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% Jamilg flefospajer to politics, ftmptntntt, ftteratart, Science, ®jjt |ftttj]rarcs, Agriculture, ajie jllarktls. (fimration, AronsenuiU. (general Intelligence, tk,
" WE STAND UPON THE IMMUTABLE PRINCIPLES OF EARTHLY POWER SHALL DRIVE US PROM OUR POSITION."
Volume 27,
®{ie Centre geinocrnt.
IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BY
J. J. BRISBIN.
Office in Reynolds' Iron Front, Second Floor.
TBRHS. —SI,SO if paid in advance or within six
rfionths after subscribing,otherwise $2 will invari
ably be charged. No subscriptions received for
a shorter period than six months and none dis
sontinued, unless at the option of the editor, until
all arrearages are paid.
THE WAR FEVER IN BALDINS
VILLE.
BY ARTEMUS WARD.
As soon as I'd recooperated my physikil
syste'rn, I went over into the village. The
peasantry was glad to see me. The school
master sed it was cheering to see that gi
gantic intellect among 'em ohct more.—
That's what he called me. I like the
schoolmaster, and allers send him tobacker
when I'm off on a traveling campane. Be
sides, he is a very sensible man. Such men
must be encouraged.
They don't get news very fast in Baldins
ville, as nothing but a plank road runs in
there twice a week, and that's very much
out of repair. So my naburs wasn't much
Eosted up in regard to the wars. 'Squire
axter sed that he'd voted the dimicratic
ticket for goin on forty year, and the war
was a dam black republican lie." Jo. Stack
pole, who kills hogs for the squire, and has
got a powerful muscle into his arms, sed
he'd bet $5 he could lick the Crisis in a fair
stand up tight, if he wouldn't draw a knife
on him. So it went —some was for war,
and some was for peace. The schoolmas
ter, however, sed the Slave Oligarky must
cower at the feet of the North ere one year
had flowed by, or pass over his dead corpse.
" Esto perpe'tua ! " " And sine qua non
also f" sed I, sternly, wishing to make an
impression on the villagers. "Requiescat
iu pace !" sed the schoolmaster. "Too
troo, too troo," 1 ansered, "its a scandalous
fact !"
The newspapers got along at last chock
full of war, and the patriotic fever fairly
bust out in Baldinsville. Squire Baxter sed
he didn't believe in Coercion, not one of
'em, and could prove by a file of Eagles of
Liberty in his garrit that it was all a Whig
lie, got up to raise the price of whiskey and
destroy our other liberties. But the old
squire got putty riley when he heard how
the rebels was cuttin up, and he sed he
reckoned he should skour up his old inuskit
and do a little square fitm for the Old Flag,
which had allers been on the ticket he'd
lVoted, and he was too old to-Bolt now. The
Squire is all right at heart, but it takes
longer for him to fill his venerable Biler with
steam than it used to when he was young
and frisky. As I previously informed you,
1 am Captin of the Baldinsville Company.—
I riz gradooallv but majestically from drum
mer's Secretary to my present position.—
But 1 found the ranks wasn't fu'.l bv no
means, and commenced for to recroot. Hav
in notist a gineral desire on the part of the
young men, who are into the Crisis, to wear
eppyletts, I determined to have my compa
ny composed excloosively of offissers, every
body to rank as high as Brigadier General.
The follerin was among the vans questions
which I put to recroots :
Do you know a masked battery from a
hunk of gingerbread ?
Do you know a eppylette from a piece of
chalk ?
If I trust you with a real gun, how many
men of your own company do you speck
you can manage to kill durin the war (
Have you ever had the measles, and if so,
how many ?
How air you now ?
Show me your tongue, &c., &c. Sum of
the questions was sarcusstical.
The company filled up rapid, and last
Sunday we went to the meetin house in full
uniform. I had a seris time gettin on my
military harness, as it was built for me
many years ago ; but I finally got inside of
it, though it fitted me putty clo3t. Howso
ever, onct into it I looked tine—in fact, aw
inspirin.
,( Do you know me, Mrs*. Ward ?" sed I,
walkin into the kitchin.
"Know you, you old fool ? Of course I
do.
I saw at one t that she did.
