Volume 27,
rpHE WORLD/-
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Address, "THE WORLD,"
35 PARK ROW,
June 13, IS6I ] New York
Sometliing KTew!
TO THE CITIZENS OF BELLEFONTE, AND
of Centre and Clinton counties
As " hard times" and great " scarcity of mon
ey" have led maDy country merchants to curtail
their business very much, or even to su.-pend
making any fresh purchases at all, so that those
who wish " things to eat and'wear" to take old
goods at old prices, <sr do without them at all, we
deem it of great interest
TO EVERY PERSON, RICH OR POOR,
to know that tee have made large purchases,'avail
ing ourselves of the immense and unprecented ad
vantages in this time of general
Panic and Wreck of Prices,
in the markets, where with the cash we have oh
tained many goods at
ONE HALF THEIR VALUE:
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per cent., we would most cordially invite all
FROM'EVERY SECTION,
to call at the
"K.EYSTO3STE,"
which is now crowded with new and desirable
foods consisting of Dress Goods, sueb as Mohairs,
oplins, Silks, Ura.y Goods, Lawns," Ac.
5.000 Yards Beautiful Prints,
i 2500 Yds. Brown and Bleached Muslins,
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UNHEARD-OF PRICES,
VWe desire to call particular attention to our
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Sugar, Coffees, Spices, Ac. Ac, We
have a rare quality of Brown
SUGAR AT SEVEN CENTS,
OUR STOCK
OF CARPETS
is excellent, and the prices are very low, as
will satisfactorily appear on examination.
As our business is
EXCLUSIVELY FOR CASH OR FARMERS
PRODUCE,
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ness at a small profit, and we ask all to avail
themselves of the great inducements we offer.
Respectfully, MERCEREAU A CO.
THE KEYSTONE STORE
between the Fallon House and White's Hotel,
Water Street, Lock Haven, Penn'a.
-June 27, 1861, st.
18.. C. HUMES, JAS, T. HALE
JLJFI. M'ALLISTER, A. <J. CCRTIN
BANKING HOUSE.
Interest paid on Special Deposit.
'HUMES, M'ALLISTER HALE & CO.,
BELLEFONTE, PA.
DEPOSITS received, Bills of exchange and
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, For six months and upwards, at the rate of five
percent, per annum. Exchange on the East con
stantly en hand. January, 3rd. 1861.
amLaJSUfc J. J. LINGLE. Operative
MfIHK and Mechanical Dentist; will prao
tice all the various branohes of his
profession in the most approved manner. Office
and residence pn Spring St.Bellefonte' Pa.
[Mar. S. '6O. tf.
W W. WHITE, DENTIST, has per
• manently located in Boalsburg, Centre
, County Pa. Office on main St., next door to the
Store of Johnston A Keller, where he purposes
practising his profession in the most soientifio
planner and at moderate charges.
Jfffltulg to politics, totpcntittt, Ifittralnrt, Sritittc, fflccjjatttcs, gp|t jfflaritrfs, <Kbntatioit, 6traal jjntdligcitct, fe,
ffijje Centre §tmocrat.
IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BY
J. J, BRISBIN.
Office in Reynolds' Iron Front, Second Floor.
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From the Now York In dependent.
Compromise.
Compromise ? who dares to speak it
On the Nation's hallowed day.
When the air With thunder echoes,
Ami the rocket-lightnings play ?
Compromise ? while on the dial
Liberty goes ages back
Scourged and bound, for our denial,
Firmer to the despot's rack ?
Compromise ? while angels tremble
As we falter in the race ?
Cringe, and flatter, and dissemble—
We ! who inild such royal place ?
Compromise ? It suits the craven !
Has our valor stooped so iow '!
Have we lost our ancient ardor
Face to face to meet the foe ?
Compromise is treason's ally.
Traitor's refuge, c •ward's raid ;
All the wrongs that Justice suffers
Flourish in its.deadly shade.
