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Volume 27,
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ANNA LISLE.
Sewn where the waving willows,
'Neath the sunbeams smile;
Shadowed over the murmuring waters,
Dwelt sweet Anna Lisle.
Pore as a forest lllly,
Never thought of guile;
And its heme within th 9 besem,
Oflored Anna Lisle.
Gnenvi:—Ware willows murmur, water,
Oelden sunbeams smile;
larthly music cannot waken
Dear loved Anna Lisle.
Sweat eeine the hallowed oaimlag
Of the Sabbath bed;
Borne on the morning breeses,
Down the wot dy doll.
On a bed of pain and anguish,
Lay dear Anna Lisle ;
Changed were the lovely features,
Gone the happy smile.
Ounßvs:—Ware willows martuar, As.
Raise me in your arms, dear mother,
Let once more look ;
On the dark and waving willew,
And the flowing brook.
Forms clad in Hsarenty garments;
Look on me and snai e;
Waiting for the longing spirits
Oflored Anna Lisle.
Cnonve: —Ware willow murmur, Ae.
President Lincoln's Message.
READ IN CONGRESS. TUESDAY DEC. Drd '1
Fellow-cit kens of the Senate and House of
Representatives:
In the midst of unprecedented politieal
troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to
God for unusual good health and abundant
harvest;*.
You will not he surprised to learn, that in
the peculiar exigencies of the times, our in
lerc urse w>th foreign nat.ions has been at
tended with profound solicitude, chiefly
turning npon our domestic affairs. A dis
loyal pinion of the American peop'e have,
during the whole year been engaged in an at
tempt to divide and destroy the Union.
A nation which endures factious detneatic
division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and
ene party, if no: both, is sure, sooner or la
ter, to invoke foreign intervention. Nations
thus tempted to interfere are not always able
to resist the counsels of seeming expediency
and ungenerous ambition, ah hough measures
adopted under such influences seldom fail to
be unfortunate, and injurious to those adopt
ing them.
The disloyal citizens of the United States
who have offered the ruin of our country in
return for the aid end comfort which they
have invoked abroad, have received less pa
tronage and en; ourageuient than they pro
bably expeoted. If it were just to suppose',
as the insurgents have seemed to a*sume,
that foreign nations, in this case, discarding
all moral, social and treaty obligations,
would act soiely and selfishly for the most
speedy restoration of commerce including es
pecially the acquisition of cotton, these na
tions appear as yet not to have seen their
way to their ohjeet more directly or clearly
through the destruction, than through the
preservation of the Union.
If we sould dare believe that foreign na
tions are actuated by no higher principle
than this, I am quite sure a sound argument
could be made to show them that they can
reach their aim more readily and easily by
aiding to orush this rebellion than by giving
eneonragement to it- The principle lever
relied ou by the insurgents tor exciting for
eign nations to hostility against us, as al
ready intimated, IB the embarrassment of
commerce These nations, however, not im
probably saw from the first that it was the
Uuioa which made as well our foreign as our
domestic commerce. Tbey can scarcely have
failed to pcrcieve that the effort for disunion
produces the existing difficulty, and that one
strong nation promises more durable peace
and a more extensive and reliable commerce
than can the same nation broken into bos
tils fragments. It is not my purpose to re
view our discussions with foreign States, be
cause whatever might be their wishes or dis
positions, the integrity of our country and
the stability of our government mainly de
pend not upon tbem, but on the loyalty, vir
tue, patriotism and intelligence of the Amer
ican people.
The correspondence itself, with the usual
reservations, is herewith submitted. I Ten
ure to hspe it will appear that we have
practiced prudence and liberality towards
foreign powers, averting oauses ot irritation
and witfsfirmness maintaing our rights and
honor. Since, however, it is apparent that
here, as in every other State, foreign danger
neoessarilly attend domestic difficulties ; I
recoommend that adequate and ample meas
ures be adopted for maintaining the public
defences on every side.
Vff bile under this general recommendation
provisioo for defending onr seaeoaet line oc
cur# to tfad mind.
I also io the tame connection aek the at
tention of Congress to onr great lakes and
rivers. It is believed that some fortifications
and depots of arms and munitions, with har
bor and navigation improvements, at all
well selected points upon these, would be of
great importance to the national defence and
preservation.
