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HORATIO SEYMOUR ON I.OCAI,
SELF-GOVERNMENT.
[Fr-.m sn rtlets In Ihi- North Iwrilrmn Rstisw.)
It is also constantly stated that our j
system depend* upon the general in- !
telligence of our people. It is true j
that, without popular intelligence, vir
tue, ami patriotism, we shall sink into
anarchy, corruption, and ruin. Rut
this is true of all other civilized na
tions. They speedily fall into decay
without the same virtues. This great ;
truth, as it is usually expressed, does
not carry with it a full and clear idea
of the nature of that intelligence upon
which our government depends. We
demand not only general intelligence, j
a* it is required elsewhere, but in ad j
dition special intelligences, without j
which our political system cannot be
conducted. Its peculiarly, which dis
tinguishes it from all others, is, that it
must be aided by those special intelli
gences which make its very life, and j
which, in numerous instances, can car
ry on certain functions of government,
even where general intelligence may
be wanting. What is meant by special j
intelligence is, for instance, this: A
man lacking education, and with a lim 1
ited knowledge, may be so placed that '
he knows better than much wiser men
where a road should belaid or a school
house built, and he may have a deeper
interest than others in having those
things well done. Wise men will, <
therefore, give to him the control of 1
this work. The same theory is true of
mrny other affairs which concern the ,
welfare of society. Our fathers, hefore
our independence, and when they
shaped our system of government, were
forced by the state of society to avail
themselves of such special intelligence*.
These not only served to promote the
interests of the colonies, but they en
abled the framers of our Constitution
to solve problems where the world said
they would fail. No man can under
stand tho spirit and genius of our po
litical institutions who does not trace
out the ues made by our fathers of
these special intelligences, nor can he
feel as he should his duties and rights
as a citizen, unless be sees clearly that
our system imposes upon him certain
work which he can perform, and which
will be productive of good, despite the
power of majorities, or even the lack of
general intelligence in the community
m which he lives.
It is not the purpose of this article
to present any partisan views of the
distribution of power between the Gen
eral and Htale governments, or to touch
any controverted political point. Ita
design i* to show that every citisen,
without regard to majorities and with
out undertaking to change the minds
or elevate the general intelligence of
the American |>cople, can so use his
special power and intelligence as to
promote the public welfare; also to
prove that under our machinery of
government, if there are wide-spread
abuses in local or general administra
tion*. the guilt lies at the door of the
individual citisen*, because they did not
do their personal duty in the particu
lar field marked out for them by our
system of laws. What is said about the
(towers of minorities and the rights of
minorities, about general and special
intelligences and duties, is for the pur
pose of scattering certain cloud* under
which we are apt to hide our duties
from our own eyes.
Let us place ourselves where our
fathers stood when they worked out
our political system, and thus learn
what they meant to do. A people
thinly scattered over a continent, living
under opposite conditions of climate,
production, and domestic habits, were
to be united for purposes of common
defense and welfare. This could only
be done by securing, to each section of
a vast region, laws which would pro
mote the prosperity of every part.
Where was the wisdom to frame the
laws to meet the wants so diversified
and conflicting? They knew from ex
perience that kings, lord*, and com
mons, could not do it. Their failures
led to the Revolution. They claimed
no wisdom superior to that of Parlia
ment, for that Was the period when a
K
"EUUAL AND KX ACT JUSTICE TO ALL MEN, OF WHATEVER STATE OK PERSUASION, HKLKJIOUB OK POLITICAL."—Jsffmun
host of orators and statesmen made
Parliament glorious in British annals.
