jElw tfrntrc BELLEFONTE, PA. The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper FUUMHiiICU IN i'KNTUK COUNTY. THE CENTRE DEMOCRAT Is pub liahfil>, ivnm county, I**. TKKMB— CmH in r ati% tUaiiiu We have the iiuml ample fcllhle* f• r Jolt Wollk nll >1 are prepare*! t print all kltnl* ol Ikxikt, Tr.o t*, Prugratuniea, Poatem.iVmnuen ial printing, iu Mm fine*! at) le ami at the loweat |***il>lo tatva. It k I K> ' l l V l V I.KHMV; Tim*, j 1 In. |'2 in. 3 in. | 4 iu. 6 in. lOln 00 111 1 Week, ?1 00 i- 00 §3 00 4009000N500 Hi 00 •J Weak*, I 1 *•<> *OO 4 <' •' 00| 6 •* 11 00 10 00 Week*, J b> A .'MI .*1 VM w 1 *> M *>•- I* "" 1 M>-.itli. J *.! 4 * 7* a IE) 1 -' '• •£ M.uitli*. I <* *>] *On 1" 0° 12 •*' -• > > a Mouth . ' ">' *"Oil M *' L > ' 0 SLmtit*. t m. lis oull* •*> -jo •* 22 <*•, ■ *• 1 V*ar. |l2 <*' If* UU ,2400 2* 4. *M> 'e 1 ■ .k. ArlvrrtiacmenU irv nb ulwU *! by the lie h in teiigtli I of column, anil any le** *pa *• * rate* l a* a full iiicb Poreign ivHertiNi-nu ntji mttet le |wil (• i blf !• • Ttioa, ric- pi jtMrlv . uiitra Is, when half >' .trlji p >BtEfit* In •:• •' • w| ' |tilr*4 PuirrtcAL Nuticm, II rente per line ench IneertJon. N thing in*rrtwl f r lea* Mian e. ente lb *im* \ 1; ' in the lit. itaL luinn*, l' cc if p r line, h in* rli >ti. liMSai Movlcw, lii lw 1! oolumne, 10 1 ml* per line AlNOlotMiXTi : Mam "i candidate* An 081 e, e.ch. AxMouMCEMZNTit or Mtn.iDir- ind DttTtl* in*ert-! fre ; but all obituary uotl< * will bo charged '•cent* |r lute. >rx< ivL NoTb r* J' per cent al*ive regular rat *. Treasviry Investigations. For sonic tears juu-t it lias freely lavn charged that extensive frauds had Wen committed by Republican officials of the United States Treasury Department in the issue of govern ment currency and bonds. It is well known that the balances on the books have often been forced l>v fictitious entries in the accounts, hnd equally certain that large discrepencies in the financial statements of the department have frequently been detected and exposed. A satisfactory explanation of these suspicious facts has never !>oen given, unless the hocus-pocus of changes in the system of keeping the accounts can be accepted as such. Upon this very matter Senator Beck, of Kentucky, a few days ago, remark ed, in ojH'ii Senate, that " if any gen tleman of the Senate will go to the books of that department, and hold up any leaf of a public ledger to the sun, if he does not find from one to ten scratches and alterations made his eyes will not lie as good as they ought to be." But at last, through the investiga tions of Senator Davis ami Represen tative Cilover, it is probable that some light may be let in upon these unex plained practices, and that the pub lic may yet be informed of treasury se crets that have long la-en guarded with scrupulous care by those to whom ex posure would be lasting disgrace. A synopsis of the report of the commit tee, of which Mr. Glover was chair man, has just been published, and the testimony taken during the investiga tion obliges the committee to make many serious charges against the man agement of the department. The most important one, remarks the Ilurris hurg Patriot, is that greenbacks were fradulently printed and issued during the several presidential campaigns of 1808,' Im7'2 and 1870. After each of these campaigns the announcement came from the treasury that large amounts of counterfeit legal tender notes were afloat. In 1809 the whole issue of legal tenders were withdrawn and replaced, on the ground that they had been largely and skilfully counter feited. In 1871 the whole issue of 8 'ifki greenbacks —alsiut $35,000,000 —was withdrawn and replaced in the same way. In 1877 a counterfeit $l,OOO note was announced. One of the old est engravers iu the country testifies that when a note is so like the original that it cannot easily be detected—a these ami other "counterfeits" are said by treasury officials to be—it cannot really be a counterfeit, but must he a genuine note surreptitiously printed from geuuine plates, or from secret reproductions of these plates. The $5OO "counterfeit" greenliack of 1873 was inspected by experts and com pared with a genuine note for the Glover committee, and these expert engravers swore beyond all doubt that the note came from a genuine