I ask attention to the views of the Secre
tary of War expressed in his report upon
ihe same general subject. I deem it of im
portance that the loyal regions of East Ten
nessee and Western North Carolina should
be connected with Kencueky and other faith
ful parts ot the Union, by railroad. I there
fore reccommend, a9 a military measure,
tha Congress provide tor the construction of
suoh road as speedily as possible. Kentucky
no do doubt, will co-operate, and through
her Legislature, make the most judicious se
lection of a line. The Northern terminus
must connect with some existing railroad,
and whether the route shall be from L xing
ton or Nicholnsville to the Cumberland Gap,
or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line in
the direction of Knoxville, or on some still
different Line can be readily determined.—
Kentucky nod the General Government co
operatiag. the work can be completed in a
very snort time, and when done, it will not
only be of vast present importance, hut also
a valuable permanent improvement, com
mensurate with ito cost .in all the future.
Some treaties designated chiefly for the
int rests of commerce, and having no grave
political importance, have been negociated,
and will besubmDtad to the Senate fur their
consideration.
Although we have failed to induce some
of thp commercial powers to adopt a melior
ation of the rigor of maratime war, we have
removed all obstructions from the wsy of
this humane reform, except such as are
merely of temporarp and accidental occur
rence.
I invite you* attention to the correspond
ence oetween Her Brittanic Majesty's Micie
ter, accredited to this Government and the
Secretary of Stme, re'anve to the detection
of the British ship Perthshire, in June last,
by 'he United States steam-r Massachusetts,
for a supposed breach of the blocade. As
this detention was occasioned by an obvious
misapprehension of the facts, and as justice
requires that we thnuld commit no belliger
ent act not founded in strict right as sanc
tioned by public law, I reccunmend that an
appropriation he made to satisfy the reason
able d-mand of the ownera of the Teasel for
her detention.
I repeat tha reccommendation of my pre
decesnor, in hia annual message to Congress
in D-cemhei last in regard to the disposi
tion of ths surplus whieh will probably re
main after satisfying the claims of American
citizens against China, pursuant to the
awards nf the Commissioners under the not
of th- 3rd of March, 1859.
If. however, it should Dot be deemed ad
vieal.le to carry that reecommendation into
eff ot, I would Hngeeet that authority lie giv
en for investigating the principal of the pro
ceede of the surplus referred to in good se
curitiee, with a view to the satisfaction of
such other claims of our oitigens against
China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter
in the course of our extensive trade with
that empire.
By the act of the d'h of August last, Con
gress authorised the President to instruct the
Commanders of the suitable vessels to defend
themselves against and capture pirates. This
authority has been exercised in a single in
stance only, for the more effectual protec
tion of our extensive and valuable commerce
in the Eastern seas, especially,it seems to me
that it would be advisable to authorise the
commanders of sailing vessels to recapture
any prises which pirates may make of Uni
ted States vessels and their cargoes, and the
Consular Courts now established by law in
Eastern countries to adjudicate the cases, in
the event that this sho -Id not be objected to
bv the local authorities. If any good reason
exists why we should persevere longer in
withholding our recognition of the indepen
neoce and sovereignty of Ilayti, I am UDa
ble to discover it.
Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel
policy in regard to them without the appro
bation of Congress, I submit for your con
sideration the expediency of an appropria
tion for maintaining a charge d'affairs near
each of those new Sta r es ;it does not admit
of a doubt ihst.importantcommercial advan
tages might be secured by favorable treaties
with tbem.
The operation of the Treasury during the
period which has e'apsed since your adjourn
ment, havj been conducted with signal sue
cess. The patriotism of the people has plao
ed at the disposal tf the Government, the
large means demanded by the public exigen
cies. Much of the National Loan has been
taken by citizens of the industrial classes,
whose confidence in their country's faith,and
seal for their country's deliverance frcm the
present peril, have induced them to contrib
ute to the support ot the Government the
whole of their limited acquisitions. This
fnct imposes peculiar obligations upon us to
economy in disbursement and energy in ao
tion.
The revenues from all sources, ircluding
loans for the financial year, ending on the
30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900 27, and
the expenditures for the same period, inclu
ding payments on account of the public debt,
were $84,578,834 47, leaving a balance in the
Treasury, on the let of July, of $2,257,065 *
80. For the first quarter of the financial
year, ending on the 30th of September, 1861,
the receipts from all souroes including the
balance of the Ist of Jnly, were $102,532,-
509 27, and the expense# S9B 239,733 09 ;
leaving a balance on th# Ist of Ootober, 1861,
of $4,292,776 18.
Estimates for the remaining three quar
ters of the year, and for the financial year of
1861, together with his views of ways and
means for meeting the demands contempla
ted by them, w 11 be submitted to Congress
by tbe Secretary of the Treasury.