I started foj the meetin house, and I'm
afraid I tried to walk too strate, for I cum
very near fallin over backwards ; and in
attempting to recover myself, my sword got
mixed up with my legs, and I fell in among
a choice collection of young ladies, who
was standing near the church door, a seein
the sojor boys come up. My cockt hat fell
off", and somehow my coat tails got twisted
round my neck. The young ladies put their
hankerchiefs to their mouths and remarked,
"Te he," while my ancient single friend,
Sarah Peasley, bust out into a loud larf.
She exercised her mouth so violently that
her new false teeth fell out onto the dirty
ground.
< Miss Peasley," sed I, gittin up and dus
tin myself, ''you must be more careful with
them store teeth of your'n, or you'll have to
gum it 8 gin !"
Methinks I had her.
I'd bin to work hard all the week, and I
felt rather snoozy. I'm afraid I did git half
asleep, for on hearin the minister ask, "Why
was man made to mourn ?" I sed, "I giv it
up,'' havin a vague idea that it was a con
numdrum. It was a onfortinit remark, for
the whole meetin house lookt at me with
mingled surprise ahd indignation. I was
about risin to a pint of order, when it sud
denly occurred 10 me whare I was, and I
kept my seat, blushin like the red, red rose
—so to speak.
The next morning I rose with the lark.
(N, B.—l don't sleep with the lark, though.
A goak.)
My little darter was execootin ballids, ac
eompanyin herself with the hand orgin, and
she wisht me to linger and hear her sing
"Hark I hear an angel singin, an angel now
is onto the wing."
, " Let him tly, my child !" sed I a buck
lin on my armer, "I must go forth to my
Biz."
We are progressin pretty well with our
drill. As all air commandin officers, there
ain't no jelusy ; and as we air all exceedin
smart, it t'ain't worth while to try to out
strip each other. The idee of a company
composed excloosively of Commanders in
Chiefs orrigginerated, I spose I skurcely
need say, id these Brane. Considered as a
idee, I flatter myself it is putty hefty.—
We've got all the tackticks at our tongs'
ends, but what we particly excel in is restin
; muskits. We can rest muskits with any
body._
Our corpse will do its dooty. We go to
the aid of old Columby—we fight for the
stars and stripes !
We'll be chopt into sassige meat before
we'll exhibit our coat tales to the foe.
We'll fight till there's no thin left of us
i but our little toes, and even they shall defi
antly wiggle !
Under no cirkumstances whatever, will I
secede, and let the Palmetter flags flote
thicker nor the shirts on a close line, and
still thar I'll stand & stick onto the good old
flag of the stars ond stripes.
Sly country may go to the devil but I
won't. And next summer when I start out
on my campane with my show, wherever I
pitch my list le tent you shall see a floatin
proudly from the senter pole thar the Amer
ican flag with nary a star wiped out, nary a.
stripe lesser, but the same old flag that has
allers fiotid there, and the price of admission
will be the same it allers wus— ls cents:
one eyed men and women and children half
price. "Ever of thee!"
A. WARD.
THE HORRORS OF WAR.
A correspondent of the Daily Times has
the following description of the horrors of
wai:
WASHINGTON, Monday, July 21, 1861. —T0
read of a battle, with us poetry of heroism,
is a very fine thing, All men applaud the
bold fellow, and all women throw laurels on
the gallant soldier who is ready to throw
down his life for his country's flag. If one
sees it, the thing is far different. 1 was at the
defeat of our forces yesterday near Centre
ville, and as I witnessed the hot shot and
the terrble shell tearing through the air : as
I saw the horrible grtipe and shrapnel doing
its too certain work all around ; as I saw
my frend storming heroically masked batter
ries, which the terrible incompetence of their
leaders did not allow them to silence, owing
to insufficient reinfoi cements being sent in
proper time ; when I saw these heroes at
sll a month losing heads, legs and arms, in
thick profusion around me ; when I witness
ed the hor.ible rout brought about by a
masterly flank movement of their picked
cavalry and sharpshooters, and when I saw
our artilery-men unlimber their guns, cut
loose the traces of their horses and flee, leav
ing their peices behind ; when I saw, too,
our boasted cavalry flying in the same mad
haste, with regiment after regiment pushing
after tlic-m like so many sheep, throwing for
three miles guns, bayouets. cartridge-boxes
and provisions of ever kind away—dra
goons riding over infantry in their flight, and
the ground absolutely covered for three
miles with bodies, then I realized as only
those can who see it, the actual of
war.