Compromise is base unduing
Of the deeds our Fathers wrought—
They for Right and Freedom suing—
We disclaiming what they bought.
•
No ! by all the Mayflower's peril
Ou the wild and wintery sea:
By the Pilgrim's prayer ascending
As he knelt with reverent knee ;
By the fairest day of summer
When the tried, the true, the brave,
Nance and life and sacred honor
To the Roll ot Freedom gave ;
By the tears, the inarch, the battle,
Where the noble, fearliss died—
Wild around the canuon's rattle.
Waiting angles at their side
By our children's golden future,
By our fatners' stainless shield.
That which God and heroes left us
We will never, never yield
Hear it! ye who sit in council,
Wo, the People, tell you so !
Will you venture " Yes" to whisper
When the millions thunder " No"?
Will you sell the nation's birthright.
Heritage of toil and pain,
While a cry of shame and vengeance
Rings from Oregon to Maine?
Compromise—then Scperation—
Such the order of the two ;
Who admits the first temptation,
Has the second's work to dc.
Compromise—the sultry silence
Seperation—the whirlwind power !
For a momon 's baleful quiet.
Will you risk that rending hour ?
Who would sail the Mississippi ?
Who the mountain rages hold?
Win Ohio's fertile borders ?
Sacramento's sands of gold ?
Whose would be our b;.Boer's glory?
Who the eagle's flight would claim?
Whose our old, illustrious s ory.
Patriot graves, and fields ot fame?
Compromise—we scorn the offer !
Separation —we defy ;
" Firm, and free, and one forever !"
Thus the People m ike reply.
" Dealh to every form of treason,
In tbc Senate, on the field "
While the chorus swells and echoes,
'■ WE WILL NI.VER. NEVER YIELD "
A Voice from the Administration,
FL'EECH OF HON CALEB B. SMITH.
At the mass meeting held in Providence.
It. 1., on Friday evening, the Hon. Caleb B.
Smith, Secretary of the Interior, addressed
several thousand people. The substance of
his speech was as follows ;
"It is idle, my friends, to indu'ge in the
hope that, if we cannot sustain this Union
we must sustain republican ins'ttutions. —
Fur, let me assure ynt : ■ tgbt. that if we
cannot preserve our pre ... . government in
its present form, we cannot sustain a free
government in any form. There is great
truth —there is great force in the sentiment
so eloquently pronounced by the immortal
6tatesmau of Massachusetts, " Liberty and
Union, now and forevet, one and insepara
ble." Why is it, my friends that this dis
cord prevails among us? Why is it that a
portion of our own citizens are ton thun
dering at the very door of the Capitol with
hostile artillery ? I know there is one ele
ment of discord in our system ; and I iutend
to speak plainly in all that I have to say.—
It is the question of domestic servitude that
has rent assunder the temple of liberty.—
What is there in this question of slavery that
should divide this people ? Why, my friends,
when this government was formed, when
we marched from the battle-fields of tho Rev
olution, every State of the Union_with a sin
gle exception acknowledged the institution
of slavery. It has been abolished in New
England, in New York and Pennsylvania ;
and our States of the West have grown to
their present stature of population and mag
nificence as free Spates. But for the last ten
years aD angry controversy has existed upon
this question of slavery. The minds of the
people of the South have been deceived
by the artful representions of dema
gogues, who have assured them that the
people of the North were determined to bring
the power of this government to bea" upon
them for the purpose of crushing out this in
stitution of slavery. I ask you, is tfcer i any
truth in this charge? Has the govei ment
of the United States, in any single inst mce,
by any one solitaly act, interfered with tne in
stitutions of the South ? No not one.
The theory of this government is that the
States are sovereign within their proper
> w. " ;•' " i,.i
"WE STAND UPON THE IMMUTABLE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE—NO EARTHLY TOWER SHALL DRIVE US FROM OUR POSITION."