It is gratifying to know that the expendi
tures made necessary by tbe rebellion
are not beyond tbe resouroes of tbe loyal
people, and to believe that tb same patriot
ism which has thus far sustained the Gov
ernment will continue to sustain it till peaee
and union shall again bless the land.
I respectfully refer to the report of the
Secretary of War for information respecting
the numerical strength of the army, aDd for
recommendations having in view an increase
of its efficacy and the well-being of the vari
ous branches of the service entrusted to his
care. It ie gratifying to know that the pa
" WE STAND UPON THE IMMUTABLE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE—NO EARTHLY POWER SHALL DRIYE US FROM OUR POSITION."
Bellefonte, Centre County, Penna., Thursday Morning, Dec. 12, 1861.
triotism of the people has proved equal to the
occasion, and that the number of troops ten
dered greateatly exceeds the force which Con
gress authorized me to call into the field.
I refer with pleasure to those portions of
his report which make allusion to the eredi
table degree of discipline already by
our troops and to the excellent samtary
condition of the entire army.
The reeommeodation of the Secretary for
an organization of the malitia upon a uni
form basis is a subject of vital importance to
the future safety of the country, and is com
mended to the Berious attention of Congress.
The large addition to the regular army in
connection with the defection that has so
considerably diminished the number of its
officers, gives peculiar importance to his rec
ommendation for increasing the ccrps of Ca
dets to the greatest capacity in the Military
Academy.
By mere omission, I presume, Congress
has failed to provide Chaplains for hospitals
occupied by volunteers. This subject was
brought to my nctice, and I was induced to
draw up the form of a letter, one copy of
which, properly addressed, has been deliver
ed to each of the persons, and at the dates
respectively named, and stated in a schedule
containing also the form of the letter (letter
marked A), and herewith transmitted.
The genlemen I understood entered upon
the duties designated 'it the times respec
tively stated in the sohed le, and have labor
ed faithfully there ev-. since. I therefore
recommend that they be compensated at the
same rates as Chaplain* in the Army, fur
ther suggesting that genera! provisions be
made for Chaplainst to serve at Hospitals as
well a9 with regiments.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy
presents in detail the operations of that
branob tf the servioe, tha activity and ener
gy which have characterized its administra
tion and the results of the measures to in
crease its efficiency and power.
Such have been the additions by construc
tion and purehasc, that it may almost be said
a Navy has been created and brought into
service sinoe nur difficulties commenced. Be
sides blockading our extensive coast, squad
rons larger than ever before assembled under
our flag, have been put afloat and performed
deeds which have increased our Naval re
nown.
I would invite special attention to the rec
ommendation of the Secretary for a more per
fect organization ot the Navy, by introducing
additional grades in the service. The pres
ent organization is defective and unsatisfac
tory, and the suggestions submitted by the
Department will, it is believed, if adopted,
obviate the d ffienhies alluded to. promote
harmony, and increase the efficiency of the
Navy.
There are three vacancies on the bench of
the Supreme Court; two by the decease of
Justices Daniels and McLean, and one by
the resignation of Justice Campbell. I have
so far forborne making nominations to fill
these vancancies ftr reason which I will now
state: Tw■> of the out-going Judges resided
in the States now overrun bv revolt,so that if
their successors were appointed in the same
localities, they could not now servo upon
their circuit, and many of the most compe
tent men there probably would not take the
personal hazard nf accepting to serve, even
here, upon the Supreme bench. I have been
unwilling to throw all the appointments
Northward, thus disabling myself from do
ing justice to the South, on return of peace,
although I may remark that to transfer to
the North one which bas hitherto been in the
South, would not, with reference to territory
and population, be unjust.
During the long and brilliant judicial ca
reer of Judge M'Lean, his circuit grew into
sn pmpire altogether too large for aDy one
Judge to give the eourts therein more than a
nominal attendance, rising in population from
1,470,018 in 1830, to 6.151,405 in 1860. Be
sides this, the country generally has out
grown our present judicial system. If uni
formity was at all intended, the system re
quires that all the States shall le accommo
dated with Circuit courts attended by Su
preme Judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, lowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas,
California and Oregon have never had any
such Courts.
Nor can this well ba remedied, without
a change of system, because the adding of
Judges to the Supreme Court, enough for
the accommodation of all parts of the coun
try with Circuit Courts, which create a court
altog A, her to numerous fc,r ajudicial body of
any sort. And the evil if it be one, will in
crease as new States come into the Union.—
Circuit Courts are upful, or tbey are not
useful. If useful, no State should be denied
them. If not useful, no State should have
them. Let tl em be provided for all, or abol
ished to all.