plate or from a surreptitious repro duction of one. The bureau work man who transferred the plate from the bed-piece agreed with this. Ac cording to the report a brief insjiection of the treasurer's book* revealed the fact that $ 19,000,000 of notes were at one time secretly afloat for several months, the trcasury statements being false during that time to that extent; and the fact of that secret remained un known till lighted u|>on by the Glover ' committee. Tlx; books were falsified and a balance forced to conceal this secret issue, by untruly stating that ' $19,000,000 bail been deposited as a temporary loan, when no such deposit took place. In nearly the whole of the fiscal year of 180(5 the measurer's books show that the amount of com pound interest notes outstanding was J from 85,000,000 to 8 11,000,000 more ! than the public debt statement showed. | One month it was $27,000.0 Maine and Conkling. the ni-T"Ricr. reisoiiK rkvivkd rxoa THE OCCASIuN. W*lmm s i. t. I'-r. SI I/.iil. 1.l .l. Ih mt.rsi. In discussing the Conk ling I.amir nf fair, which now seems to have vanished in words, it is evident from the conver sation of Republican Senators that they are not entirely in sympathy with Mr. Gonkling. Several of them, recounting some of the former controversies of a similar character, in which the Senntoi from New ork has been a conspicuous and an aggressive party, recounted the time of his parlimentary tilt with Maine on April 30, 1 The subject under discussion was the investigation of I'ro vost Marshal General Fry for frauds charged by Conkling in the I'rovost Marshal's department of the Western division of New York. Maine had criticised Conkling'* volubility of speech, and charged that Conkling was prose cutor in the case, and produced a letter from Assistant Secretary of War dana to Con kling, and read the law againt the latter acting in any such capacity. This Conkling denied, and Maine wish ing to interject a remark, Conkling said, "I do not wish to have anything to do with the member from Maine, not even so much as to yield to him the floor. If the member from Maine had the least idea how profoundly indifferent I am to bis opinion on this or any other subject |>eraonal tome, I think be would hardly take the trouble to rise here and express his opinion." And, in a|>olngixing to the Rouse for delaying the proceedings, he charaetcri/.ed Maine's interruptions us "ungentiemanly and impertinent." Maine, awaiting his opportunity, took the floor and said, "As to the gentle man's cruel sarcasm, I hope ho will not bo too severe. The contempt of that large minded gentleman i so wilting, his haughty disdain, his grandiloquent -well," Ins majestic, super-eminent, over flowering, turkey -gobbler's strut has bean to crushing to myself and all the members of this House, that I know it was an act of great temerity for tno to enter upon a controversy with him. I know that within the last five weeks, as members of the House will recollect, an extra strut has characterised the gentleman's hearing. It is not his fault; j it is the fault of another. That gifted and satirical writer, Theodore Tilion, of the New York In.leptn'imt, spent some weeks in this city. His letters, ; published in that paper, embraced, witli many serious statements, a little jocose satire, a part of which was the state ment that the mantle of the late Win ter Davis had fallen upon the mom Iter from New York. The gentleman took it seriously, and it has given his strut additional .pomposity. The resem blance is great. Hyperion to a Satyr; Tbersites to Hercules; mud to marble ; dunghill to diamond ; a singed cat to a bengal tiger; a whining pupy to a roar ing lion. Shades of the mighty Davis, forgive the almost profanity of that j'ooe satire.'' The member from New York kept his seat in silence. Since that day to this no word of a personal nature has been exchanged between those gentlemen. In debate, at a pub lic meeting, at an evening entertain ment, or at a dinner party, they meet hut never speak. Their conduct, how ever, tempered by the proprieties of good soceity, lias been so directed that their personal hostility would not he recognised by persons not cognisant of their relations. LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. Politics nt tho Capital. UOKK