The colonies were practically as remote
from each other as from Britain, when
obstacles to intercourse were taken into
account. Tho necessities of the case
forced our fathers to frame their State
and General governments upon princi
ples the reverse of those which usually
mark the polity of nation*. Their
theory takes away control from political
centres, and distribute* it to the various
points that are most interested in it*
wi*c and honest exercise. It keo|m at
every man's homo tho greatest share of
the politicsl power that concerns him
individually. It yield* it to tho remoter
legislative bodies in diminishing propor
tion* ns thoy recede from the direct
influence and notion of the people. The
local self-government under which our
country is expanding itself over a con
tinent, without becoming weak by its
expansion, is founded on these proposi
tions. That government is most wise
which i* in tho hands oi those best
informed nbout the particular questions
on which they legislate ; most econom
ical and honest, when controlled by
those most interested in preserving
frugality and virtue; most strong, when
it only cxercisoa authority which i
beneficial in it* action to the governed.
These are obvious truth*, but how are
they to be nude available for practical
purposes ? It is in this that the wisdom
of our institutions /consist*. In their
progress, they are developing truths in
government which have not only disap
pointed the hope* of our enemies, but
dissipated the fear* of our friend*.
The good order of society, the protec
tion of our lives and our property, the
promotion of religion and learning, the
enforcement of statutes, or the uphold
ing of the unwritten law* of just moral
restraints, mainly depend upon the
wisdom of the inhabitants of townships.
Upon such questions, so far as they
particularly concern them, the people
of the towns are more intelligent and
more interested than those outside of
their limits can be. The wisest sts'es
men, living and acting at the city of
Washington, cannot understand these
affairs, nor can they conduct them, so
well as the citizens upon the ground,
although they may be unlearned men.
What is true of one town is true of the
other ten thousand towns in the United
States. When we shall have twenty
thousand towns, this system of govern
ment will in no degree become over
loaded or complicated. Tbeie will bo
no more then for each citizen to do than
now. fair town officers in the aggregate
are more important than Congressmen
or Senators. Hence, the importance to
our government of religion, morality,
and education, which enlighten and
purify the governed and the governora
at the same time, and which must ever
constitute the best securities for the
advancement and happiness of our
country. Township powers and duties
educate and elevate those who exercise
them. The next organizations in order
and importance are hoards of county
officers, who control questions of a local
character, but affecting a greater num
ber than the inhabitants of single town>.
The people of each county are more
intelligent and more interested in what
concerns their own affairs than any
amount of wisdom or of patriotism
outside of it. The aggregate transac
tions of county officers arc more impor
tant than those of our Slate legislatures.
When we have secured good govern
ment in towns and counties, most of the
object* of government are gained. In
the ascending scale of rank, in the
descending scale of ini|s>rtance is
legislature, which is, or should be,
limited to State affairs. Its greatest
wisdom is shown by the smallest amount
of legislation, and its strongest claims
for gratitude grow out of what it doea
not do. Our General Government is
remarkable for being the reverie of
every other. Inatead of being the source
of authority, it only receives the rem
nant of power after all that concerns
town, county and State jurisdictions has
been distributer!. Its jurisdiction, al
though confined within narrow limita,
is of greet dignity, for it concerns our
national honor aud provides for the
national defense. We make thia head
of our system strong when we confine
its action to thoee objects which are of
general interest, and prevent its inter
ference with subjects upon which it can
not act with intelligence. IfourGeneral
Government had the power which is
now divided between town, county and
State jurisdiction, its attempt* at their
exercise would shiver it into atoms. If
it were composed of the wisest and
purest men the world ever saw, it could
not understand all the varied interests
of a land as wide as all Europe, and
with aa great a diversity of climate, soil
and social condition. The welfare of
the several communities would be sac
rificed to the ignorance or prejudices of
thoie who had no direct concern in the
law they imposed upon other*.
The theory of self-government is not
founded upon the idea that the people
are necessarily virtuous and intelligent,
but it attempts to distribute each par
ticular power to those who heve the
greatest inte.re*t in its wise and faithful
exercise. Such distribution is founded
on the principle that persona most in
terested in any matter manage it better
than wiser men who are not interested.
Men act thus in their private concern*.