Three modiucatihrs occur tome, tither of
which I think would be an improvement up
on our present system. Let the Supreme
Court be of convenient number in every event
Then first, let the whole country be divided
into circuits of convenient sise, the Supreme
Judges to serve in a number of them corre
sponding to their own number, and the inde
pendent Circuit Judges be provided for all
for all the rest; or, secondly, let the Supreme
Judges be relieved from Curcuit duties, and
Circuit Judges provided for all the Circuits;
or, thirdly, dispense with the Circuit Courts
altogether leaving the Judicial functions
wholly to the District Court and an indepen
dent Supreme Court.
I respectfully reccommend to the consider
ation of Coogress the present condition of the
Statute Laws, with the hope that Congress
will be able to fit.d an easy remedy for many
of the conveniences and evils which constant
ly em harass those engaged in the • practical
administration of them. Since the organiza
tion of Government, Congress has enact; d
some five thousand acts and joint resolutions
which fill more than six thousand 010-ely
printed pages, and are scattered through
many volumes.
Many of these acts have been drawn in
baste aud without sufficient caution, BO that
their provisions are often obscure in them
selves, or in conflict with each other; or at
least, so doubtful as to render it very difficult
or even the best informed person to ascer
tain precisely what the statute law really is.
It seems to me very important that the stat
ute laws should be made as plain and intelli
gible as possible, and be reduced to as small
a compass as may conform with the fullness
and r.recision of the Legislature and the per
speuuitv of its language. This, well done,
would, I tbink, greatly facilitate the labors
of those whose duty it is to assise in the ad
ministration of the lairs, and would be a last-
irg benefit to the people by placing before
them, in a more acceptable and intelligible
form, the laws which so deeply concern their
interests and their duty. lam inform-d by
some whose opinion I respect, that all the
acts of Congress now in force, and of a per
manent and general nature, might he revised
and rewritten, so as to be embraced in one
volume, or, at most, in tw > volumes, of ordi
nary and commercial size, and I respectfully
recommend to Congress to consider on the
subject, and if my suggestion be approved, to
devise such plan as to their wisdom shall
Beem most proper for the attainment of the
end proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequences of tho
insurrection is the entire suspension, in
many places, of all the ordinary means cf
administering civil jnstice by the officers and
the forms of existing law. This is the case
in whole, or in part, in the insurgent States,
and as our armies advance and take possess
ion of parts of those States, it becomes more
apparent.
There are no courts or officers to which the
citizens of other S'ates may apply for the en
forcement of their lawful claims against the
citizens of the insurgent States, and their
vast amount of debt, constituting uch claims
some have estimated at two hundred millions
of dollars due, the large part from insurgents
in open rebellion, to 1 jyal citizens who are
even now making great sacrifices in the dis
charge of their patriotic duty to Bupport the
Government.
Under these circumstances I have been.ur
gently solicited t establish by military now
er Courts to administer summary justice in
such cases. I have thus far declined to do it
not because I had any doubt that the end
proposed, collection of the debts, was just
and right in itself, but because I have been
unwilling to go beyond the pressure of ne
cessity, in the unusual exercise of power.
But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are
equal to the anomalous occasion, and I there
fore refer the whole matter to Congress with
the hope that a plan may be devised for the
administration of jus'ice in all such parts of
the insurgent States and territories as may
be under the control of this Government,
wither by a voluntary return to allegiance
and order, or by the power ef cur arms.—
This, however, not to be a permanent insti
tution, hut. a temporary substitute, and to
as soon as the ordinary courts con be re-es
tablished in pace. It is important that
some more convenient should be pro
vided, if possible, for the adjustment of
claims against the Government, especially in
view of their increased number by reason of
the war
It is as much the duty of Government to
render prompt justice agaiust itself in favor
of citizens, as it is to administer the same
between private individuals—the investiga
tion and adjudication ot claims in their hands
belong to the judicial department. Besides,
it is apparent that the attention of Congress
will be more than usually engaged for some
time to c<>me with great national questions.
It was intended by the organiia'ioo of the
Court of Claims, mainly to remove this
branch of the business from the Hall# of
Congress But while the Court has proved
to be an effective and valuable means of in
vestigation. it fails in a great degree to eff-ct
the object, of its creation for want of power to
make its judgments final. Fully aware of
the delicacy, not to gay the danger, of this
suhjeet, I commend to your careful consider
ation whether this power of making judg
ments final may not properly be given to the
Court, reserving tbe right of appeal on ques
tions of law to tbe Supreme Court—wiih
such other provisions as experience may
have shown to be necessary.