MORE TROUBLE IN MEXlCO.— Advices from
Mexico to the 2d irist., indicate that aflairs
in that country are in anything but a settled
condition. The reactionary forces were
hard at work, and had even gone so far as
to threaten the capital. The Government
forces under General Valle, had suffered a
defeat at the hands of Galvez. Yalle march
ed from the capital on the road to Toluca,
at the head of a thousand men, and was
reinforced by five hundred more, when he
was met by a considerable reactionary force
by which he was surrounded and captured.
Valle was himself taken prisoner, and sub
sequently shot. A conspiracy had also been
discovered in the city, which had for its ob
ject the assassination of various high per
sonages. Maiquez, in the interest of Z-ilu
ga, was at the head of about 4,700 men,
and the latter, it was" said, fully expected
soon to enter the capital with very little
opposition. Marqaez had however attempt
ed an entrance, and had suffered a repulse
by the government artilerists, and been
forced to retreat to Cuantitlan.. Congress
subsequently declared the city under mar
tial law.
THE Committee of Ways and Means have
reported a bill providing ior the assessment
of a direct tax upon real and personal prop
erly amounting to $30,000,000. This tax
will be distributed among the States in
equal proportions, the quota of Pennsylva
nia being $2,920,000, or about one dollar
for each inhabitant. The necessary asses
sors and collectors are provided for. The
bill also proposes to tax stills, boilers and
other utensils used in distilling spirituous
liquors, 15 cents on every gallon of capacity.
Fermented and malt liquors are to be taxed
5 cents on every gallon, and spirituous liq
uors 10 cents on a gallon. Vehicles used
exclusively tor the transportation of mer
chandize are to be free, but carriages are to
be taxed; those valued at SSO are to be
taxed $1 ; those over SI,OOO will be taxed
SSO, with intermediate rates in proportion
to the value of the vehicle.
AN eloquent negro orator thus concludes
an account of the death of a colored brother :
"De last word dat he was heard to say, de
last word he was known to utter, de last
syllable he ebber heaved, de last idea he
ejoculated ; yes, my bredereu, de berry last
word he eber was known to breave forth,
sound or articulate, was Glory !" Such am
plified perorations are sometimes to be heard
from orators of renown.
" Pappy, can't I go to the zoological rooms
to see the camomile light the rhinosorous
cow ?"
" Sartin, my son—but don't get your
troasers towrn. Strange, my dear, what a
taste that boy has got for natural history,
isn't it ? No longer than yesterday he had
eight pair of torn cats hanging by their tails
from the clothes line.
THE herring fisheries of Norway have
produced the last year 700,000 tons. The
Norwegian codfishery is on a large scale
also. It employs 24,266 men. and produces
annually 18,900 tons. Thousands of tons
of oil are extracted from them, and large
quantities of them are dried and salted fc*
exportation.
A husband advertises thus :—" My wife
Annie Marie, has strayed or been stolen. —
Whoever returns her will get his head broke.
As to trustinPher, any body can do so if
they see fit; for as I never pay my own
debts, it's not likely I'll pay her'n."
Bellefonte, Centre County, Penna., Thursday Morning, Aug. 1 1861.
GOVERNMENTAL SERMON.
DELIVERED BY
Reverend William J. Gibson,
OF JACKSONVILLE, CENTRE CO.
" Let every sou] be subject unto the higher
powsrs. For there is uo power but of (Jod Ac.
—Horn, 13: I—7:
The apostle concludes this epiatl9 to the
Romans, as is his custom in all his epistles
to the churchps, with particular instructions
with respect to practical duties. The prac
tical part of this epistle commences with the
beginning of the preceding chapter. The
precepts of the 12th chapter, however, have
principal regard to private and personal du
ties of one man unto another. The instruc
tions as to duty in this chapter, of which our
subject is a part, have respect to man as a
subject of civil society. His duty with re
spect to the Government under which he
lives is plainly defined and limited. These
injunctions in regard to obedhnee and sub
jection to the civil government, may have
beeD peculiarly necessary with reference to
the circumstances of those to whom they
were first addiessed. The christians then
lay under the slanderous charge of Insubor
dination to civil magistrates, being the ene
mies of Caesar, and by their doctrines over
turning the foundations of civil society. The
Apostles were designated as the men " who
turned the world upside down" ; and their
followers as factious, seditious and turbu
lent. And further, as most of the early eon
verts to the Gospel, were of the Jews, who
originally entertained the belief that it was
not becoming that one of another nation
should rule over them ; as indeed, this was
a law to them under the former dispensation,
JJeut. 17 : 15 ; it was indeed highly impor
tant that their inspired teachers should give
them instructions in reference to the duty of
subjection to civil rules in the various places
and countries in which they might dwell.—
But while these reasons might exist for the
special instructions in regard to civil duties
contained in the text, and in other epistles,
and given by other apostles; yet no one can
fail to see how exceedingly appropriate and
necessary such injunctions are to christians,
and men of every country and of every age of
the world. And, if ever there was a time
when they should be correctly understood,
and conscientiously practiced, it is at the
present time, and in our country.
