - I*2 " t*f tle- )* fuiUi lc .. 1# nurrru \ t (4 Mh ) *nHool •uttaM* fomifnrr .... 49 " •ith iftjurvntt luriillttN... 47 N|r.i f ath s,] 21T M frmM vhonti ..... ii> " fchft.J* N—wl—l „rs.SL.s l .xj.s-t IT *lti..l.||.U.iM _ I^2 |r. *ln< l • -R wrr uniform ... Jf4 " fg in * |i. ii ih# flit.l® wan 4 fl7 ** it i. b Ur | f fc.< lino Uu|til „ W TM '-HCM. N i.Trdv#* < f tN* li*ta "JrT7 ** fwahm M " lAUbfti HA** Ihml no 3d " t-N- lr lw Ut* \MMglil imd than t** J-NM*. „ W. H bft UAT* r4 UKAI I*N tfi bing .U.hli IL i■— I®l Atr*g gfe €4 i+m N'nn Uf of riimtAaltorit hi14.. m ... i Innn!. .... SP" ** 3 nf (rfUSfltm .. 2 Nutl.U-r of t*Mt to 34 . nof 1 " mile* (t(eH t',%' iaJ Mm tiUVh " 1 rjr.it i-. j ie-l n4 ••*! U> IW iNjtdflihmi 31 • •f all the cities of the "Sunny South,' Memphis, Tenn., seem* to Ire the most afflicted. That terrible scourge. Yellow fever, ha* again broken out there, and the inhabitants of the city are panic stricken, and leaving the ei'ty a* fast a* the trains can carry them. New >r lean* ha etabli*hed a strict quarantine agamst Memphis. AVw AilvrrtinfHtcnt*. Auditor'* Notice. IN the Orphans' Court of Centre I rnir In th. m.tt.i nf IS. lUtal. of JOIIS HANICV. IU ..f Mi> touhdiip, dew 4. TJ| AN Atililof. hf llw AhoVA ♦Vwiit to r |s.,t UfVM A|fAtn*t ih Roil Ikut* *4 mm>l dfOAtlAOt. rvr t th* fit fed fMUtrcd . n (Re AIUA thcrAff. Will Nicv-t All |mrtlr tt>CMtvil At lII* nllfy li H*lie IrotfA.ofi Tl MIHV, Ai rT u 1 T. At i oVWk, r M , lot Ue JNrptw (4 hN A|l rtifit **** Wft 11 I. HK.k. Auditor. CANCER CURED, \VITHOUT KNIFE, and in moat I * ISM vrok-Ml twin Aral. In tx w. r. Yisiua, m n. a...i.i.nr R , am iVnlr. Av-nnty. f* AHHijjfiiee't* Notice. VJOTICE it hereby that Ums •1* Jnlsl hewslnt ISA AC At ITVII KI.L A