Bellefonte, Centre County, * Penna., Thursday Morning, Aug. 29 1861.
sphere. The government of the United States
has no more right to interfere with the institu
tion of slavery in South Carolina than it has
to interfere with the peculiar institution of
Rhode Island, whose benefits I have enjoyed to
day But, my friends, during the last sum
•mer, when the great political contest was
raging throughout the land—then it was that
designing and dishonest men, for the purpose
of accomplishing their own se'fish schemes,
appealed to the prejudices of the Southern
people, denouncing those who supported Mr.
Lincoln as abolitionists—as men who would
disregard the constitutional rights of t h e
South, and transcend the powers of the gov
ernment. Excited by these iniquitius ap
peals, they were ready to take arms to pre
vent the inauguration of that President whom
a majority of the people had declared to be
the man of their choice.
My friends, I have known the President
long .and well. It has been my fortune to bv
selected as one of his constitutional auvisers.
I have bad the honor of being connected with
this administration since its commencement,
and I tell you to-night that you cannot find
iu S. Carolina a man more anxious religiously
and scrupulously to observe all the features
of the Constitution relating to slavery, than
Abraham Lincoln. Had the people of the
South ben willing to wait and see whether
he would regard ihat oath which in the pres
ence of the assembled nation he bad taken,
they would have found that no administra
tiun ever organized in this country would
have more conscientiously regarded and pro
tected the rights of the South, than this ad
ministration would have done. I know that
I speak the sentiments of the President and
his advisers—of those who havo controlled
his administration.
But these peon'e, however, were not will
ing to wait until this lest could be applied,
and no sooner was this President inaugura
ted than the tocsin of war was sounded thro'
every Southern State, and the armed strength
ol the people was summoned to drag down
the administra'ion—to undermiue the foun
datior ol the government, and to crush in
ruin ibis fair tabric ol republican institu
tion-. What, 1 ask you. could the adminis
tration have done? One niter another of
the forts of the United S'ates had been taken ;
one after another had the possessions of the
government been seized ; State after State
had renounced its allegiance to the federal
Union ; in S ! ate after State the glorious flag
of the nation had been trampled iu the dust,
and to its place had been lifted the emblem
of the pirate and the traitor. What was the
duty of the administration in this emergen
cy ? Should we stand by and see one at'ter
another the pillars of our great fabric disrup
ted and broken, or should wo appeal to the
patriotism of the American people to sustain
the institutions of their fathers? If .Mr.
Lincoln had not pursued the course which he
has, would he not have been unworthy of the
confideocb that has been so generous'y piac
ed in him ? He has adopted this course, and
he has appealed to you, the people of the
States, to rally around the standard of our
country and teach the world that republican
ism still lives upon this continent.
My friends, we make no war upon Southern
institutions. We recognize the right of South
Carolina and Georgia to hold slaves if they
desire them. Bur, my friends, we appeal to
you to uphold the gieat banner of our glori
ous country, ar.d to leave the people of that
country to settle these domestic matters ac
cording to their own choice and the exigen o
cies which the times may present.
* # # # # * *
But, my friends, with all these sacrifices
you have not done enough. Your country
demands from ysu more sacrifices. With
overwhelming force the enemy is upon us.—
Perhaps while I am speakiDg, he is thunder
ing at the gates of your capital. If they gain
possession of that,'hey think they will destroy
your nationality. I trust the patriotic men
of Rhode Island are not satisfied with the
effrnts they have made. Requisitions have
been received fruin the War Department for
more troops. Let them be ready. If they
could start this very hour they would not be one
hour too soon. For I teli you your country
requires them at this very moment.
* * * * * * *
Let New England rally promptly and ear
nestly, and I tell you rebellion will be crush
ed to the earth, and the stars and stripes
will be raised over a united country. Then
we shall have peace. Peace will spread her
benign influence over this land, and happi
ness restored, business revived, and the bless
ings of a free government enjoyed.