I ask attention to the report of the Post
master General, the following being a sum
mary statement of that Department ; —The
revenue from all snnrces during the fiscal
year euding June 30, 1861, including the an
ual permanent appropriation of seyen hun
dred thousand dollars for the transportation
of free mail matter, nine millions, forty-nine
thousand two hundred and ninety-ix and
forty cents, being about twe per cent, less
than the revenue.
For 1860. the expenditures were $43,606.
750 11, showing a deereaae of more than
eight per eeni., as compared with those of
the present year, and leaving an excess of
expenditures over the revenue for the last fis
cal year, of $4,557 462 71. The gmss rev
enue for the year ending June 30th. 1863, is
estimated at an inceaee of four per eeni, up
on that, of 1861, making $8 683,000, to
which should be added the earnings of the
Department in carrving free matter, viz :
$700,000, making $9,383,000. The total ex
penditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,520.
000, leaving an estimated deficiency of three
millions one hundred and forty five thous
and dollars to be supplied from the Treasu
ry, in addition to the permanent appropria
tions.
The present insurrection shows, I think,
that the extention <)f this district across the
Potomac river set the time of establishing the
Capital here was eminently wise, and conse
quently that the relinquishment o! that por
tion of which lies within the State of Vir
ginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit
for your consideration the expediency of re
gaining that part of the district, and the
restoration of the original boundaries there
of, through negotiations with the State of
Virginia.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior,
with the accompanying documents, exhibits
the condition of the several branches of the
public service (P 2 and 3) pertaining to that
Department. The depressing influences of
the insurrection have been especially felt in
the operations of the Patent and General
Land Offices.
The cash receipts from the sales of public
lands during the past year have exceeded the
expenses of our land system only about two
hundred thousand dollars. The sales have
been entirely suspended in ' the Southern
States, while the interruption to the business
of the country and the diversion of large
numbers of men from labor to military ser
vice, have obstructed settlements of the new
States and Territories of the Northwest.
The receipts of the Patent Office have de
clined in nine months about SIOO,OOO, ren
dering a large deduction of the force em
ployed necessary to make it self sustaining.
The demands upon the Pension Office will
be largely increased by the insurrection.
Numerous applications for pensions, based
upon the casualties of the existing war,
have already been made. There is reason to
believe that many who are now upon the
pension rolls, and in receipt of the bounty of
the Gorernment, are in the ranks of the in-
surgent army, giving them aid and comfort.
The Secretary of the Interior has directed a
suspension of"the payment of the pensions of
such persons upon proof of their disloyalty.
I recommend that Congress authorize that
officer to cause the names of such persons to
be stricken from-the pension roll.
The relations of the Government with the
Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by
the insurrection, especially in the Southern
Superintendy, and in that of New Mexico.
The Indian country south of Kansas, is in
the possession of insurgents from Texas and
Arkansas
The agents of the United States Govern
ment appointed since the 4th of March for
this supenntendency, have been unable to
reach their posts, while the most of those
who were in the office before that time, have
espoused the insurrectionary csuse, and as
sume to exercise the powers of agents by
virtue of commissions from the insurrection
ists.
It has been stated in the public press that
a por ion of these Indians have been organ
ized as a military force, and are attached to
army of the insurgents. Although the Gov
ernment has no official information upon
this subject, letters have been written to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several
prominent Chiefs, giving assurance of their
loyalty to the United Sta es snd expressing
a wish for the presence of their troops to
protect them. It is believed that upon the
rep •ssession of the country, by the Federal
forces, the Indi ns will readily cease all hos
tile demonstrations and resume their former
relations to the Government.
Agriculture, confessedly the largest inter
est of the nation, has not a Department or a
bureau hut a clerkship only assigned to it
in the Government. While it is fortunate
that this great interest is so independent in
its nature as to not have demanded and ex
torted more from the Government, 1 respect
fully ask Congress to consider whether
something more cannot be given voluntarily
with general advantage.
Annual reports exhibiting the condition of
our agriculture, commerce and manufacture,
would present a fund of information of great
practical value to the country. While I
make no suggestion as to the details, I ven
ture the opinion that an Agricultural and
Statistical Bureau might piohtably be or"
ganized.