When we are sick we do not seek the
wisest mas in the community but the
physician who is beat acquainted with
disorder and its remedies. If we wish
to build, we seek not teamed
man, but the man nmt skillful in tbe
kind of structure w%acore to erect j
and, if we require the adr*ict of an
agent, tbe one u beat for o( who i* best
acquainted with our wants, end moat
interested in satisfying them. Tbe
BELLKFONTK, PA., THURSDAY, JANUARY 2, 1879.
Rible intimates this course when it says
that a man can judge better in relation
to his own alfairs than seven watchmen
on a high tower. This principle not
only secures good government for each
locality, but it also brings home to each
individual n sense of hi* rights and re
sponsibilities; it elevate* his character
as a man ; he is taught self-reliance ; he
learns that the performance of his duly
us a citizen is the corrective for the evils
of society, and is not led to place n
vague, unfounded dependence upon
legislative wisdom. It not only makes
good government, but it nlso makes
good manhood. Under European gov
ernments, but few feel that they can
exert any influence upon public morals
or affairs; here everyone knows fhat
hi* character and conduct will at least
affect the character of the town in which
he live*. While the interests of each
section are thus secured, and the citizen
is educated by duties, the General Gov
ernment is strengthened and made
enduring by lifting it above inviduou*
action, and making it the point about
which rally the affection* and pride of
the Aineriean people, as the exponent
to the world at large of our common
powi-r, dignity, and nationality.
Under this system our country hot
attained it* power, it* prosperity and
it* msgniflcent proportion*. l/*>k at
it U|IOII the map of the world. It is a*
broad as all Europe. Mark its boun
daries! The greatest chain of fresh
water lakes u(>on the globe bathes its
northern limits; the Atlantic and Pa
cific wash it* eastern and western shores,
and its southern border* rest upon the
great Mediterranean Sea of Slexico.
< >ur policy of government meets every
local want of this vast region , it gives
energy, enterprise and freedom, to each
community, no matter how remote or
small. And this is done so readily and
so (K-aceably that the process resembles
the great and beneficent operation* of
Nature.
This plan of carrying down classes of
duties to those who have a special in
telligence with regard to them, and
peculiar interest in their wise and hon
est execution, is a wonderful educational
system, without which it would be
difficult to carry on our governments.
It* working* are more clearly seen in
the country than ir. cities. In many
instance* in our new and wild settle
ments, uneducated men have been made
school-trustees, holding their meetings
in log-bouse* or in othar humble tene
ments. All hsve l>eenitiuck with their
efforts to act wisely, sMoulate-f by then
anxiety for their <-hi!M~ ( p. The writer
ba* watches] u-h JirygrsduAf
gained knowledge of town laws. He
has seen them fill different local offices,
become members of onhnty board* and
of the State Legislature. A* Governor
of New York, he found them better
grounded and versed in all that relates
to legislation than many who hare had
the advantage of wealth and of educa
tion in academic or collegiate form, but
who have never l>een placed in positions
where thev have uken part in the work
of local duties. The plain men thus
educated arc those who, within a few
yer, hare gone to the West, and have
founded, organized, and set in nj>erntion
great Ntates. They have done wisely
what would be deemed works of states
manship in other part* of the world.
Many ol u* remember when Illinois,
now flie third State in importance in
our Union, wa* but a part of a vat wild
territory. The immigrant*, trained in
town duties, made their homes there.
In a little time they built up a State,
one of the most prosperous in the
Union, adorned with cities, and en
lightened by learning and religion, witti
more railroads than most of the empires
of Europe. Yet this great work has
leen done as quietly as if it were a mat
ter of course, and with the same ease
with which they built house* and barns
and fence*.
While we differ about the rights of
the .States or of the General Govern
ment under the Constitution, we agree
that there is a distribution of jurisdic
tions} that all the forms of local gov
ernment spoken of do exist. The pur
pose is to inquire what duties these dis
tributions impose upon each, and how
far their honest, patriotic performance
will work out reforms in government,
and bring bock simplicity, economy and
and integrity, in the conduct of pub
lie affairs. it is not only believed that
this can be done, hut that we have
already made progress in that direction.
