CENTRE DEMOCRAT.-EXTRA. PROM MM, COR WIN'S PROPOSITION ADOPTED. Report of Peaee Conference Rejected. The Crittenden Resolutions Lost. THE INAGURATION! IMMENSE CONCOURSE OF PEOPLE THE INAUGURAL OF PRE SIDENT LINCOLN. WASHINGTON, March 4. The Senate continued in session till after day light. After the iejection of various amendments to the House Committee's (Cor win's) joint resolutions, a vote was taken and it passed, yeas 24, nays 12. The Peace Conference resolutions were then voted on and rejected, yeas 7, nays 28. The Crittenden resolutions were then re jected, yeas 18, nays 20. At 7 o'clock the Senate then took a rectss till 10 o'clock. HOUSE.— Reassembled atteu o'clock. Speaker PINNINQTON made a parting address, asserting his devotedness to the Union and all necessary compromises to heal the differences agitating the country. He was in favor of a National Convention to remedy the supposed or real grievances. The Speaker concluded his address by an nouncing that the House is adjourned rine di*. With much good humor, the members aspe rated. The city is filled to overflowing with strang ers from all sections of the country, who have came to witness the inaugural ceremonies.— The weather was delightful, and the civil and military pageant was one of the finest that has ever occurred in the city of Washington. ' There was no disturbance whatever to inter rupt the ceremonies, which transpired in ac cordance with the arranged programme. The doors of the Senate Chamber were open ed at 11 o'clock, A. M., for the admission of Senators, and others, who, by the arrangement of the Committee, were entitled to admission. They entered as follows : Ex-Presidents and Vice Presidents. The Chief Justice and Associate Judges oi the Supreme Court. The Diplomatic Corps, Heads of Depart ments, and Ex-members of either branch of Congress, and Members of Congress elect. Officers of the Army and Navy who, by name, ha received the thanks of Congress. Governors of States and Territories of the Union, and Ex-Governors of States. Assistant Secretaries of Departments, and the Assistant Postmaster General; the Comptrollers, Audi tors, Register, Solicitor of the Treasury, Treas urer, Commissioners, Judges, and The Mayors of Washington and Georgetown, and the reporters in the Senate. All of whom were admitted ut the north door of the Capitol. The families of the Diplomatic Corps entered at the north door of the Capitol, and were con ducted to the diplomatic gallery. Seata were placed in front of the Secretary's table for the President of the United States and the President elect; and, on their left, for the Committee of Arrangements. The Chief Justice and Associate Justices ol the Supreme Court had seats ou the right of the Chair. The Diplomatic Corps occupied seats on the right of the Chair, next to the &upreo)e Court. Heads of Departments on the left of the Chair. Officers of the Army and Navy who, by name, had received the thanks of Con gress ; Governors of States and Territo ries of the Union, Ex-Governors of States, Assistant Secretaries of Departments, and the Assistant Postmaster General, Comp trollers, Auditors, Register, and Solicitor of the Treasury .Treasurer, Commissioners, Judges, and the Mayors of Washington and George town on the right and left of the main en trance. Members of Congress and Members elect, en tered the Senate by the main entrance, and occupied seats on the left of the Chair. The gallariea were filled with ladies, who en tered the Capitol from the terrace, by the prin cipal western door of the central building. The rotunda was closed and the passages leading thereto kept clear. The other doors and entrances to the Capitol except those opened under the arrangement were kept closed. At 11 o'clock the President and the Pre sident elect, accompanied by two members of the Committee of arrangements, pro ceeded in a carriage to tbe north door of the north of the Capitol, and entering there were conducted to the President's room. The Vice President elect was accompanied to the Capitol by a member of the Committee of Arrangements, and was conducted into the Vice President's room, and afterwards into the Benate Chamber, where the oath of office was administered to him by the Vice President. The Diplomatic Corps and tbe Justices of the Supreme Court entered tbe Senate Cham ber a few minutes before tbe President elect. The Senate assembled at 12 o'clock. The Senate being ready to receive them, the President and the Presideut elect were intro duced by the Committee of Arrangement to the seats prepared for them in the Senate Chamber. After a short pause, those assembled in the Senate Chamber proceeded tn the platform on the central portico of the Capitol in the fol lowing order : Tbe Marshal of the District of Columbia. The Supreme Court of the United States. The Sergeant at-Arms of the Senate. Tbe Committee of Arrangements. The President of the United States and the President elect. The Vice President and the Secretary of the Senate. Tbe Members of the Senate. The Diplomatic Corps. Heads of Departments, Governors of States and Territories, the Mayors of Washington and Georgetown, and other persons who bad been admitted into the Senate Chamber. On reaching the front of the portico, the President elect took the seat provided for him on the front of the platform. The President and the Committee of Arrange- Next in the rear of these were the Chief Jus tice and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court on tho left, and the Vice Sec retary aud Membersof the Senate on the right. The Diplomatic Corps occupied the seats next in the rear of the Supreme Court. Heads of Departments, Governors, and ex-Governors menta occupied a position in tho rear of the President elect. the Senate, ex-members and members elect of the House of Representatives in the rear of the members of the Senate, membersof the Senate. All being in readiness, the oath of office was admistered to the President elect by the Chief Justice; and on the conclusion of the Presi dent's Address, the Members of the Senate, preceded by the "Vice-President, Secretary and Sergeant-at-arms, returned to the Senate Cham ber and the President accompanied by the. Committee of Arrangements, proceeded to the President's House. THE INAUGURAL. FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES In compliance with & custom as old as the Gov ernment itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence tbe oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President be fore he enters on the execution of his office. Ido not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or ex citement. RIGHTS OF THE FTATES. Apprehension seams to exist among the peo ple of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reason able cause for such apprehension. Indeed the most ample evidence to the contrary has the while existed, and been open to their in spection ; it is found in nearly alt the publish ed speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have DO purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I be lieve I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Thosd who nominated and elected me did to with the full knowledge that I bad made this and maoy similar declarations and bad never recanted them, and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, as a law to them selves and to me, the clear and emphatic reso lution which I now read. Rmlied, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States and especially tbe right of each State to order and control its own do mestic institutions according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion, by an armed force, of the soil of any State or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. I now reiterate these sentiments, and in do ing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that tbe property, peace and se curity of no section are to be in anywise endan gered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which consistently with the constitution and the laws can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheertnlly to one section as to an other. FUGITIVE SLAVES. There is much controversy about the deliver ing of fugitives from eervice or labor The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: "No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or la bor may be due." It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the re claiming of what we call fugitive slaves, and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition then that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause and shall be delivered up, iheir oaths are unani mous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by National or State authority, but surely that dif ference is not a very material one.