The execution of the laws for the Sup
pression of the African Slave Trade, has been
confided to the Department of the Interior.—
It is a subject of gratulation that the efforts
which have been made for the suppression of
this inhuman traffic, have been recently at
tended with unusual success. Five vessels
being fitted out for the slave trade have been
seized and condemned. Two mates of ves
sels engaged in the trade, and one person
cntj.'sed .11 a. slaver. have been
convicted and subjected to the penalty of
tine and imprisonment; and one captain tak
en with a cargo of Africans on board his
vessel, has been convicted of the highest
grade of offence under our laws, the punish
ment of which is death.
The Territories of Colorado, Dacota and
Nevada created by the last Congress, have
been organized, and civil administration has
been inaugurated therein under auspices
especially gratifying, when it is considered
that that the leaven of treason was found
existing in some of these new countries
when the Federal officers arrived there. The
abundant native lesources of these territo
ries, with the security and protection offered
by an organized Government, will doubtless
invite to them a large immigration, when
peace shall restore the business of the coun
try to its accustomed channels.
I submit the resolutions of the Legisla
ture of Colorado, which evidence the patriot
ic spirit of the people of the Territory.
So far the authority of the United States
has been upheld m all the Territories, as it
is hoped it will be in the future. 1 com
mend their interests and defence to the en
lightened and generous care of Congress.
I recommend to the favorable considera
tion of Congress the interes s of the District
of Columbia, 'l he insurrection has been the
cause of much suffering and sacrifices to its
inhabitants, and as they have no representa
tive in Congress that body should not over
look their just claims upon the Governmerc.
At your late session a joint resolution w as
adopted authorizing the President to take
measures for facilitating a proper represen
tation-of the industrial interests of the Unit
ed States, at the Exhibition of the Industry
of all Nations, to be holden at London in the
year 1862.
I regret to say, I have been unable to give
personal attention to this subject—a subject
at once so interesting in itself, and so exten
sively and intimately connected with the
material prosperity of the world. Through
the Secretaiies of State and of the Interior,
a plan or system has been devised and part
ly matured, and which will be laid before
you.
Under and by virtue of an Act of Con
gress, entitled "An Act to Confiscate Prop
erty used for Insurrectionary Purposes,"
approved August 6th, 1861, the legal claims
of certain persons to the labor and service of
certain other persons have become forfeited,
and numbers of the latter thus liberated are
already dependent on the United States, and
must be provided for in some way. Besides
this, it is not impossible that some of the
States will pass similar enactments for their
own benefit respectively, and by operation of
which persons of the same class will be
thrown upon them for disposal.
In such case T recommend that Congress
provide for accepting such persons from
such States according to some mode of val
ation in lien pro tanto of direct taxes, or
upon some other plan to be agreed upon
with such States respectively, that such
persons on such acceptances by the General
Government be at once deemed free, and
that in any event steps he taken for coloniz
ing both classes (or the one first mentioned
if the other shall not be brought into exist
ence) at some place or places in a climate
congenial to them. It might be well to con
sider too, whether the free colored people
already in the United States, could not so
far as individuals may desire, be included in
such colonization.
To carry out the plan of colonization may
involve the acquiring of territory and also
the appropriation of money beyond that to
be expended in the territorial acquisition.—
Having practised the acquisition of territory
for nearly sixty years, the question of the
Constitutional power to do so is no longer an
open one with us. The power was ques
tinned at first by Mr. Jefterson, who, bovf-
ever, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded
his scruples on Ihe plea of great expedien
cy.
If it be said that the only legitimate ob
ject of acquiring territory is to furnish
homes for emigration of colored men leaves
additional room for white men remaining or
coining here. Mr. Jefferson, however placed
the importance of procuring Louisiana more
on political and commercial grounds, than
on providing room for population.
On this whole proposition, including '.he
appropriation of moneys with the acquisition
of territoiy, does not the expediency amount
to absolute necessity, without which the
Government itself cannot be perpetuated if
the war continues.
In considering the policy to be adopted for
suppressing the insurrection, I have been
anxious and careful that the inevitable con
flict for this purpose shall sol degenerate
into a violent and remorseless revolutionary
struggle. I have therefore, in every case,
thought it proper to keep the integrity of
the Union prominent, as the primary object
of the contest on our part, leaving all ques
tions which are not of vital military import
ance, to the more deliberate action of the
legislature.
In the exercise of my best discretion I
have adhered to the blockade of the ports
held by the insurgents, instead of putting in
force by proclamation the law of Congress
enacted at the late session for closiDg these
ports. So also, obeying the dictates of pru
dence as well as the obligations of the law,
instead of transcending 1 have adhered lo
the act of Congress to confiscate property
used for insurrectionary pui poses. If a new
law upon the same subject shall be propos
ed, its propriety will be duly considered.