I da not invoke to you to engage in this
war as a war against slavery. We are war
ring for a different principle. But there is
an old adage brought down to us from the
ancients : " That whom the Gods would de
stroy, they must first madden." They are
afflicted by that madness which for their
wickedness God's providence has brought
upon them. And what will do more to crush
out the institution of slavery than would
been done by the peaceful administration of
the Government in ten centuries. If that
should be the consequence, I have no tears
to shed. To the future and to Providence I
leave the issues of this great question.
It is not the province of the government of
the United States to enter into a crusade
against the institution of slavery. I would
proclaim to the people of all the States of
this Union the right to manage their institu
tions in their own way,
1 know that my fellow citizens will recog
nize that as one fundamental principle upon
which we commenced this contest. Let us
not give our opporente any reason to com
plain of us in this respeet. Let us not bring
to bear upon them the power of despotism,
but the power of the people of a republican
government where they rule. Let us bring it
to bear upon them so that the traitors shall
receive such a condign punishment as welt
as the world may see the fate which a free
1 people visits upon traitors. No spectacle
would afford us so much satisfaction as to
see dangling from the gallows the bodies of
Jefferson Davis and John 15. Floyd, Henry
A. Wise and all those men who have involv
ed this country in the greatest affliction which
can oveitake any people. Why, is it that we
have been compelled to send to Europe for
arms, while the rebels meet us with arms,
the best the country can supply ? The traitor
John B. Floyd, during all the time he was in
the cabinet, while you were reposing in con
fidence that the government would be fair'y
administered, was robbing you of your por
tion of the public arras, and sending thsta to
the trailers. Jeff Divis. while a member of
the Senate of the United Slates, making the
laws for the people of Rhode Island, and c n
vassing the rolls of the army, designated the
men who were to head the armies of tho re
bellion.
Men of Rhode Island put cn your armor,
nod rush to the capital to defend it. It is
this hour in danger, menaced by an overpow
ering force. Prompt as you may be, you may
be too late; you have not a moment to lose
If you love ycur country and the institutions
under which you have prospered and the
liberty which has made you the admiration
of the world, come forward at this moment
and show your devotion to it by making sac
iiices necessary to maintain it.
The War and Slavery,
The war hasdisorganized not only business
hut. politics, A revolution has taken plaee,
not in the administration or Constitution of
the country, but in the sentiments of the
people on public affairs, and in the relative
strength of patties. The masses are united
in unrelenting hostility to the introduction
of violence as a means of obtaining power and
position, and they have reconsidered their
opinions as to the merits of that interest
which was the first to resort to violence—
Anti-slavery counts its converts by thous
ands, and not the least zealous of these are
the many Democrats who have for years un
der-estimated the evils of slavery and over
estimated their constitutional obligations to
it. It betr.De to he seen that in its effect on
individuals it is pernicious ; that if, in a
state of bondage, slaves are civil zed it is at
the expense of their masters, who are bar
barized by the process ; that as a system of
labor it is, in many of the states where it
prevails, wasteful, de-t-ucriye, unprofitable);
ani that as an element of political power, it
is restive, overbearing, and unjust. Irs his
tory is fuli of horrors. It kept South Caro
lina and other states in a state of craven sub
mission to.Brita'n during the li-voiiiriou ; ii
interposed, after the Revolution, tho most
serious of tho difficulties which arose in per
fecting cur Union ; it h is claimed for itself
recognilon and privileges which no other in
t < rest in the country has dared to aspire to,
and it has finally assaulted, with deadly in
tent, the government and the Constitution
itself.