Wrongs no longer can he perpetrated
with impunity, which aroused no resis
tance hut a little time since. This is
true alike of local, State and national
affairs. Put back into power the men
who plundered the city of New York ;
give them all the advantages of the laws,
organisation* and alliance*, they then
had, and they could not hold their
ground for a single day. No one would
now venture upon the plunder of the
national Treasury by gredit Mobilier or
kindred schemes, or would dare to de
stroy our great channels of commerce
in New York by fraudulent contracts.
We do not now ask what should be
done by State or General government*.
We reverse the inquiry, to learn what
each citisen should do where the con
trol of majorities is restrained and the
rights of minorities and individuals
guarded, where a field of duty Is marked
out for every man, and where the spirit
nod genius of our institution* demand
that the special intelligence of each
citisen shall to used to promote the
general welfare T We must look to this
groundwork whenever we seek to POT
reel public abuses, or to reform the ad
ministration of State or national sflairs.
When the lefty spire of some temple of
raligfon sway* from the true line, we do
not discus* the influnnoe which iU pin
nodes exert in throwing it from its
proper position, but we look to the
1 Tk -
condition of its base and buttresses, and
speud our labor there to restore its up
rightness, for we know that there we
shall find the cause of threatened dan
ger. Had government is tho logical
result of bad moral* or neidert of duty
by the constituency. Men in oflico do
not corrupt the people so often as the
people corrupt oflicial*. Tho men who
plundered the city of New York of
many millions could not have done so
if there had not been n state of public
moral*, of wild *|>eculative excitement*,
a greed for gold no matter how gained
which suggested and favored all their
schemes. They were ma'to, bold by
seeing transactions in all the walks of
life, in personal and business circle*
snd in all department* of State and
naiionnl government, which were akin
to their own. They had no business
skill, sagacity, or experience. They did
not make corruption ; corruption made
them. Tho same causes existing all
over our country produced the like re
sults, Citizen* here and elsewhere did
not do their home duties ; they did not
11*0 their special intelligence to check
wrong in their own neighhornoad. We
were all swept away by the spirit of
*(>eculalion, extravagance and indul
gence. Rsd governments are the re
sults, the punishments, and, we hope,
the remedies, for this wide-spread de
moralisation. They impose the penal
tie* for neglect. God in hi* goodness
does not |>ermit nations to be happy
snd prosperous when governments are
corrupt and citixen* ate indifferent,
Indifference on the part of the pubtia
make* corruption in oflicial*. Slight
changers in public morals act with in
tenified force at political capitals, a*
slight contractions or expansions in
tho bulb of the thermometer make great
charges in the rise and fall of the slen
der co'umn of mercury which marks the
temperature. For a like reason any los*
or gain in the moral* of a people is po
tent for good or evil in the conduct of
public affairs.
So completely does the state of the
public mind shape legislation and offi
cial action, that it is more correct to say
that laws are passed through Congress
or State legislatures thau it is to say
they are passe 1 by them. They are
conduits rather than enacting agencies.
The opinions which suggest, the mind*
which shape, the wills which demand
their passage, are outside of legislative
halls. The great business interests of
country, the sentiments of the people,
the tone of public morality, give form
and bue to |>olitical action. Hence all
acts of official corruption are justly
1 oTteT iifSffi U Rltn* ttjvm
the American character, every commit
tal of crime as indictment of the
American people. Hard times and
general distress are the remedies which
cure public ills. They teach that ne
glect of duties and disregard of obliga
tion* to society are expensive, and
thwart our very schemes for gain or self
indulgence. Ihe influences of such
distribution, and of the use of *i>ecial
intelligence in the performance of offi
cial work, reach beyond the line* mark
ed out by statute-hooks. They educate
us to do many things which elsewhere
are thought t# he the work of govern
ment. To get clear views of the genius
of our |H)litica! institutions, we must
look not only at written constitution*
and laws, but also at the unwritten laws
of usage winch grow out of them.