Ist. In the passage under consideration we
are taught, in the first place, the origin of
civil government.
So faras we can see, there are only throe
social relations which God has instituted for
men in this world. Th e first is th e domestic,
or family relation; the second is the civil gov
ernment oi man in community; and the
thud is the church, or man in bis religious
relations to God and his fellow-men. The
first, or family relation, is the foundation of
both the other relations. Artificial distinc
tions aud relations, other than these may be
formed, but, to say the least of them, they
cannot hind the conscience, not being foun
ded on the will or-authority of God.
Ist. Here, then, is the first great and fun
dament it truth taught by the apostle in the
text: civil government is the ordinance of
God, (V. 1.) " For there is no power hut of
God : the powers that he are ordained of
God."
God is the Supreme Ruler, and all subor
dinate power and auti o i;y or • derived from
him. But whatever second causo he raay
have been pleased to confer power, as to its
origin, it is of God. Hence, rulers and mag
istrates are his " minister.-," and they are
denominated " Gods," (l's. 82 : 6,) because
in their official characters they are represen"
tatives of the power of God. It is his resol
ved will that there should be rulers armed
with power to enforce obedience ; and his
providence has concurred with his word in
establishing and maintaining government
under some acknowledged form throughout
the world. This is the foundation of the ob
ligation to obey civil rulers. At least, it is
the chief foundation of obedience and sub
mission to regularly constituted civil gov
ernment. And it is the foundation on which
the apostle rests it in the text. " Whosoever
therefore resisteth the power, reeisteth the
ordinance of God : and they that resist shall
receive to themselves damnation " This is
not the time or place to limit or define the
term " damnation." I therefore pass to a
second observation, only remarking, that the
term is sufficiently startling, limited by the
mildest definition. In illustration of its prob
able compass, we refer you to lsf Cor. 11: 2D,
a passage which has disturbed many a ten
der conscience.
21. God has prescribed in his word no par
ticular form of civil government.
The attempt to establish the opposite prop
osition of this has always proved a manifest
failure. And the reason why there is found
to he no particular form enjoined as of di
vine right, is that the form of administration
is not essential, so that the ends of human
government are attained. Of these, we shall
havj occasion to speak of hereafter. We
have, perhaps, instances of all forms of civil
government in the Scriptures. At civil
government appeared in the world in its
simplest form. Such was that of the patri
archs, and the heads of tribes. Kingly gov
ernment or monarchy has been the most
common form of Government up to the pres
ent time in the history of the world. The
seeming reluctance with which God granted
a kiDg to Israel, was not because such a
form of government was contraiy to the will
of God, or fflconeistcntwith the ehds of gov
ernment ; but becausein them it was a re
jection of the immediate government of God.
Their's w9 a Theocracy. In their earnest
desire for a king, they manifested the basest
ingratitude to God, and want of appreciation
of the advantages usdeiwbioh they lived.—
Besides, the motive by which they were in
fluenced, was in opposition to God's d°?ign
in constituting them u siparate people. They
Would be like the nations by which they
were surrounded. It is vorthy of special con
sideration, that in our trxt, not the least ref
erence is had to any patticular ruler or form
of government. It is limply the office that
is considered, the thingitself—" the powers
that be" ; without regird to the form, or
who may be the present occupant o r the pow
er in the providence cf God. " Let every
soul be subject unto tht h : gher powers. Tor
there is no power but of God : the powers
that be are ordained of God."
3d. The obligation, therefore, to obey civil
rulers does not depeni on the form of the
Government, or the manner in whi;h they
are brought into office, provided it be the reg
ular and established mode.