The chief weapon of slavery, for many
year , has been terror. It has threatened
war, bloodshed, violence, devastation, a dis
olution of the Union, if its claims were not
conceded. But the sting has been, or will he
taken from its menaces when their weakness
is proved. If the Union cannot be disolved,
if war will not extort from us what we refuse
to persuasion, and the claims of slavery, on
its own merits, cannot enlist our sympathies
nor command our votes, what is its condi
tion ? It is the jackass stripped of its lion's
skin ; it is the whipped bully cf the ring,
wliute defeat is more humiliating in propor
tion as his brag was noisy and ferocious.—
The Constiution re-established over the re
volted states, in its own name and not under
ct lor of war against slavery, is nevertheless
fata! to slavery as a political power, because
the only strength ol that institution as a po
litical power, apart from the right of repre
sentation as a political power, apart from the
right of representation yielded to it in the
Constitution, was in its 6UDposed capacity to
.break up our Union and forever destroy our
peace, if its clamors, freshly renewed every
day for further favors, were not acceded to.
Traitors in Office.
With Buch an exhibition as the following
o'f persons holding office at Washington, there
can be no wonder that the southern traitors
were advised of every important movement
going on :
.Known Secessionists. Suspected.
Treasury Department 4.5 29
Department of the Interior 20 15
Post Office Department 11 12
War Department 35 5
Navy Department 5 3
Attorney General's Office 15 5
Department of State 2 1
Employed about the Capital 7 4
Miscellaneous 8 1
Total 143 75
This is a beautiful exhibit for union men
to louk at, and if removed will no doubt
raise a howl of distress from the Day Book
democracy; but off with their heads Bay we.
From the Albany Evening Journal.
Is it a Real or Mimic War ?
Senator Breckinridge, who as is alleged
and believid, was concerned in a conspiracy
to seize tho capital, in February, and become
the head of a provisional government, after
doing what mischief he could at Washington
attempted to execute the people of Baltimore
to a renewal of violence. And this was per•
inted! The presence of five or six regi
ments is required to preserve the peace of
Baltimore. And yet a known and avowed
enemy, in time of war, is allowed to go there
and in a public harangue endeavor to stir up
rebellion!
Popular sentiments, fortunately, was di
vided, and a few Union mon were enabled to
drown the voice of the traitor. But why was
he not arrested ? Where and wheD, in the
history of rebellions, where arch-traitors thus
tolerated ? llcw many noblemen have been
hurried " to the tower" for offenses venal
compared with those of Breckinridge ? How
long would Louis Napoleon have reigned if
he bad dealt thus tenderly with his enemies ?
What would be the fate of Senator Wilson if
he should attempt to address a secession
audience, or even venture into secession
territory? '' A halter, and the first tree I"
Indeed Uniuu citizens of secession Hates are
hung, or hunted away from their burning
mansions and confiscated estates.
But here the order of things is reversed.—
We have been forced into an unnatural war,
all the horrors of which fall upon loyal citi
zens, without provoking retaliatign. Rapa
city and ferocity—fire and rapine—the jail
and the gibbet, distinguishing one side, while
magnanimity and forbearance characterize
the other ! The skulking miscreants around
Arlington, Alexandria, Fairfax, &e., &c,,
who shoot our sentinels, when brought in as
prisoners are released on taking the oath of
allegiance! Hissing traitors who keep the
enemy informed of all our movements, reside
uumo'ested, in Washington; and until very
recently, if not now, occupy desks, in some of
tho departments, receiving pay from the
government for betraying its secrets!
It is neediess to say that this ill judged
and ill deserved forbearance emboldens trai
tors and disheartens loyal eitizens. But it
may not ho unprofitable to say—and we say
it with emphasis— that this condition of things
is unendurable, and will not be endured. This
turning of ihe other cheek to the smiter must
cease, Mote then enough for these humil
iations were endu-ed before tho war existed.
We must now have " an eye for an eye, a
tooth for a tooth" —blow for blow, and blood
for blood.
Actual war, ail the severities of which have
been visited upon Union men, has extsted for
a third of a year, costing us more than three
thousand lives and more than an hundred
million d 'liars. The prosecution of the war
calls for still greater sacrifices. Meanwhile
business is paralized, rroperry depreciated,
and labor unrequited. The sufferings and
penalties of war must not, therefore, bo all
on our side. When such men as Breckin
ridge come among u, 6tirring up rebellion,
if tho government does not deal with them
the people will.