The Union must be preserved, and hence
all indispensable means must be employed.
We shall not be in haste to determine that
radical and extremes, which may reach the
loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensa
ble.
The Inaugural address at the beginning
of the Administration, and the message to
Congress at the late special session, were
both mainly devoted to the domestic con
troversy out of which the insurrection and
consequent war have sprung.
Nothing more occurs to add or subtract to
or from the principles or general purposes
stated and expressed in that document. —
The last ray of hope for preserving the Un
ion peaceably, expired at the assault upon
Fort Sumpter. and a general review f what
has occurred since may not he unprofitable.
W hat was painfully uncertain then, is
much better defined and more distinct now,
and the progress of events is plainly in the
right direction. The insurgents confidently
c'aimed a strong supportt from North of Ma
son & Dixon's line, and the friends ol the
Union were not free from apprehension on
that point, this nowpver was soon settled
definitely and on the right side.
South of the line, noble little Delaware
led off right from the first. Maryland was
made to seem against the Union. Our sol
diers were assaulted, bridges were burned,
and railroads torn up within her ltmits, and
we were many days, at one time, without
the ability to bring a single regimeut over
her soil to he Capital.
Now her bridges and railroad are repaired
and open to the Goverment. She already
gives seven regiments to the cause oi the
Union, and none to the enemy, and her
people at a regular election have sustained
the Union by a large majority, and a larger
aggregate vote than they ever before gave
to any candidate on any question,
Kentucky too, for some time in doubt,
is now decidely, and, I think, unchangeably,
ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri
is comparatively quiet, and 1 believe cannot
again be overrun by the insurrectionists.
These three States of Maryland, Kentucky
and Missouri, neither of which would promise
a single soldier at first, have now an aggre
gate of not less than forty thousand in the
field, for the Union while of their citizens,
certainly, not more than a third of that
number, and they of doubtful whereabouts
and doubtful existence, aie in arms against
it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of
months, winter closes on the Union people
of Western Virginia, leaving them masters
of their own country.
An insurgent force ot about fifteen hun
dred for months dominating the narrow pe
ninsuiar region of the counties of Accomao
and Northampton, and known as the East
ern Shore of Virginia, together with some
contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid
down their arms, and the people there have
renewed their allegiance to and accepted the
protection of the old flag. This leaves no
armed in urrection north of the Potomac or
east of the Chesapeake.
Also, we have obtained a footing at each
of the isolated points on the southern coast
of Hatteras, Port Royal Tybee island, near
Savann h, and Ship Island ; and we like
wise have some general accounts of popular
movements in behalf of the Union, in North
Carolina and Tennessee. These things dem
onstrate that the cause of the Union is ado
vancing steadily southward.
Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant"
General Scott has retired from the head of
the army. During his long life the nation
has net been unmindful of his merit. Yet
on calling to mind how faithfully, ably and
I brilliantly he has served the country from a
time far back in our history, when few of
the now living had been horn, and thence
forward continually, 1 cannot but think we
are still his debtors. 1 submit, therefor, for
your consideration, whet further mark of
recognition is due to him and to ourselves
as a grateful people.
With the retirement of General Scott,
came the executive duty of appointing in his
stead a General-in-Chief of the army. It is
a fortunate circumstance that neither in
council or country so far as I know, any
differences of opinion as to the proper person
to be selected. The retiring Chief repeat
edly expressed his judgment in favor of
General McClellan for the position, and in
this the nation decreed to give a unanimous
concurrence.
The designation of Gen. McOlellan is there
fore, in a considerable degree, the selection
of the country as well as of the Executive
and hence there is better reason to hope
that there will be given him the confidence
and cordial support thus, by fair implication
promised and without which he cannot with
so full efficiency serve the country. It has
been said that one bad general is better
than two good ones, and the saying is true,
if taken to mean no more han that our
army is better directed by a single mmd,
though inferior, than bv" two superior ones
at variance and cross purposes with each
other. And the same is true in all joint ob
! servations wherein those engaged can havo
none but a common end in view and can
differ only as to the choice of means,
j In a storm at sea, no one can wish* tho
; ship to sink, and yet not unfrequently, all
Igo down together, because too many will
direct, and no single mind can be allowed to>
j control.