The ruler may be hereditary, or mr.y be
immediately chosen by the people, it matters
not which as to the obligation of the subject
to obey all lawful commands and require
ments. lie is God's ruler, and God in bis
providence ratifies the descent or the choiee.
As to the usurpation of government, by the
setting aside of constitutional, or the estab
lished rules of investiture with office, both
the word and providence of God have been
remarkably uniform in forbidding and dis
countenancing such usurpation on the part
of violent and wicked men. The history of
Israel is full of the direct and providential
teachings of God on this point. Moses, and
after him, Joshua, were immediately appoin
ted of God to rule and lead his people ; and
if you will carefully read the history of the
Judges, you will find that not so much as
one of them presumed to lead or govern the
people, until clearly designated called to
office by the providence of God. Aod when
afterwards the kingly office was established
at the request of the people, and the office
became hereditary, no usurper ever obtained
the sanction of God's providence. Well
meaning and conscientious men may be mis
taken on occasion in regard to the proper ob
ject of their allegiance; such for a season
may be the confused state of society ; but we
may saftly conclude, that under all constitu
tional governments, Le who is induced into
oifice, or clothed with power in the regular
eouduct of the machinery of government, is
the ruler who has received the ratification of
God's providence, and to rebel, is to " resist
the ordinance of God-"
4th. Further: as the authority 'o rule does
not depend on the form of induction ; so
neitheir christians, nor any one else, may re
fuse to obey, when the ruler is elective, on
the plea that lie did not vote for the pa ticu
lar ruler. This principle would be subver
sive of all government. If carried out into
the various parts of the practical administra
toin of laws, the whole machinery of gov
ernment would be stopped. As in our coun
try almost all civil officers are elective, how
absurd and preposterous would it bo in any
one to refuse to obey the summons or precept
of a magistrate, on the plea that he did net
vote for him, hut preferred another? Per
sonal prtjudiee and party excitement may
blind a man's conscience wonderfully ; but
the ease has only to be stated to command at
once every man's reason.
stb When we speak of the form of govern
ment being immaterial, as it regards the ob
ligation of the citizen to obey ; we do not
consider the question, which kind or mode of
civil government is to be preferred. The
truth is, that the question as to which is the
best kind of civil government, depends much
upon the condition and circumstances of the
people to be governed. One form of govern
ment may be best adapted to the circumstan
ces of one peeple ; and to another pbople in
different stages of progress, ano her form of
civil government may be preferable. A
monarchy and even an Absolute Morarchy,
may be the onlv form of government adapted
to secure any degree cf comfort and peace
among a certain class of nations. "While,
therefore, as to the ordinary rule, govern
ment is best as limited and restrained by
constitutional codes ; yet we may not abso
lutely discard as ignominious and unauthor
ized, all despotic governments. One thing
is certain, they were neither constitutional
nor democratic governments to whose right
ful commands and requirements the inspir
ed writers enjoined subjection. As to the
democratic form of government, it requires
much general intelligence, and a good degree
of moral virtue in the people, to conduct it
successfully. To some nations, it would be
the greatest calamity to establish among
them a pure Democratic form of government;
uuless you could at the same time diffuse in
telligence, and infuse a love of virtue. Ig
norance, and its universal attendant wicked
ness, can only by restrained and governed
by a strong and prompt hand. Yet undoubt
edly, a pure democratic government is most
conducive to the liberties and happiness of
the people, and most to be preferred, if the
condition of the people will permit of it. 4
2nd. The end or object of Civil Government.
The end of Government may bo defined to
be, the protection and happiness of the peo*
pie, in subordination to the glory of God.
Government, in some form, seems to be an
absolute necessity. No society can exist
without go"ernment. Coercive government
is a necessity arising out of the selfishness
and sinfulness of man. Yet even the sinless
are governed. God established Adam the
Head of the visible creation, and subjected
he creatures to him. In Heaven, where
there are none hut holy angels, and the spi
rits of just men made perfecft," there is gov
ernment—"principalities and powars." The
opposite of government is confusion and an
archy. Better submit to the most arbitrary
government, than to be without any form of
government at all. The effects of the want
of regular and established government, is
seen in the condition of the people when
there was no king in Isreal. The leading
principle on which human governments are
established, is very simple and is easily dis
cerned- First ; there are the advantages
derived from combination, whereby objects
are accomplished which individual efforts
could not possibly attain: But to direct and
control a multitude of deffinite objects, there
must he a Head; supreme power must he
lodged somewhere. Secondly ; there must
be protection to individuals in their just lib
erties and rights.