The enemy strikes wherever he finds a
weak or defenseless point. If a Union visor
is up, javelin is thrust by it ; if a seam is
found iu our armor, its wearer is pierced.—
Privateers, to our great shame and great an
noyance, cruise with safety, capturing our
commercial cities, We held Fort Sumpter,
bat allowed rebels, in reach of its guns, to
construct the fortifications aud batteries to
which it was surrendered. We hold Fort
Pickens, hut in reach of its guns permit the
enemy to intrench and fortily.
We have a NAVY— a navy which in other
wars was not only our mcaDS of defense, our
pride and glory, but the tenor of our ene
mies. What has that navy done, or what is
it doing, with effect, in this war? Has it
rendered the blockade efficient? lias it
achieved glory or won laurels ? Where,
along the extended and exposed coast of re
bellion, has the navy made its mark ? Where
and in what way has it annoyed and harass
ed an enemy who is constantly annoying
and harrassing us ?
Is it not time, we ask earnestly, that this
war should assume all the features and in
flict all the penalties of war? Can the gov
ernment afford, any longer, to invent mitiga
tions or indu'ge sympathies? Lite and spirit
must be imparted to the war, and zeal and
confidence restored, by a radical reform in
this respect. The enemy must be struck at
wherever he can be hurt. Exposed places
invite attack all along the coast. The Caro
linas, Georgia, Florida, &c., either or all of
which states have harbors, villages and cot
ton fields at our mercy, are not even mena
ced ; and, instead of bei'-g required to de
fend themselves, they send their regiments
to beard us almost in sight ot the capital!
We cannot close this desultory but earnest
article better tbaD by subjoining the follow
ing extract from a letter from an eminent
American, just received, and dated—
LONDON, July 21-
I hope soon to hear of vigorous action in the
field, and vigorous action out of it, upon all trai
lers. People with whom I converse on these top
ios, on both sides of the channel, don't know
what to make of us in these respects, and inquire
if this business is serious or only boys' play. If
the Savannah pirates are not hanged I hope the
judge will be. Tbero is mischief brewing here in
the way of privateering, and I am anxious that
those projecting such enterprises should realize
that a fatal result awaits then.
God Save our Nation.
BY WILLIE HAMMOND.
O ! God, save our nation,
Keep strong its sacred ties ;
Preserve our sacred banner
Now floating to the skies,
O ! God, stand with our freemen,
Who for our country fight ;
Give them all strength to oonqucr,
Who battle for the right.
Stand by our nation's noble flag,
Let not its folds be torn ;
Stand by our trusty soldiers,
Who by it, have been sworn.
Let not our country's emblem
Be trampled iu the dust;
No, let its folds be lifted—
That freemen's saered trust !
Smite all traitors from the land
Who 'gainst our proud flag fire,
Help our hearts to fe 1 it now,
Aud love fox right iuspire.
O ! Sod, preserve our country,
T.et not our fair land sink,
Snatch us from oblivion—
We're standing on the brink.
God, we ask it, in thy strength,
And.in thy holy will,
Rebuke the horrid ills of war ;
Command it—"peace be still."
But if there must be fighting,
O i God, be with the right;
Give them all strength to conquer
Who for our country fight.
■illllll MiWIII ■ <ll II I I
No Commerce with Rebels.
WASHINGTON D. C. AUG. IG.