It continues to develop that the insurreo
j lion, is largely, if not not exclusively, a war
j upon the first principles of popular govern
; ment- the rights of the people. Conclusive
evidence of this is found in the most grave
i and maturely cons dered public .documents,
as well as in the general tone of the insurg
i ents
j In these documents we find the abridge
ment of the existing right of suffrage, and
the denial to the people of all right to par
ticipate in the selection of public officers, ex-
I cept he Legislature, boldly advocated, with
labored arguments, to prove that large con
trol of the people in Government is the
source of all political evil. Monarchy itself
is sometimes hinted at as a possible retuge
from the power of .he people.
In my present position I could scarcely
he justified were I to omit raising a waming
voice against this approach of returning des
: potism.
It is not needed or fitting here that a gen
eral argument should be made in favor of
popular institutions. But there is one point
with it a connection, not so hackneyed as
most others, to which I ask a brief atten
' tion.
It is the effort to place capital on an equal
footing with if not above labor, in the s ruc
' tore of the Government. It is assumed that
labor is available only in connection with
i capital that nobody labors unless somebody
else owning capital, somehow by the use of
it, induces him to labor. This assumed, it
is next considered whether it is best that
capital shall hire laborers, and thus iuiiuce
them to work by their own consent, or buy
them and drive them to it without their con
i sent.
Having proceeded so far, it is naturally
concluded that all laborers are either hired
laborers or what we call slaves. And furth
er, it is assumed, that whoever is % ouce a
i hired laborer, is fixed in that condition fir
| life. Now there is no such relation between
I capital and labor, as assumed, nor is there
any such thing as a free man beiug fixed for
life in the condition of a hired laborer.—
Both these assumptions are false, and all in
ferences from thein are groundless. Labor
is prior to and independent of capital. Cap
ital is only the fruit of labor and could nev
er have existed if labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital and de
serves much higher consideration. Capital
has its rights, which are as worthy of pro
lection as any uilivi I Vnrin It
that there is and probably always will be
a relation between labor and capital, produc
ing mutual benefits. The error is in assum
ing that the whole labor of the community
exists within that relation.
A few men own capital, and that few
avoid labor, or buy another few to labor for
them. A large majority belong to neither
class, neither work for others nor have oth
ers working for them.
In most of the Southern states a majori *
ty of the whole people, of all colors, are
neither slaves nor masters, while in the
Northern, a large majority are neither hirers
nor hired. Men with their families, wives,
sons and daughters, work for themselves on
their fatms, tn their houses, and in their
shops, taking the whole product to them-,
seizes, and asking no favors of capital on the
one baud nor of hired laborers or slaves on
the other.
It is not forgotten that a considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor
with tnei r capital—that is they labor with
their own bands and also buy or hire others
to labor for them ; but this only a mixed
and not a distinct class No principle stated
is disturbed by the existence of this mixed
class.
Again as has already been said, there is
not of necessity any such thing as the free
hired laborer being fixad to that condition
for life. Many independent men everywhere
in these States, a few years back in their
lives, were hired laborers.
The prudent, penniless beginner in the
world, labors for wages a while, he baves a
surplus with which to buy tools or land for
hitusi If, then labors on his own account
another while and at length hires another
new beginner to help him.
This is just, and generous and prosperous
system which opens the way to all, gives
hope to all, and consequently energy and pro
gress and impiovement of condition to all.
No men living are more worthy to be
trusted than those who toil up from poverty.
None less inclined to take or touch aught
which they have not honestly earned. Let
them beware of surrendering a political pow
er which they already possess, and which,
if surrendered, will surely be used to close
the door of advancement against such as
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens
upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost.
From rhe first taking of our national cen
us to the last one, seventy years, and wo
find our population at the end of the period
eight times as great as it *"as at the begin
ning. The increase of those other things
which men deem desirable has been great
er.
We thus have at one view what tho pop
ular priciple applied to G verment through
the machinery of States and the Union has
produced in a given time, and also what, if
firmly maintained, it promises lor the lu
tu re.
There are already among us those who,
if the Union be preserved, will live to see it
contain two hundred and fifty millions. Tho
struggle of to day is not altogether for to
day; it is for a vast future also. With a
reh mce on Providence, all the more firm
and earnest, let us proceed in the groat task
which events have devolved upon us.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861.
John Jacob Astor, the wt l- known
mil ionare of New York, has joined ihe staff
' ol Genral McCleilan, with the rar k of Lieu*
tenant Colonel. Mr. Astor is the repr-sen
| t.itive of thirty milions of propert* ai d has
an income of two mi.lions per annum He
la. heoii liberal of bis time, knowledge and
m mey, in behalf of the Federal tauss-
Number 43.