More is done to promote the public
welfare outside of the domain of law*
than by force of tbcir enactment*,
t.'hurches, colleges, academies, hospitals,
and a thousand charities, are organised
and upheld by the fund* of individual*
and by the care of unofficial and largely
of unpaid influence*. Their positions,
forma, religion* or educational aapecU,
are all determined by the apecial intel
ligence of the particular communities
in which they exist. They make the
baae* of our aocial and political system,
lteyund all other influence* tbey govern
and save society from disorder and cor
ruption. The restraints in our Consti
tution against any tyranny by tnajoii
tics, the safeguard thrown around the
right* of minorities and individual*, the
freedom of conscience ami worship, the
sacrednesa of persons, the aancity of
homes, the liberty of speech and action,
the distribution of political duties, the
policy of using for the public wolfsre
the special intelligence of each citisen,
all point in one direction, and bring
home to every man his personal duty to
serve the public, to promote its virtue,
its prosperity, and its glory, in some of
the many paths which are open to him.
These influences are not limited to the
particular field in which he labors.
Virtue is catching as well as vice. Good
example is as potent as bsd example.
He who does his duty sheds a light
which makes other men see their du
ties. The ways and mean* for publio
reform in morals, politics or business,
are not outakJe of the ordinary pursuits
of life. They are at our firesides, they
lie in our pathway*, they exist in all of
our business and social relationship*.
The condition of our country i* favor
able to reform. All honest teachings
tell upon the public mind. Argument
is now enforced by suffering. The
springs and source* of governmental
power are under our control. The vir
tue* of economy or of integrity which
we practise ourselves we will require of
our representatives. They will feel and
respond to our demands. Reform* are
not to be gained by railing at political
parties, while neglecting our individual
duties. This is a device by which we
blind ourselves to truth. It is incon
sistent with an honest self-respect.
Neglect of i>oliUe#l duty Is but a shade
fetter than violation of official duly.
It grow* out of a lack of true manhood,
a want of sense and virtue, and a feeling
that personal and social position do not
moke men equal to the work of battling
with wrong. The strength of Britain
in no small degree i* owing to the fact
that the Peers of the realm meet in
manly ways the rough duties of political
struggles.
Political parties are. in public affairs,
what John Doe and Richard Hoc used
to lie in legci proceedings, fictitious
name* to conceal the real actor*. We
are too apt to satisfy our consciences
and blind ourselves to our own neglect
by ruiling at them. A* parties embrace
the whole population, why not say that
the American people have been cor
rupted, or made extravagant, or indif
ferent to their obligation* a* citizen*?
This is what the future historian will
say of this period. Shall we not also
make him say that this sad condition
was followed by a revival of national
virtue*, and that the beginning of the
second century of our existence a* a
people was marked by a return of the
integrity and patriotism which inspired
our lathers one hundred years ago?
The social, political and business evil*
which affect our country are not to be
cured by political strategy nor by any
tricks of statesmanship. No country
can be legislated out of distress, crime
or poverty, No laws in civilixed coun
tries are potent for good which do not
emanate front the sentiments, habits,
and virtue* of the people. They de
mand personal, fireside and local re
form*. They cannot be made by others
for us. They must bo wrought out by
each man in the use of his special in
telligence and (tersonnl power, in office
and out of it, in ail form* of unselfish
work for the general welfare, in con
vention, u|>oii the platform, in the pul
pit and through the press. The immi
grants of varied lineages and creeds who
oome to our shores excite fear* in the
tnind* of some. These spring from
narrow prejudices. All phase* of civili
sation give broader view* about social,
religious and political questions. Men
of loyal faith in our Government feel
that this mingling of Euro(>ean races on
this continent will gire us higher civili
zation, greater |*>wer and prosperity,
than have yet been seen in the history
thc world.