In an Isbmaelitish state of society there
can be no assured and permanent protection.
The strong would alwaye oppress the weak.
In opposition to such a state of things, there
is the combination of human society and the
establishment of a settled system of govern
inent. All men have natural rights, each
man independent of every other man. Some
of these rights are alienable, and some are in
alienable. Some of these natural rights he
yields up to society for the sake of govern
ment and protection in the enjoyment of
others. Every man has a right to life, prop
erty, and the pursuit of happiness. This
right, however, must be so controled and
regulated, that where all have equal rights,
one may not trespass upon, or interfere with
the rights of another. In part, at least, there
fore, each one has given the defense of these
rights to government. And this is the end of
government, so far as the people are con
cerned. Whenever, therefore, a government
manifestly fails in accomplishing, and more
especially when it perverts the ends for
which it was established, it may, and ought
to be changed.
2. This will appear more clearly if we re
gard the end of civil government as implied
in the text.
The end of human government is fully in
timated in the 3d & 4th verses. " For ru
lers are not a terror to good works, but to
the evil. Wilt thou then not he afraid of the
power? do that which is good, and thou
shalt have praise of same. For he is the
minister ol God to thee for good. But if thou
do that which is evil, be afraid ; for he bear
eth not the sword in vain, for he is the min
ister of God, a revenger to execnto wralh
upon him that doeth evil." Now if a govs
ernment is a " terror to the good, and not
to " the evil" ; if it encourages the transgres
sor, and oppresses the orderly, honest, and
obedient subject of law ; then it may he
changed so far as to redress the evils, and
prevent their repeution. This may be done
sometimes by only changing the administra
tors of the laws ; aud sometimes it is only
effected by a radical change of the form of
government itself. But any form of govern
ment may be perverted from its legitimate
ends by wicked rulers, as to ia.il for the time
being in some of its objects. The occasional
and incidental failures in regard to any of
ttie ends of civil government, is not therefore
a justificiible reason for a change of the form
of government, or the throwing off of allegi
anco to the powers that Le.
3d. But we have defined, as the end of civ
il government, not only the protection and
happiness of the subject ot government, but
also the glory of God. As civil government
is God's ordinance, it is to be administered
with respect to his glory as tho ultimate end.
To establish this proposition, seems to me to
require very little reasoning. God hath made
all thiogs for his own glory, and he doeth all
things for his own glory. If the glory of
God be the chief end of every man. and at it
he should aim at all times, and in all things;
then in the establishment of civil government
this 9nd is not to be overlooked. Hence in
all christian governments laws are expected
tc exist, and to be forced against infidelity,
immortality, and irreligion, And, on the
contrary, protection and encouragement is to
be given to true religion and virtue. If this
be not so, then men in their associated ca
pacity may cast off the restraints of God's
law ; which would be equivalent to a syste
matic subversion of the divine government.
On this principle are founded all those laws
which punish Sabbath deseoration, profanity
and perjury. It is true, that motives of ex
pediency and self-preservation may indicate
the necessity ol Buch a moral civil code ; but
the foundation of all such laws, is laid in the
obligation to regard the glory of God in our
corporate, as well as individual capacity.
4th. Perhaps it is scarcely necessary to
add, after what has already been said, that
the end of government is to restrain And pun
ish " the evil."
Goyernment is a necessity ; aod qll co-er-
I cive government, as already intimated, is the
necessary consequence of human depravity.
The co-ercive power of government is plain
ly referred in the text, (V. 3.) " Ralors are
not a terror to good works, but to the evil."
Laws without penalties are a nudity. For
he beareth r.nt the swoid in vain." " The
sword"— the instrument of extreme punish
ment ; the power of life and death. Ibere is
no maxim more false than the sole end of
punishment is the reformation of the crimi"
nal. The Apostle teaches a contrary sinti
ment in the passage uoder consideration :
" a revenger to execute wrath upon him that
doeth evil." The cry which has been raised
in some quarters against capital punishment,
as subversive of the ends of punishment, is
as unscriptural as it is senseless. No wars,
even those which are waged in self-defence,
and to put down rebellion, can be justified,
if the principle he correct. What is war but
an execution on a larger scale ? No ! no 1
there is a revenging power in the law ; aDd
there is no proper government where it is
not faithfully and firmly executed. The the
oiies of men would strike at the very foun
dations of government, were it not that hap
pily men's theory and practice are sometimes
inconsistent! Some of the States that are
now pouring their executioners by thousands
into the rebellious communities; have abol
ished capital punishment! A sickly senti
mentality may govern men's actions when
danger seems at. a distance ; but when liber
ty and life are in imminent peril, reason
and common sense resume their sway.