The President to day issued tho following
proclamation, under the recent act of Con
gress for the suppression of the insurec_
tion :
By the President of the United Slates of
America
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, On the 15th day of April, the
President of the United States in view of an
insurrection against the Laws, Constitution,
and government of the United States, which
had broken out within the states of South
Carolina' Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mis
sissippi, Louisiana, and Texas, ani in pur
suance of the provisions of the act entitled
"An Act to provide for calling forth the
militia to execute the laws ol th 9 Union,
suppress insurrections and repel invasions,
and to repeal Ihe act now in force for that
purpose," approved February 28:h 1795, did
call forth the militia to suppress said insur
rection aDd cause the laws of the Union to
be duly executed, and the insurgents have
failed to disperse by the tiipe directed by the
President, and
Whereas, Such insurrection has since bro
ken out, and yet exists within the states of
Virginia, North Carolina, Tennesee, ahd Ar
kansas ; and whereas the insurgents in all
the sa d states claim to act ui.der au'horiiy
thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or
repudiated by the person exercising the func
tior.s of government in such state or states,
or in the part or parts thereof, in which com
binations exist, nor has such insurrection
been suppressed by said states.
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Pres
ident of the United States, in pursuance of
aa act of Congress approved July 13, 1861,
do hereby declare that that the inhabitants
of the said states of Georgia, South Caroli
na, Virginia, North Carolina, TeDuesee, Al
abama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Missis
sippi, aud Florida, (except the inhabitanis
of that part of Virginia lying west of Alle
ghany mountains, and of such other parts of
the state, and the other states herein before
named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to
the Union and the Constitution, or may be
from time to time occupied and controlled by
the forces engaged in the dispersion of said
insurgents,) are in a state of insurrection a
gainst tho United States, and that all com
mercial intercourse between the same and
the inhabitants ihereof, with the exceptions
aforesaid, and rhß citizens of other states and
other parts of the United States, is unlawful
and will remain unlawful until such insur
rection shall cease or has been suppressed,
that all goods and chattels, wares and mer
chandize coming from any of said states,
with the exceptions aforesaid, into other
parts of the United States, without the spe
cial license and permission of the President,
through the Secretary of the Treasury, or
proceeding to any of said states, with the
exceptions aforesaid, by land or water to
getter with the vessel or vehicle conveying
persons to or from said states with said ex
ceptions, will be forfeited to the United
States, and that from and after fifteen days,
from the issuing of this procl im aticn, all
ships and vessels belonging to the whole or
in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any of
said stages, with said exceptions, found at
sea or iu any port of the United States, will
be forfeited to the United States; and I
hereby enjoin upon all district attornies,
marshals, and officers of the revenue and of
the military and naval forces cf the United
States to be vigilant in the execution of said
act and in the enforcement of the penalties
and forfeitures imposed or declared by it,
leaving any party who may think himself
aggrieved thereby to make application to the
Secretary of the Treasury for the remission
of any penalty of forfeiture which the said
secretary is authorized by law to grant, if,
in his judgement, the special circumstances
of any case shall require such remission.
Iu witness whereof I have hereunto set
my band and caused the seal of the United
States to be affixed.
Done in the city of Washington this lGtb
day of Aagust, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and
of the independence of the United States the
eighty-sixth.
By the President,
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
Bgy The Charleston Mercury calls the
Yankee troops now threatening the .South
" tin pedlars."
It is true that the Yankees have generally
in their visits South, peddled tin, but tve
! guess they mean to peddle lead this time.
Prentice.
Number 3 0
Senator Douglas's Last Letter,
A friend of Senator Douglas has hands
to the National Intelligencer , for publication,
a copy of the following letter from him on
the state of the country:
CHICAGO, May 10.
MY DEAR SIR: Being deprived of the use
of my arms for the present by a severe attack
of rheumatism, I am compelled to avail my
self of the services of an amanuensis, in re
ply to your two letters.
It seems th.tt some of my friends are una
ble to comprehend the difference between
arguments used in favor of an equitable com
promise, with the hope of averting the hor
rors of war, and those urged in support of
the government and the flag of our country,
when war is being raged against the United
States, with the avowed purpose of producing
a permanent disruption of the .Union and a
total destruction of its government.