nmcX'ltATir rONOUESSMKN r VIRUS Til I: IK VI MVS —ri'HTlir.H OPINION* ox TilE IKRUKHor Tlir. XXTKA SESSION. WASHINGTON, I). July 5, 1879. Pursuing hid in relitigation into tho views of our law giver* a* to the present j position mul prospects of part ion, your correspondent i* able thin week to pre i Rent the idous ami language of several ! more Congressmen. As will he seen, they I mhers goes on whether they re main here or not ami as little or no ex tra expense i* ensured hy tho il-iuse remaining in session, the extra session ha* been of vast service to mo public mind in educating them in regard to tho cour.e to he pursued l.y tin- two great political parties m tho campaign of I**ll. V- I* there not inconsistency in the Republican* insisting upon retaining the power to place troops at the jaill-. while the President declare* they never intend to put them there 7 A. The inconsistency of the Ucpubli can party is unmasked hy their action in voting "no" on the appropriation hills rather than surrender the right of the President to keep the troops at the poll* to keep the peace, and their 1 !ul vote against the Springer Bill, which expressly forbids the use of the artny a* a police force, is an affirmation by act that they intend their Jc facto Executive to use the troops in the approaching campaign of I>*o, in tho face of hi* a* scrtion that " he never intended to use tho troop* to keep the peace," ,ic. Poe* not the fact that the minor ity and their Uc fario Executive insist upon retaining the deputy marshals, with their arbitrary power of arresting voters before they have cast their bal lot*, indicate a determination to keep control of the government by fraud and force 7 A. The fact that the Republican* by dilatory motion* and other means have resisted the passage of any financial re lief measure* at this extra session i conclusive evidence to every fair-mind ed man that they have no regard (or the condition or welfare of the people. They shut their eye* anil virtually say they care nothing for the counties* pages of sheriff's sales in the leading cities of the North, nor for the innum erablo tax sale* in the Southern States. With an Executive in the chair who is compelled by hi* advisors to veto every thing hut pure money bills, their course prove* that to use the marshals with their power of arbitrary arrest of voter* teforc they have ca*t their ballots, and thus control their elections, i* the sole object of tho Republican party in Con gress, so that hy force and fraud and in defiance of public opinion they will have a victory in the approaching cam paign. (/. Would not the President have vetoed the Silver Bill had it been pass -1 ed at this session ? A. I have no doubt that the Presl- ! dent would have vetoed the Warner silver bill. If the threats and promises of the lending member* of the Repub lican party, in connection with the bondholders are to he believed it i* cer tain that he would have done so, a* they were more hostile to It than to the Bland silver bill of 1878, which he did veto. The Warner hilt makes the re monetixation of silver complete, hence it ia of vital importance to the commer cial interests of the people and i* Against the money and bond ring which has possession of the U. 8. treasury and is running it to the destruction of the best interests of those whom it should relieve. I am assured that with the course pursued hy the Republican parly and their Executive there ia no relief for the people at this session. There fore the only mode of relief (or them U to arise and by their united effort * and votes hurl from power Republican mix representatives who are OIIHTHL'MIXO the much needed financial relief of tho country. Hon. P. K. Belt/.hoover, who repre sents the Cumberland, York and Ad am* district, wo* pumped, witii the fob \ lowing result: j V What is the meaning of the lie I publican position in regard to Federal I control of elections T A. That is so plain u* to answer itself. The Republican position assumes i tirsl, Hint the Federal government hit* the right to control elections in tho State so far a* members of Congress, Senators and Presidential electors are concerned ; second, that the right to interfere being conceded hy its opponents or *ettl-d l.y legislation, uli the powers incident