3d. The rule of civil government.
We pass oyer this topic with a very brief
consideration, If it be so that civil govern
ment is the ordinance of God, and " he that
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance
of God" ; then the rule of Government is the
will of God. Aud God's will is made known
in His word. It is not to be supposed that
God would enjoin submission, not only " for
wrath," but " for consience sake," to rulers,
and then leave them irresponsible as to the
rule and manner of government. Wherever
the law making power resides, the laws must
be in aceordahce with the law of God. Not
that every measure of expediency and policy
must have an express sanction of scripture ;
but the government must be founded upon
the broad principles of scripture truth, mor
ality, and justice. And so must also be its
administration. The rights both of God and
man must be respected. " Render therefore
unto Goesar the things which are Cassar's;
and unto God the thing which are God's."—
ABd so in the text (V. 7.) " Render therefore
to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is
due; custom to whom custom to whom cus
tom ; fear to whom fear; honor to whom
honor."
Hence the scriptures are so particular
with regard to the qualifications of rulers ;
which required qualifications serve also as a
significant direction with regard to the char
acter of the men whom they should select as
their rulers, where they have a choice. In
che passage before us, the kind of adminis
tration, with the implied character of the
administrators ot the laws, is presented in
both negative and positive statements. (1.)
"Not a terror of good works, but to the evil."
(2.) " A praise to them that do well." (3.)
" Minister of God to thee for good." (4.)'
''A revenger to execute wrath on him that
doeth evil,"
With regard to the characters of rulers,
whether they be hereditory, or elevated to
place by the immediately chice of the people,
the qualifications which God requires are all
the same. The general requirements is,
that they shall rule in the fear of the Lord.
! 2 Sam, 23 :3. And the particular qualifica
tions are, that they should be just and moral,
and pro fused of ability for governmcut. Ex.
18: 21. Prov. 28: 15. The qualifications
for government imply some rule by which
they are to be judged- Where shall we go
for a rule! If we have a perfect test of all
that is just, and true, and noble, why should
we look elsewhere for a rule of choice ! And
co make the word of God tho rnle both ef the
government aad of the governed, does not
set aside human laws of expediency or of
necessity. No law can in any case be of any
obligation upon the conscience, which is con
tradictery of the law ot God ; or which en
joins npon the subject that which is forbiden
ol God. Acts 4: 19. " Whether it be right
in the sight of God, to barken unto you more
than unto God, judge ye." All that is con
tended for, is, that the just principles of
Scripture truth and morals control in all the
laws and administration of civil government.
4th. What is the duty of Christians in re
lation to the government under which they
live ?
The first duty is subjugation.
In speaking of the duty ot christians in
regard to the government under which they
liye, while we regard not the form, we sup
pose it to be the regularly established, if not
the constitutional government of che country
To an upstart and usurped government no
hearty submission can be due, and none but
an involuntary submission can be expected.
But to actual civil government, the first duty
is subjeotion on the part of the people. "Let
every soul be subject unto the higher powers.
Here it is proper to distinguish between vol•
untary and involuntary subjection. If a
christian live under an irresponsible govern
ment, of which he cannot remedy, it is his
duty to Bubmit in all cases where the rights
of conscience are net absolutely invaded. If
Number 26,
! a christain were living in the most absolute
; and arbitrary government, submission would
: be his duty in every iustance, except the
case stated. We may be mistaken in our
judgment, and our scruples may be ground
less ; but conscience is our immediate rule of
action, and no human authority can justify
in violating its decisions, whatever may b 9
the consequences to us. In regard to that
obedience to human laws, and civil rulers,
which the scriptures enjoin, the subject is
not so to interpret inspired injunctions to
obey, as to limit them to such as be may
esteem expedient and equitable. This would
constitute each individual a law unto him
self. A man is most likely to pronounce
those laws unjust and grievous, which inter
fere with his supposed personal interest. —
The principle would subvert all kinds of
government, both of the family and the State.'