The " Bloody Skirt" Ksne.
The- Democrat who desires the suc
cess of hi* party more than he depre
cate* sectional hostility. could not wish
for a more favorable issue for the earn
t-aifn of 18W) than the one which the
Republican* hare selected for the prin
cipal plank of their platform. In un
furling again "the bloody shirt," and
follower* to rally und
er it once more, Messrs. Blaine and Ed
mund* have taken the most direct and
expedition* way of effecting a solidifi
cation of the Democracy.
There are other questions of public
policy on which Democrat* are not unit
ed. There i* some diversity of opinion,
for instance, on the part that should t>e
assigned to silver in our National finan
cial system. The Itemocrat* who hold
that the standard silver dollar is not an
honest dollar; that it should be increas
ed in weight until its intrinsic value
equal* the standard gold dollar. There
are those who insist that the gold dol
lar should tie clipped until it is reduced
to the intrinsic value of 412} grains of
silver. Other* are strongly inclined to
the opinion that silver has survived it*
day of usefulness as money, and that
its dsy of universal demonetisation it
demanded on ground* of equity and
expediency. In various sections of the
country, the advocates of these conflict
ing views are found among those who
belong to the great Nation*! Democrat
ic organisation.
Again, there is the question of na
tional hanke, on which there is want of
unanimity. Many Democrats believe
that these banks are an expensive and
dangerous monopoly, and that the heavy
expeh*; entailed on the j üblic for the
maintenance of the system is worse
than a waste of public funds. They
bold to the theory that all paper mon
ey should be issued by the Government,
as the greenback* are, without the in
tervention of any other sgency. Prob
ably the great mans of Democratic vot
ers entertain this view. But there are
Democrats of influence whose opinions
are just the reverse. They believe that
the leaking system is an invaluable aid
to business, and that any attempt to do
away with it would result m>*t unfavor
ably to the industrial and commercial
interest* of the country.
On the question of interna! improve
ments, too, we And a similar dissimilar
ity of opinon. In some localities it is
held to be violative of the Democratic
creed to extend the aid of the Govern
ment to any enterprise intended to de
velop the resource* of the country or
loster iu commerce. In other locali
ties we find the leaders and the rank
and file of the party earnestly advocat
ing a comprehensive system of public
improvements. They hold that the
time haa gone by when an anti internal
improvement policy was either wise or
politic | that we have gone too far in
the extension of aid to such worka to
think of pausing now, leaving hut n
loi tion of our people to ety'oy the ben
efit* that all have helped to pay for.
They insist that other section* shall
have their turn, and that the advan
tag** shall he made National, instead
oi remaining sectional.
But there is one question on which
no two Democrats differ, and that que*
tion haa been selected by the Republi
can managers es the central idea or the
campaign of 1880. A year and a half
before that canvas* will be formally
opened by the assembling of National
conventions, it has been virtually In
augurated by Mr. Maine and other
statesmen of his party, U was demon
strated in 1876 that the Republican*
were in the minority cm the popular, aa
1
TERMS: K1..'0 JKT Aniium, in Advance.
well it* the electorial vol*-. It baa
I been shown in the election* of thia
year that they are in much amaller mi-
I nority than they were two year* ago.
All that wu needed to in*ure their
overwhelming defeat was Democratic
unity. Thi* unity and that defeat are
made certain by the blunder of Mr.
Blaine. These gentlemen projoee to
make the iaauea growing out of the
war laat through another four yeais.
Thejr propose to rekindle the fire* of
sectional animosity, and to attack the
theory of local self-government.