to and necessary for it* enforcement fol low ; third, that under the cover of the right hi. I the measure* provided for it* enforcement they run pay their thou sand* of corrupt worker* l.y appointing them as deputy marshal*, Ac. With the |x>lllical parties of the country so evenly balanced as they ulwa)* have heel:, ut. now*, and of neccs-iiy must c intuitu- to h., and the corrupt floating purchasable vote as large a* it is, and iru rcaing a it must with tin- increase in the hard lie** of the times, the balance of power will always he turned by the use of Federal patronage in the appointment of deputy marshals, the number of which will only l- limited by the ne cessities of the occasion. The real meaning of the Republican position, therefore, i* to establish the right of the Federal government to interfere with election*, to provide by sweeping and tyrannical legislation for tin- enfo cc merit of the right, and under the pro visions of this legislation to buy by pa tronage the corrupt vole of the country which holds the balance of |*iwer, and thereby control elections. Doe* their claim of right to eon troi election* by dwputy marshal*, and to hack up their arbitrary arrest* with troop*, mean a fair )>oll and an hooeat count 7 * .1. No; it mean* only the mainten inc of Republican supremacy hy the commonest devices ol corrupt |*i]itji-. V Why, if they meant pure elections do they insist ujwm the right to lI*M--S officeholders and filibuster against re forming an abuse which their President and chief organs have o often con derailed 7 A. •f course the Republican party op]-o*e* the fsolitical assessment bill be cause it strike* at one of the source* of their campaign fund*. The professions of their fraudulent Executive and the I'ecksniffian reformer* by whom he i* surrounded, are just so much trash' They are not sincere themselves and do not expect other* to bo. All Pharisee* are contemptible. It i not *o clear that the Democracy are not courting the *ame judgment of mankind by mani festing too much zeal against assess ment* for ]>olitiral purposes. A pure Arcadia or Utopia, if it were attainable among men, might justify such law*, but hardly any other State would. A party that for half a century inscribed ' on it* campaign banner# "to the victor* fwdong the spoils," and apotheosized the author of the declaration, will hard ly win the honest admiration of men l.y standing firmly and looking towards heaven, crying, "thank God we are not a* other men." The right of any man, whether in government employ or out of it, to do what he please* with hi# money is absolute and indefeasible; it is the rig.lt to do what one pleases with one'* own. If government employee* get too much compensation and there by are enabled voluntarily to contribute to campaign fund* it might be well enough lor a Democratic (Jongro**, upon thi* being shown, to cut down the sur plus amount. What do you conceive to be the net result politically of tho extra ses sion 7 A. It i* very hard to tell on which side the advantage lie* in the result* of the extra session. It should never have been called. Having been called, how ever. it wa* the plain duty of the Demo cracy to make the issue which induced it squarely and promptly—then go to the people. Nothing else should have been done. No hobbies, no silver bills, no private legislation. All that could , lie hoped to l>e gained was either the I repeal of the odious election law* or the determined effort to repeal them thwarted by the veto of the fraudulent Executive at the dictation ol the radi cal leader* in Congres*. One of these positions could have been reached be yond doubt in a month or six week* by dec.sive energetic action. The Demo cracy have incurred the odium of along, windy session, the division and conten tion over the silver bill—the burden of government shifted on our shoulders with ail the responsibilities. We are ex pected to bring relief to the hard times and distressed industry of the country when relief hy legislation is impossible except by the slow process of convales' cence which nature provides for na tion* as well as men. To offset these disadvantages wo have but little achieve ment, We bavo not only not substan tially repealed tho obnoxious laws, hut we have, by accepting very thin substi