Rut while involuntary submission is to be
given to a government, the form of which we
cannot approve ; to all governments which
honesrly aim at the ends of civil government
a voluntary and cheerful subjection ought to
be yielded. There can be no mistake made
in regard to the will of God upon the subjeot,
and consequently the duty of subjects. ZV--
tus, 3:1. " Put them in mind to be sub
ject to principalities and powers, to obey
magestrateß. to be ready to every good work."
1 Peter, 2: 13, 14. And no injunctions could
be more explicit than those of the text; and
when they w6re given Nero was the Emperor
of Rome. And yet we cannot but under
stand the apostle as enjoining obedienoe in
every tbing not consisted with the higher
aw, the command of God. IH suoh a gov
ernment as ours, there can never exist a
justifiable cause of rebellion or revolution. —
So long as the elective principles is main
tained, and suffrage is free ; unless we sup
pose a total corruption of the body politic,
every abuse in administration can be correc
ted by peaceable and provided means. No'
maD, and no class of men can long suffer in
justly. It iff true, there are laws, and they
must be obeyed; but tbey are good and
wholesome; or if there be any that bear
hardly and unjustly on any part of the com
munity, the means are provided for their
speedy repeal. Where all power is In the
people, rebollion supposes the absurdity of a
people rebelling against themselves! What
is the duty of a minority in a democratic and
constitutional government? Why ; Submis
sion, unless something ia required in viola
tion of conscience. All real hardships griev
ances cannot but find a remedy in the will
of the people, expressed in the appointed
way ; or otherwise our system of government
is a failure, containing the elements of de
struction within itself.
2. A second duty obligatory on christians
in reference to the government, IB support.
As sivil government is ordained of God,
and actual rulers, however inducted as to
form, provided it be the regular and estab
lished mode among a people, receive the rat
ification of God's providence, then we are
bound to support the government as God's
ordinance. Duty to God, binds us to ths
support government which he in his provi
dence has set over us. To with hold sup
port, apart from any positive act of treason,
is to nil "intents and purposes rebellion
against the ordinance of God.
Besides ; the protection, support, and ser
vice rendered to us, in maintaining our just
l berties and privileges, the government be
being " the minister of God to us for Good
bind us to the support of it, as that which is
justly due from every citizen to the govern
ment under which he lives. On the princi
ple of value received, support is a debt wbioh
we owe to government. The only question
is, bow to support the government? First,
by furnishing the means of carrying on the
government. Government cannot be main
tained without great expense; and to meet
this, the people are taxed. Regular and
established government produces immense
advantages to the people, and therefore the
payment of taxes is necessary to strict hon
esty. There is no debt which should be paid
with more eheerfulnees, than the revenuee to
the government. We pay no money for
which wc have more value received, unless
it be that which we pay to support the gaei
pel. What would our lives and property be
worth, if we bad no established government I
And how would the consciences of men be
1 bound to oboy and support civil rulers, if
there were were no gospel. Apart from the
sanctions of Christianity, support would only
be rendered to the government so tar as men
saw their present worldly interest connected
; with it, and no farther. We have already
seen, that the interest of trade, and in some
instances, supposed party advancement, have
led to tho countenancing or revolution and
rebellion. Men who look no higher than
their own interests, and capable only ol tak
ing a limited view of these; cannot be de
pended on in the day of their country's
trial.
Secondly. It ie the duty of every eitizen to
defend the government. This duty may be
discharged either by words or deeds, or both.
So far as we can with a good conscience, it
is becoming in us to speak in behalf of the
government. And especially when we are
satisfied in our hearts that the maohinerv
and policy of the government is right, we
should never fail to speak in its defense.—
But sometimes worda are cheap things,
though not unimportant. It may be our
duty to take up arms in deiense of the gov
ernment. Though all war is to be deployed,
and we may be permitted to look forward
with hope to the time when God will make
wars to cease, yet it is sometimes innvoida
ble, unless we would see the government de
stroyed, and wicked and rebellion triumph
ant. Perhaps the fewest numbers of the
wars of the Roman Empire were altogether
justifiable, yet there were undoubtedly
many christains in the Roman armies. To
fight for the government may be as much a
duty as to prey for it j which is the third
duty which we now mention as binding on
christains in referenoe to the civil govern
ment.
(Continued on Second Page.) _