The Democracy hold that the war
ended long ago; that sectional hate
abould hare ceased long ago, and that
every interest of our people demands
that thia agitation should be brought
to an end. A* one man, the entire
Democratic party, with thousand* of
re inforcement*, will come up in solid
phalanx to meet this "bloody shirt" ia
sue and settle it so effectually that it
will stay settled. Holding in abeyance
their differences ujion other points let*
vital to the peace and prosperity of the
country, they will meet the Republicans
on the paramount issue selected, and
will sweep from power a party that ex
pends it* force in striving to perpetuate
strife and keen up the hitter animosi
ties of war half a generation after the
last soldier ha* returned to his civic
pursuits and his allegiance to the old
flag.
Not the least among the surprises
that await Mr. Blaine will be the de
fection of thousands of Republicans
whose business interests are jeopard
ized and sense of justice violated by
this ceaseless strife. They will join the
party of peace in its final, triumphant
crusade against the party of the "bloody
shirt."— Washington Pott.
Death of Rear Admiral lloff.
AM OLb-TIME orricaa or THE XAVr WHO
SAW SESTI'E wilt* THE CEXTCEV
WAS TOCKO.
A dispatch from Washington announ
ce* the death Christmas day in that city,
from congestion of the brain, Henry
K. Hoff, rear admiral on the retired
list of the United .States Navy. Born
in Pennsylvania in the year 1809, he
was appointed a midshipman from
South Carolina October 2H, 1H23; ser
ved successful l on the Porpoise,
schooner : Bran '/wine brig, and Con
stitution. frigate, and in 1825 was one
of the officers of the Brandywine when
that vesel ws* detailed to carry IJA
fayette back to France. He pawed his
examination in 1828, and March 3,
<u3l. was promoted to be lieutenant.
In the same year, while serving aboard
the Potomac frigate, on the East Indian
station, he distinguished himself at the
affair of tdualla Batton. Landing with
a division of seamen, be earned one of
the forts by assault after a fight of
nearly two hours, killing the Rajah and
eleven Malays, and then rendered ef
ficient service to the division under
Lieutenant Shubrick in the reduction
of the second fort, the fall of which
secured the success of the expedition.
He was promoted to lieutenant com
mander in 1843. commander in 1854
and captain in 1861. Imring the first
year of the rebellion be served in the
Pacific aboard the sloop Lancaster.
In July, 1862. he was promoted to be
commodore, ordered home, and dur
ing the war served on ordnance duty at
the Philadelphia Navy Yard. He was
commissioned Rear Admiral April 13,
1867. and from October of that year
until October, 1869, commanded the
North Atlantic Squadron, his duties
during thia period being of an arduous
as well as a very delicate character,
owing to the existing complications
with Spain flowing out of the Cuban
troubles, and being discharged with
credit to himself and with honor to
bis country. Leaving this command,
be was placed on the retired list. He
married the youngest daughter of the
late Commodore Bainbridge and for
several years made his borne in Phila
delphia, where some of bis family now
reside. At the time of his death he
was visiting his son, Lieutenant Com
mander M illtam Bainbridge Hoff, on
duty at Washington.
An Up-Hill Task.
(grow Uw VUi|lN Osptt/.L
Now that the Radicals are raising a
§reat hue and cry because the negroes
o not solidly vote the Republican
ticket, it is in order to remind them
that the results we see in the South
are exactly what all thinking men pre
dicted when the fifteenth constitution
al amendment was adopted. It was
plain enough to any person capable of
reasoning from the commonest facta
that a Republican party in the South
composed exclusively or blacks, led by
alien adventurers, could not continue
indefinitely. It was steadily predicted
by thinking Republicans, as well as by
IhMDOcraAa, that the negro would sea
that hia interests were identical with
those of the landowners, his employers,
and that be would soon fall again under
their influence. And this result, in
reliable in any event, was foreseen sod
foretold as a thing which would come
about, not by violence and intimida
tion from the whites, but all the sooner i
because of their abstention therefrom.
Alt the leaders of Southern politico
have recognised this from the first, end
have, therefore, set the example of
moderation. inat- _ce* of vi°-
lauotijiron.tiiiueea in lh* Wash H 3
Blaine and his followers have under HI
taken an task and will find
NO. I.