SI'KKCII OP HON. T. ALEXANDER. The first bill in order was Senate bill No. 49, entitled An act to secure to op eratives and laborers engaged in ami g a! HIII 1 coal mines and manufactories of iron and steel, the payment of their wages at regular intervals and in lawful money of the United State*. The I'RKSIDKNT. The question is 011 the final passage of the hiii. Mr. AI.KXANUKR. Mr. President, the two great moving forces that have made t liis country all that it is are capital and labor. Under our beneficent form of j free government these two forces have been working together for the geneial improvement and development of the wonderful natural resources with viii-ii i nature has so bountifully endowed tins 1 great country. For many years they worked harmoniously together, side t.y ' side, ami shoulder to shoulder, accom plishing results that have astonished the world in the development of the capabilities of our people. One portion of our people have, by tact and good management, accumulated property, which wo are taught to call capital. Another portion of our people, lc s fortunate, have struggle'l, and arest'll struggling, to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, which we aie taught to call labor. Each and every mm, originally, is supposed to have started in life with the suuioondowmei t of nature, to wit, the right to earn his bread by labor, which was Ids origin d capital. In tlio organization of our govern- j menl our forefathers, recognizing t! o right of all men to a t'.-ir start in the race of life, declared that nil men are created equal, and endowed by their , Crentor with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and j tlio pursuit of happiness. That 10 se cure these rights governments arc in stituted among men, deriving their just powers from tlio consent of the govern ed. 80 far, therefore, as the fundamental law of the land is concerned, the whole people have had a fair chance in the I race for that fortune which so many i erroneously conceive to be the acme •>( happiness. Many have lagged behind in this race. Some have far outstripped their fellows, We still tind them strug gling along all the way from the starting point to the end of the journey. Some are clothed in rags, others in purple and fine linen. .Some live, as it were, upon hunks, others u|>on milk and honey. .Some toil from the rising of the sun until the going down thereof, and gain but a poor subsistence ; others toil not, and yet live in luxury, with all the good things of the world at their command, j This order of things is so established, in the economy of the world, by the fiat of | . the Almighty, and no human power can change it. All men cannot he rich. All men cannot be equally powerful; and if, by legislation, it were possible to make an equal division of accumulated wealth among all our people, the equal ity could not be maintained for a day some will be frugal—some will be thrift less. Those who are frugal will accum ulate wealth ; those who are thriftless will spend it. The common desire of all men is to live in ease with all the comfort* of life at their command. Human nature is never satisfied, and the comforts of life are insufficient to satisfy our longing, craving nature. We must have more, w* and on we go, struggling for more and more, never satisfied until death—the inevitable lot of all men—commands a halt, and then what good ? What worth the effort*—the struggles of mind and body —sleepless nights and toil by day— what the value of accumulated wealth ? An undertaker's wagon, a coffin, mourn ing friends, a concourse of people, a hole in the ground, and you are buried from sight at once, and in a few days front memory ; and the world goes on without you just as well as though you had never existed. Why then the strug gle of life for wealth ? Nature will* it so and we cannot help it; this state of things ha* ever been so, and so it will continue. All men are engaged in the sante -struggle of life—each one striving for more, and in the eagerness with which they pursue the phantom wealth they often elbow aad gouge and trip up each other. Thejr jockey each other on the track. Their neighbor* say they cheat. Home people say they are dishonest. Those who fall l>ehind and are beaten in the race say that the race was unfair, and the second beat claims the stakes. Will it ever l>o otherwise? Can legisla tion prevent it? I claim to understand somewhat of the condition of the labor ing man, and can sympathize with hitn in his struggles of life, and I will do for him ail I can to help him on in ais jour ney. If there is any load upon hi* shoulders that he ought not to bear, I will lift it off if I can. Can Ido it by voting for this bill as it stands, without ■•my amendment? Capital and labor are not in