All hope of compromise with the cotton
states was abandoned when they assumed
the position that the seperasion of the Union
was complete and final, and that they would
never cmsent to a reconstruction in any con
tingency—not even if we would furnish them
with a blank sheet of paper and permit them
to inscribe their own terms.
Still the hope was cherished that reasona
ble and satisfactory terms of adjustment
could be agreed upon with Tennessee, North
Carolina and the border states, and that
whatever terms would prove satisfactory to
these loyal states would oreate a Union party
in the cotton states which would be powerful
enough at the ballot box to destroy the rev
olutionary go-vemment, and bring tl ose
states back into the Union by the voice of
their OWB people. This hope was cherished
by the Union men North and South, and
was never abandoned* until actual war was
levied at Charleston and the authoritative
announcement made by the revolutionary
government at Montgomery that the secess
ion flag should be planted upon the walls of
the Capital at Washington and a proclama
tion issued inyiting the pirates of the world
to prey upon tho commerce of the United
States.
These startling facts, in connection with
the boastful announcement th.it the ravages
of war and carnage should be quickly trans
ferred from the cotton fields of the North,
furnish conclusive evidence that it was the
fixed purpose of the seaesionists utterly to
destroy the government of our fathers and
obliterate the United States from the map of
the world.
In view of this state of facts there was but
one path of duty left to patriotic men. It
was not a party question, Dcr a question im<
volving partisan policy ; it was a question of
government or no government; perative of
duty of every Union man, every friend of
constitut : onal libertv, to rally to the support
of our common country, its government and
flag, as the only means of checking the pro
gress of revolution and of preserving the
Union of states.
I am unable to answer your questions in
respect to the policy of Mr. Lincoln and cab
inet. lam not in their confidence, as you
and the whole country ought to be aware.—
I am neither the supporter of the partisan
policy nor the apologist of the errors of the
administration. My previous relations to
them remained unchanged ; but J trust the
time will never come when I shall not be
willing to make any needful sacrifice of per
sonal feeling and party policy for the honor
and integrity of the country.
I know of no mood in which a loyal citi
zen may so well demonstrate his devotion to
his country as by sustaining the flag, the
consiitu'ion, and the Union, under alb cir
cumstances, and under every administration,
regardless of party politics, against all as
sailants, at home and abroad. The course
of Clay and Webster toward the administra
tion of Jackson, in the dars of nulificatiop,
presents a noble and wcrthy example for all
true patriots. At the very moment when
that fearful crisis was precipitattd upon the
country, partisan strife between Whigs and
Democrats was quite as bitter and relentless
as now between Democrats and Republican.
The gulf which seperated party leaders in
these dajs was quite as broad and deep as
that which now seperates the Democracy
from the Republicans. But the moment an
enemy rose in our midst, blotting the dis
memberment of the Union and the destous
tion of the government, the voice of partisan
strife was hushed in patriotic silence. One
of the brightest chapters in the history of our
country will record the fact that during this
eventful period the great leaders of the oppo
sition, sinking the partisan in the patriot,
rushed to the support of the government, and
became its ab est and bravest defenders
against all aesailants until the conspiracy
was crushed and abandoned, when they resu
med their former positions as party leaders
upon political issues.
These acts patriotic devotion have never
been deemed evidences of infidelity or politi
cal treachery, on the part of Clay and Web
ster, to the principles and organization of
the old whig party. Nor have I any appre
hension that the firm and unanimous support
which the Democratic leaders and masses
are now giving to the Constitution and the
.Union will ever be deemed evidence of infi
delity to Democratic principles, or a want of.
loyalty to the organization and creed of tho
Democratic party. If we hope to gain and
perpetuate the ascendency of our party, we
should never forget that & man cannot be a
trusJlemocrat unless he is a loyal patriot,
With the sincere hope rhatithese, my com.
scientiaus convictions, may coincide with
those of my friends, I am, very truely,
yours,
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS.
To Yirgil Ilickox, E-q., Chairman
.Democratic Committqs.