tutes for repeal, dwarfed, irreparably, the great issues which otherwise would have made tho next campaign an ag greaaive and brilliant one. Worse than all, we have marched up the hill and marched down again. Wo havo given the veterans of the great Democratic party the demoralization of another de feat. But notwithstanding all these blunder*, I am convinced that we will win tho next national fight and have the next President. The fraud of IH7P by wbich the will of the people was de fiod and tho rcjimc of corruption an-l ladicnlisin continued will t.e revoked and forever wiped from history in the ; mighty conflict of I - >O. INTERVIEW KB. Mr Ifuyoß iind hi* VotocH. Wrltl.,, f..r 11,,- CASTS* lew mi la* I the people look bof ire it be too late and s,-,- the consequence* of • -ib ■rutting to such lawle * u-urpuiioii of |Knver claimed by Mr. lisye* over StaU election*. What i# aequo- red in to day become* precedent to-morrow und constitute* a foothold U|*>n which a still more flagrant wrong may be com mitted the next day. The practice claimed arid adopted by Mr. Hayes in the case of State elect on* i, that, tli.it *httll be law which he pronounce* to b< such, unless two third* of both houses of Congress -ay that it 1* not law. This he has proclaimed in hi* several veto message*. How am member* of Congress ap portioned and elected ill < :,ch State 7 ''oiigres. i* to provide by law for the taking of the censita every ten years : when the census is completed, all *] port ion men t i made according to the ratio of imputation allowed for the dec tion of t memb.-r of <',,ngre*: the ex • - ullve of each Slate is then official!) informed of tin- ratio and number of member* to which each State i entitled, rn /fur ci'll the defy an I u ift ofy of over the (natter. The execu tives of the States inform their resjec live leg.-latum*, who divide the Slates into <'ongressional district.-, and then the qualified citizens of i acli district ■■lect the members to represent them in the (Jongrosa of the United States. For three-fourths of a century the people of the State* have exercised this sov ereign right under the Constitution* and laws of the United Stat.-* and of their own common wealth* without in timidation or encroachment of Federal marshal* or soldier# at voting places, until Mr. Hayes advances a new theory of election* in order to cover up the i crusade of President Orant against the elective franchise of the American citizen that finally enabled him without constitutional right, and in contempt of the expressed will of the voter* of tho Union, to practically place hi* suc cessor n the Presidential chair. But Mr. Have* claim* that the "nation al" character of the government i ex hibited in the house of Representatives, who represent the whole ]>eople of the United State* in their aggregate capac : ity. Let u* see if thi* be no in fact. If it were o, the State* would then have been districted for the purpose .of electing those popular represent* live*. Instead of this, the representa tire* are elected in their re*|>ectire States, and even when the imputation, will not entitle a State to a representa tive. that State is given one on a Slate, in dopitc of it* defective population. If the house of Representative* were the representatives ol the whole people v* one compact body—one amalgamst ed, undistinguished ma**—then the qualifications of electors should have l>en provided for in the constitution or left Congre**, w-hrrr.ta it i* actually a State affair, and vatic* in each State a* to members, or property, or loth. Thu* chosen on Stste principles exclusively, the mouitier* am the representative* of tjiose who actually choose them, and not of an aggregsted p qui lat ion whose separate existence is sanctioned by no definite expression, demonstrated by no act, and nup|ortcd by no autliora tive acknowledgement. Mr. liayot claim* the right to send hi* marshal*, supervisor* and soldiers to supervise i Stale election*, without tho authority or sanction of the State, obtained from it* legislature or executive, under the in*idiou* plea of superintending the election of nienil>er* of Congre**. From - the year 1800, when the people roue in their strength and by the election of Jefferson wiped out Adam* and hi* ad vocate* for an elective monaachy com posed of the "well born," until the im position of Mr. Haye* to the Presi dency, no such authority, power or claim was ever attempted cA- made to interfere with .State elections hy the executives of the general government. But President Grant usurped this power and artfully handed it over as an "heir loom" to Mr. Ilayo*. The people established in the consti tution of the United Slates, the man nor, way aringre.