conflict with each other, as is *0 frequently alleged by the politician and the demagogue—capital is essential to Islior, and labor is essential to capital. The one cannot get along without the other. Why, because labor is capital and capital ia the fruit of labor. Labor is the tree, capital is the ripened fruit. The fruit cannot exist without the stalk, and the stalk, in the nature of things, must produce the fruit it be a barren stalk of which it is said, it shall be cut down and cast into the fire). The laboring man, who tills the soil or digs the treasures of nature from the trowels of the earth, or who by long training, learn* to direct his hands in the manipulation of nature'* treasure* bring* them out from thecrudeneas of nature into article* of use, supplying the comforts and necessities of man, deserve* the highest praise. Why ? Because he fulfill* the highest destiny of roan, in that be master* the secrets of nature and converts them to the use of man—create* capital. Labor is the foundation of capital, but *hall it be said that labor shall destroy capital ? Khali the father destroy hi* offspring ? Shall there even be a conflict between them ? Educated labor doe* not detiro it; capital does not desire it. Who <#does? The demagogue. Is there any real conflict between them ? We hear from all sidea that capital invested in industrial pursuit* doe* not bring to iU owner* a sufficient recompense, llany of oar iron furnaces are idle; our foundries, and our ma chine shops end planing mills are stand- ing still ; our coal operators complain that they can make 110 prolitH ; the la boring men who work in theo several branches of industry complain that they are insufficiently paid—both sides are telling the truth—neither capital or labor are receiving the returns they did during what we call "flush times." What shall we do? If labor demands more of capital, and capital grants it, then capital will suffer. It'capital de mands that the price of labor shall bo less, then labor wdl suffer. If labor de mands so much of capital that it can not stand it, then capital will shut itself up and refuse to employ labor—then wliat ? Capital cannot be compelled to employ labor, and labor can have noth ing to do without capital. Thus we see that one is dependant upon the other, and both must live and thrive together, or both must suffer. It is said by some that capital oppresses labor, and that labor must be protected by law. Others say that labor oppresses capi tal anil demands of it more than it can pay. That both allegations are some times true, I have no doubt. Capital ists invest their money in industrial pursuits expecting to make a profit 011 their investment. They do not invest it in business simply for the sake of giv ing employment to labor—they expect a return in the shape of profit in their investment—for their labor and the risk of tiieir capital—whose capital is his muscles and training in his art, ex pects a profit and a return for it—its value depending Upon its being w.-ll directed by an intelligent understand ing, the more skilled labor commanding the higher price. That the capitalist often takes advantage of the laborer is doubtless true—that the laborers some times takes advantage of their employ eis is equally true. Is it possible by legislation to prevent either one from imposing upon the other? This is not pretended, but it is alleged on the part of labor that in some localities and in ; some industrial pursuits a system of | paying the wages of labor in orders on a store or stores has been introduced, and that the merchants are in the habit of cb&rging exorbitant prices for their . goods and that in this way the laboring man is deprived of a portion of his hard earned wugee : this is no doubt true in many cases and is an evil. It is not confined to company stores or store* owned by the employers of labor—but most all stores, upon whom orders are drawn, charge more for goods sold upon orders tlinn they do for cash. Why? because an order is not money, it i a letter of credit and the merchant who receives it parts with his goods, which cost him money, and is compelled to wait months for his pay. Our toiling farmers, a* a general rule, have no money from spring to fall; they employ labor at lower figures than any othei blanch of industry, and are compelled to pay their hired men with an order on a country store, at least to furnish him with his neceaaaries in this way. The merchant must charge more for his goods sold in this way than if sold for cash, or he would fail in busi ness. If the farmer was by law com pelled at all times to pay cash for his labor, he could not do it, and would be compelled to leave all work be could not do himself, undone. The farm la borers would have no work and would have to starve or be supported by pub lic charity. The production of the nec essaries of life would be dimished and the cost to the consumer necessarily in creased, which would ojerate severely upon latiorers engaged in other pursuits. But it is said that the projiosed law of the Senator from Fayette doe* not apply to any industry except the manufacture of iron and steel and the mining of coal. This is true, but why should it lie o ? Why single out these three industrial pursuit* from among the hundreds of others? • Why not include the farmer, the founder, the machine-shop man, the miller, the lumberman, the axe maker, the factory man, the grocer, the baker, the lime burners, the merchants themselves, who pay their store boy* and clerks with store goods. Why not in clude all branches of industry in which labor in employed? If labor must IM protected against capital, let all labor and all capital lie treated alike. Is it because the manufacture of iron and steel and the mining of coal are more profitable than other hranrhe* of in dustry ? This cannot le pretended— too many of our furnace* are standing idle for this to be asserted, and every person who knows anything about the manufacture of iron know* that no branch of industry i* at this time more depressed. It is asserted by parties in my district, engaged in the manufacture of charcoal iron, whom I know to tie honorable and truthful men, that if it were not for their stores and the order system, as adopted and in u*e by them, that they would be compelled to stop their works and thus throw out of em ployment all of the men employed. Valentine A Co., engaged in the man ufacture of charcoal iron, near Belle fonte. for more than twenty year* prior to IHTft had no store, but paid their men in cash at the end of every week. At the end of that rear the footing of their accounts showed an actual loss. They were not disposed to run their works at a loss, and there was but one of three things to do : First, to stop their works and leave all their men to shift for themselves j or, second, to reduce their wsges and thus bring the coat of the production within the market value. I'his they did not like to do as the wage* were already so low that the men could do no more than live, so they hit upon a third plan. They found that they were paying out in money to their employe* about one hundred thousand dollars per year. That their men spent all this money with the merchants in the purchase of gooda, and that these merchants were making a profit of from twenty to fifty per cent, upon their money, which, if they could retain, they could afford to run their works. They therefore called a meeting of their principal men and made the proposition, which was agreed to by them, that they would start a store and agree to furniah them goods at the same prices charged by other merchants for the same kind and quality of goods. That they would only re quire their employee to take orders on their store for the merchandise they needed, end that all their savings would be paid in money. Their store busi ness has been very succeeaful, they having a large and growing custom out side of theii employe*. Thoy aluo say that some of their employes, who for twenty your* under the cash system ac cumulated nothing, now having grow ing balances to their credit. I have heard no complaint Iront any of these men, hut I have heard complaint* hy outaide partie*—hy other merchant* who have, of course, lost tho cuKtom of thei>e men, and a few laboring men who have received these order* second hand ; I have not heard any complaint* from any of the employe* of any of the other iron manufacturer*. I presented ape. tition several week* *go, signed hy al/out sixty citizens of two townships re mote from these iron works, where tho principal industry i lumbering, who complain of the order system as prac ticed in their neighborhood, and pray for the passage of a law, general in its term, applicable to all parties. I have also heard complaints from n few of the employes in some of our coal mine*, who say they are compelled to take orders on the company store* where they are compelled to pay more for goods than they can buy them for at other stores, i linvo no doubt hut that some of these complaint* are founded upon facta, and if legislation would reach these case*, without doing an in jury to both capital and labor in other localities, whoro there is no complaint or abuse, 1 would gladly nupport it. This law would reach the innocent as well as the guilty. Hut this legislation, a* proposed in the bill as it reads with out iny amendment, is special in its clinrwter, being only applicable to !hre< bram-he* of industry, leaving all others untouched, and, as I believe, contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. •Section seven, article