* to appoint committees of investigation and the r<-|sirts of the comrriitee*, founded upon dear and conclusive tes timony, exjmse the venality, tyranny and frauds of the creatures appointed to Interfere with the electors in tho years mentione I. In the city of I'hila di.lph.,l, in the year f*7, the testimony -how* tls Ist Marshal Kerns appointed 77 I spc.. ,1 deputies for election disy. Ihe iiiarhal hintelf admit# under oath that they were not neces*ary for any useful or legitimate purpose what ever; and inasmuch a* a large ma jority of them were persons of dure putahh- character criminals just from , the jails slid well known rounder* and repeater* .) th'-y could serve no good purpose the j resumption i exceeding ly strong that were intended for a had purpose, and each one of them received hu five dodars for interfering unlaw fully with the rights of citizens of Pennsylvania at their State election. The Mate of Pennsylvania is divided into two juil ial districts for holding the cOUIts of the I "inled -States. Mr. Kerns i* the rnnr-hal for the I.astern • ii.trb t and resides in Philadelphia ; Mr. liaii i* the marshal for the Western •o-lrict and reseles in Pittsburg, and to iiis honor and credit it may be sail there i no imputation that he interfer ed w.tb the freedom of elections in his district. These marshals stand in the same relative position and perform the duties in their districts as do the sher itl- of the several counties iu the State, i'.in a sheriff appoint seven or eight deputies to overcome and control voter* at the poll* ' The veriest advocate of 'strong government" would not claim -uch a |mwer. Congress, in preparing the several ap propriation lolls, made provision for de fraying tho expenses of the govern ment. and at the same time thought it proper to prohibit deputy marshals, su pervisor* and soldiers from interfering with the State election*. Mr. Hayes vetoed the bills—claiming constitution al authority to regulate Congressional elections a* belonging to the govern ment of the United States. The Fed eral party under the administration of the elder Adams never had the audaci ty to publish or assert such fxjwer. Tho •lesuitical reason* given hy Mr. Hayes to justify his high hand usurpation prove that be must count largely upon the ignorance of the people—that they do not understand their rights under tho constitution. We shall see. Pstrii A Henri*. W lnsc ( barley Ilea* 1 Thi ! Iti< nroan, Vt.. .July s.—At Fast Farn ham. there is a boy who say* his name is Charley Ross. and he an swers the description of the missing boy very well. He says he was brought from New York by two men a long time ago. lie lives with a man who cannot |e*k English and is reticent or sullen when OtWliOMd lout the boy or himself. He says he doe# not know or care who the boy i. He is paid #l5O for keeping the boy, draft* being sent to bim Irorn New York every six months. These drafts are signed "Edward Pierson,'' and are payable at Molaon's Hank, Montreal. Mr. Ross and parties from Philadelphia are expected to investigate the matter. — ♦ —ii Philadelphia Market*. rmi.AKII.THI4. Jttlj *. IC. FVm *— rw • rj'ilrt and ftrrn f>r choke Mil doll iik) ••■•alt ft !• dnar ripM( l 14.7fMih.46. Ivai.ia ki. 4u, at * • 37 1 . . tffeto d• • ., at f \ *, and |at#*l nid | >4 bet btgti fcfadna •( • h#at • ill (if demand and <4d crop to •f an* half** id >•# hn*h1 H"d alteal .. 1 On IHta. |*#f l.aibfl , „ Ul _„.,, ~ ~L H iWn. cob hi rwm 4 *fee|)'d >*!• ... „ .to fl i. |M barrel.. _ .. A 'to j fleer, etisdmmi* .. ft •<> HAY AXD ItiAV. | flay, tMf# timistht. p#t to* , f 10 W ! Ila> . mftn). |w i.n ft 'to j 'T' Mran. handled, pet Ml.. . • toi IM<*9t atran, |*i ... .'dl rLAfTKR cynic*, irrnnnd, |*#r hm $ • 00 Mta ftrutm. ntnl. t.#e . 10 tto Proviaion Market. Cnrterted weekly hy lleprt diled. 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