three, of tho Constitution, provides that tho lieneral Assembly shall not pass any local or spoeiol law • • • • changing the rules of evidence in any judicial pro ceeding, or inquiry before court, alder man, justices of the peace, • • • • or regulating labor, trade, mining or manufacturing." This proposed law may not ho local in it* character a* it applies to three branches of industry in all of the counties of the Slate, in which they are conducted, and is there fore general a* to the business to which it refers, hut is it not si ecisl as it ap plies to lhri-e particular branches of in duitry? What did the fratners of the Constitution ni'-sn hy the use of tin words local or special in the connection in which they are here used ? We must gather their meaning by the same rules we would apply in the interpreta tion of a statute. But whether it he unconstitutional or not, is not the policy of such a law had 1 All men are equal before the law, and each man should he left free to make his own contracts in hi* own way, so long as he does not interfere with the rights of others. All laws in restraint of legitimate trade are obnoxious; all laws that seek to inter|xwe a harrier to the making of legitimate contract* are in restraint ol trade, and an unwar ranted interference with the rights of citizenship. This act seeks to protect a class of our citizens against their own contracts, and, after they have made them, to declare them null and voi-l. If it he right to protect lat*>r against capital, it would he equally right to. by law, to protect capital against labor, and to say, hy law, that it shall be a misdemeanor for a man to refuse to work and to compel hitn to work when he was unwilling. Neither would l>e right. If labor would thrive, it must do it ly industry, frugality and thrift. No law eun do for it what it will not do for itself. The *m. ndment 1 have proposed docs not interfere with the right of capital and labor to contract with each other, and it makes the order that may 1-e is sued in payment of lal>or, buy as much as would that much money. It is right and proper to go this far in the inter est of labor. To go further would prove, in the end. an injury and a wrong to the laboring man instead of being a benefit to him. This ought to satisfy lahor, and, at the same time, it ia just to capital. I call the attention of the.Senators to the seventh section Of the third article of the Constitution, in which it says, " the 'Jeneral Assembly shall not pass any local or special law," referring to different things, hut the point to which I wish to call attention is that it shall not pas* any local or special law "regu lating labor, trade, mining or manu facturing." Now, it may t* said that this is not a local law. That I admit, but because in it* provision* it applies to these three industries, wherever they may be situated in this State. But i* it not special ? What ia tho meaning in tended to he conveyed hy the use of these two word* " local or special." That the word "special" ha* not the same signification as the word local is evident, or it would not have been used in this connection. As I understand it, a special law is a law that is not general, that applies to certain fmrtions of a class instead of to all that come within that class; that this law applies to three industrial pur suits instead of tieing applicable to all branches of industry where labor is em ployed, and therefore the law is special, not local, in its character, but it is spe cial in its features, and therefore prohib ited. It says that no local or special law shall be passed • • • regulating lalior, trade, mining or manufacturing. Now, this act, as it stands, is a proposi tion to regulate mining and manufac turing it regulates trade, regulates labor r H undertakes to say what con tract the laborer shall make with his employer, and it prescribes penalties for (be violation of the provisions of the act, and makes it special in its character, and is in direct opposition to those provisions of the Constitution. Now, so far as I am concerned my self, I am as anxious a* any Senator on this floor to reiieve the laboring man of the burdens under which he suffer* from day to day, and if there ia any thing that can be done within the limit* of the Constitution with a due regard to the rights of others, capital as well as labor, I will join hand in hand with any Senator upon thia floor and go as far as he. But this will not accomplish that purpose. It will not reach the end sought, and if it is passed i I verily believe that unless those en gaged In the manufacturing of charcoal i iron are permitted to make this profit i out of their goods instead of allowing | the profit to go into the bands of 1 others, who give lahoi to no man, who are intermediate men in society, who i en-ate no weulth, who only accumulate from the profits of labor, ami if that money is allowed to go intoothor liati olscwcre, ho will have to become a tramp and ! search for work in sonic other place, and it seems to mo that this bill could be so amended a. to render it unobjectionable or nearly so, and if I had been present ; when this hill was on third reading, I . should have made this amendment. I : will indicate tho amendment, and then 1 I shall ask to reconsider the voto. by , which this hill par ed third reading, in order to introduce this amendment. If Senators will pay attention so that they | will understand exactly what I propose |to accompli-li, I think they will agree Ito the proposition. I propose to move I to strike out all ol tho act after the en j acting clause, and to insert as follows; "That every corp.ration, co-partnersldn, j firm or individual doing any business with- I in this Commonwealth in which laborers jure employed shall |ay their laborer- or employes lit slated p-riiid* in money or merchandise or other commodity, as may bo agree 1 upon between the parties at the tint" of the r ontra' t ef hiring nr. I in ac cordance witli the !<-rni* thereof, and it shall tat uiihiwful for any < -rporation, co partner-hip, llim or individual, doing bu-i -fiess a- aloresnid, to knowingly and Will fully charge ti.> ir employe* more or a greater price for any article of merchan dise I'urm-hed than that at which the tam<- article and quality of merchandise i sold at fur •ash in the fame town or neighh -r -h eel hy other men hanU r othi rs trade g in such articles. llat it ihnll he unlawful for any retail men hunt doing business in thi Common wealth to r-.iive any order that ii ay 1— drawn up.n liini for lh<- pay ment of labor at Irs- than il face value, or t i discount the same, or to furnish ston , goods or merchandise therefor, charging * j greater or higher price for the sane- than he would sell the same quality of g'od* at ! for cash, or than lh- same quality of good* | or merchandise an be purchased at for cash in the same town ■ r neighborhood j That any p-rson violating any of the pro | visions of this act shall t-y guilty of a mis | demeanor, an-l upon conviction thereof shall pay a tun- of n it h-* loan t- n dollars or tm ro than fifty dollars f-r < a< h offeiiM , and shall refund to tie i-tir.y to whom such g-Msls ->r Mo ri bund. " shall have bcn sold the difference hctw- cn th • price charged and the cash price th- rouf." The first section I projoo to intro ■ luce prevents companies ami company stores from selling go*i at a greater price than they can be purchased at for cash at other store* in the neighbor hood. The second section of the lrill reaches another class in the community, people who are simply merchant*, who are not engaged in manufacturing, and U|-on whom orders are drawn l,y farmers, lumbermen, machine shop men. planing mill Tin-it, and manufacturing enter prise* ol ail kind*. These orders are drawn ujx>n tliem, and the second sec tion i* intended to reach thsl cls*s of our j>eople, ami to prevent them from j selling upon order* drawn upon them at a greater price than they would have received for their good* if they had t-cn paid for in cash,and it reaches that class of our community and put* everybody on a par, everybody on the same looting, on the same plane. It recognize* the principle that underlie*our institutions, to wit: the freedom of all our people to make such contracts a* they please, so long a* they do not interfere with any positive law or the right* of others. Hut no law should be passed, unless based upon the soundest joliry, restrict ing their right to so contract. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote by which this bill passed third reading. ____ . IT would be as unjust to guage the industriea of the whole North, and the condition of its laboring imputation, in the matter of wages and the comforts of life, by theactuaf facta of the anthracite coal region, as it is to judge the South bv the exceptional lalmr trouble# in Northern Imuisian* and some counties of Mississippi. We doubt if the negroes of Imuisisns have undergone the lost three years the hard-hips because of low wages, uncertain employment, and the "store order system," that the an tluacite coal miner* of Pennsylvania have faced. The Kansas emigration, large a* it is, bear* a small pro|mrtion indeed to the army of tram|>* set afloat . by the condition of the labor niatkel of thi* State, to say nothing of other North ; ern States. That the South is fairlv prosperous, , and the relations of capital and lalmr— of employer and employed —are as ami cable as elsewhere in the country, we have pretty oenclutive evidence in the great product* of that section. The .South ha* done an iui|mrtant part in creating that balance of trade which lias brought about specie resumption. The cotton production of ten Southern States growing the staple, in 1878 amounted to nearly five millions of bales and the exportation of cotton to foreign countries, to nearly two hundred mil lions of dollars, a sum that very nearly covers the lielanro of foreign trade in our favor. This one fact is sufficient answer to the partisan contention of the Republican*, that the Southern laborer* are ill treated a* a rule and the whole section in a constant state of political turmoil and lawlessness. Such an in- I lustry as that of cotton production i could not thrive as it does under such condition*. This with sensible business j men, who do their own thinking, over . throw* volume* of sectional tirades and ! misrepresentation based on a few isolat ed facts. We presume the South, like | the North, ia no better than it should lie. It ha* had a rougher legacy from the war, and crimes against person are more common with them, as crime* against property are more common at the North. But time will right these evil* to a great extent, and the progress made and making ia most encouraging to the sincere patriot, if not to the poli tician* who are striving to keep alive the hatee engendered by the civil war. —Ptl. WHAT is supposed to be the largest tree in the Hnutbern .State* is a tulip bearing poplar near Augusta Oa., which is 155 feet high and nine feet in diame ter, ita lowest branches being fifty-five ' feet from the ground. DICTATING AN IT KM. Tlie following little story tcachc* caution in the lIHC of pronoun* : Mr. Tucker came into tin- editorial room of a local paper, and sliding up to the reporter's table, he took a seat and nudged up close and snid : "Just take it down now, rind I'll give you a good item. I toady "V OH. Go ahead!" "Well, this morning, Mr*. Tucker— I my wife, you know- -and lier daughter Bessie were driving out with a bay mure, named Kiltie, along the river road, to nee her aunt." "Whom- aunt?" "Mrs. 'fucker's aunt. To see her aunt. Bessie was driving the inare, ami a little after they had passed Siu plctori Place she tiircw one of her shoes." "Bessie did!" "No, Kilty, the mare. And Bessie i said to her mother that she thought she was behaving qtieerly." "Mr*. Tucker was?" " J lie mure; ami she felt so worried that she had a notion to turn hack." i "Are you speaking of the mure or of Bessie "1 mean Bessie, of course. But die kept on limping and going kinder un- j even until they w< re dowu by the gas works, w hen she laid hack her ears and —" "You don't mean Bessie's cars?" "Certainly rfot." "f Jo on, then. Mrs. Tucker laid la< k her ear*." "The mare's ear*. And just ns they got on the bridge over the creek the mare gave a tilt to one side, and us Mrs. linker screamed, she let drive with both of her hind-legs, against the carriage." "Arc you referring to Mm. Tucker! or to the—" "Kitty, the mare—and mapped lsitli ; shafts off shirt. The next moment, la-tore Mrs. lU'Ju r or lb-woe could save themselves, she went over the side, tisriiing a complete somersault." "N mi arc- now speaking of the mare?" the marc turned a complete somersault into the water. ()ne of the traces remained unbroken, and of course, n- Kitty wi-i*t over she dragged the carriage after her, and Mrs. Tin k er and Bessie went floundering into the creek. 'lhc man- at once struck out for the shore, and Ib-ssic fortunately had presence of mind enough to grasp her by the tail. She had the hliuii staggers, but it had passed olf—" "Not Bessie?" "No—the mare; and n soon as she was being towed pa>t Mr*. Tucker, she caught hold of ner drew —" "The mare's drew- ?" "Ib-dc's dress; and it m-ennd for n minute the mare would bring them sab-ly to land. But Mrs. Tucker's hold on the mare's tail loo*<-ucd some how. and —" said Bessie had hold of the mare's tail." "Did 1? Well, ao it was; and Mrs. Tucker hold of ln-r dress," . "Whose dres* ?" "Didn t I snv Bessie's drew? Well, then, somehow Mr*. Tucker's hold loosened and—" "Her hold of what?" "Her hold of the mare —no, I must be mistaken; !hie had hold of the mare's tail, while the mare wa* swim ming, and the ninre had hold of Mrs. Tucker's dr— That is Mrs. Tucker had hold of— Well, anyhow, she let go—" "Mrs. Tucker let go*" "Oh, I dunno; whoever had hold of the mare let go, and she went to the bottom like a stone." "If I follow your meaning, it wo* the mare that went to the bottom ?" "My goodne** man ! Can't you un kerstand? It wasn't the mare.. The inare swain ashore." "What did you say she went to the lrottom for, then ?" "I didn't; it was Bessie." "Ib-wie never said a won! about it." "You know what I mean. Bessie went to the bottom." "And Mrs. Tucker swam ashore?" "No, she didn't." "Very well, then. Mrs. Tucker went to the bottom too?" "No, she didn't either." "Mrs. Tucker flew up in the air, till U''" "You think you're smart, don't you?" "Well, go on aud tell your story ; we'll discuss that afterward. What did Bessie say when she got to the 1m it torn ?" "I'vea good mind to wollup you." "What did she say that for?" . "You mud-headed idiot," said Mr. Tueker, "give me any more of your in solence, and I'll flay you alive. I was going to give you a good item about that mare, and what Airs. Tueker said about tier turning somersaults all the way home, but oow I'll see you hang ed first." The reporter got behind the desk, lifted up a chair to ward ofT a missile, and then he said calmly: "What was Mrs. Tucker's object in turning somersault.* all the way home f COMPAIKT is nude in Leadville that the whiskey is nothing hut snow water scented with vitrol. When 800 gall ons can be drawn from one barrel it is time for even a dairyman to blush. AT the evening celebration of the I,Booth anniversary of the destruction at Pompeii a bottle of wine taken from the ruins, where it had lain aince A. D. 79 is to ho opened. A BURMXOTOH blacksmith has just establishes! a " conservatory of horse shoeing." For Hotter or Worue. Vrvm lit- Mifat Fre* I'rw. i lie old man Ikmdigo keep* a pretty sharp eye on hi* daughter Marv, and many u would-be lover ha* taken a walk litter a few minute* < oi)ve thrown up in after years, aud 1 now wurn vou." "Mr. Demligo," replied the lover, " I vo heard all this iMjfore and also that you were on trial for forge ry, had to jump Chi ago for bigamy, an 1 serve a year in state prison for cattic-*ual ing. I m going to marry inter your family to give you a decent reputa tion ! There—no thanks—good-by !"* Mr. Ikndigo looked aAer the young •nau with his mouth wide open, and when he could get his jaws together, he said : "Home infernal hyena ha* went and given me away on my dodge." NEW HAMI'SHIIU: is having a rather -ingular experience in regard to taxa tion. The last Legislature passed a law providing that schedules should be furnished citizens, which they must fill up with inventories of their properly and swear to,as the ha-is on which taxes are to Is- assessed. The old system leA the rating to the assessors, and the new law was at first very unpopular, i'ret ty much everybody seemed to Ik> down j on it, ami no doubt was felt that the j next legislature would repeal it. Hut ; now that they are beginning to enforce 1 it, jxs.pie find that the new plan work* a great deal better than they expected. Ihe most striking result is the great itier* -use in taxable property reported, which, in sonic towns, reaches $lOO,- 000; over four tirrffts a* much money is returned as being at interest in the towns thus far hoard from a* last year. Of course, this increase in the amrunt of property liable to taxation renders it possible correspondingly to reduce the ix-rcentage of taxatiou and the net result promise* to lie so much more advantageous to the average tax-jiaycr that public sentiment is fast shifting to approval of the new law and there, is little probability of its repeal. A QfKElt PIONEER.—A fellow traveler was a dapper young man, dressed in the latest style, with white tie ami lavender kids. Now lie would brush his immaculate stove pipe hat and now adjust his eve-glasses to scan some new-comer. Ilis incipient roous lachc seemed to be a source of con slant care but he divided his attention between this and a couple of hounds, his traveling companions. On cither side of the aisle hung his two canaries in stpcratc rages and on a brilliant rug slept a Spiu dog. As learned du ring the forenoon, he had come from Chicago and was going to Leadville, and proposed to rent a few rooms in some first-class hotel and in the aAer noon go out and prospect a little. In this way he expected to realize a for- I tune within six months. Just now he ; is picking his way daintly across tho muddy street, with a cage in each hand and the dogs at his heels. A VERY remarkable wedding anni ; vcrsary occurred a few days since in the town of Werton, Fairfield county, { Conn., in a house whose great atone chimney and aiding of long weather lieaten shingles indicate that it waa built before the Revolution. In this house Mr. Zalmon Hturgea, aged near ly 98, and Ann, his wife, aged 94, celebrated the aeventy-fourth anniver sary of their marriage. Mr. Hturges is a healthy, well-preserved gentleman, and both he and hit wile remember the principal events of the past seven ty-five years. How was the world made' is being discussed in scientific magazines. We weren't there, but we suppose they got all the subscription* Uiey could raise along the survey and then bonded tho rest of the work and pushed it through. WIIKR a rooster gets mad does he become a crow-cus ?