— If the slave is to be surrendered it can be ef but of little consequence to him or to others, by which authority it is done, and should any one in any case be content that his oath shall be unkept on a merely unsubstantial controver sy as to how it shall be kept. Again, in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civil ised and humane jurisprudence to be introduced so that a freeman may not be in any case surren dered as a slave. And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the en forcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the provisions and immunities of citizens in tbe several States. I take the official oath to-day, with no mental reservations and with no pur pose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypocritical rules, and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced. Ido sug gest that it will be much safer for all, both in official aud private stations, to conform to and abide by ail those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them heid to be unconsti tutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inaugu ration of a President under our National Con stitution, during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in suc cession, administered the Executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils and generally with great success, yet with all this scope for precedent 1 now enter upon the same task for the brief Constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formid ably attempted. I bold that in contemplation of universal law and of tbe Constitution the UnioD of lhe6e States is perpetual; perpetuity is implied if not expressed iu tho fundamental law of all national governments. It 4 is safe to assert that government, properly ever had a provision In its organic law for its own termination. Continue to exclude all the express provisions of our National Constitution and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action BELLEFONTE, MA.RCH 5, 1861. not provi led for in the instrument itself.— Again, if the United States be not a govern ment proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a con tract be peaceably unmade by less than all tbe parties who made. One party to a contract may violate it, break it so to speak, but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? Descending from these general principles we find the proposition that iu legal contempla tion the Union is perpetually confirmed by the hist'oiy of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed fa fact by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further ma tured and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual by the articles of confeder ation in 1778. And finally, in 1787 one of the declared ob jects for ordaining and establishing the Consti tution was to form a more perfect Union, but if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States bj lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity ; it follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that ef fect are legally void ; and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authori ty of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionaiy accoiding to circumstances. I therefore consider that in view of the Con stitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly eDjoins on me, the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, I deem to be only a simple duty on my part,and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people shall withhold the requisite meana or in some authori ivo manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace,but only as a declared purpose of Union; that it will constitutionally defend and main tain itself in doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the National authori ty. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect duties and imposts, but beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will ba no invasion, ua using of force against or among people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States ia any interior lately shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding federal offices, there will be no at tempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object while the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices ; the at tempt to do so would be ao irritating and so nearly impracticable, with all that I deem it better to forego for a time, the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to he furnished in all parts of the Union, so far as possible. Tbe people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect secu rity which are moat favorable to calm thoughts and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unlfess current events and ex perience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the National troubles, and the restoration of fra ternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm or deny; but if there be such, I uoed ad dress no word, to those, however, who really love the Union. May I not speak before en teriDgn'pon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, all its benefits, its me mories, and hopes ; would it not be wise to as certain precisely what are due; will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence ;will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from; will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then,that any right plain ly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so con stituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think if you can of a single in stance In which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written Con stitutional right it might, in a moral point of view, justify a revolution ; it certainly would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minori ties and of individuals are so plainly assured to them, by affirmations and negations, guar antees and prohibitions in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them; but no organic iaw can be framed with a pro vision specifically applicable to every ques tion which may occur iu practical administra tion. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length, contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fu gitives from labor be surrendered by national or State authority ? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say ? Must Congress protect slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our Constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and mi norities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. There is no other alternative for continuing the government but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide or ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it. All who cherish dis union sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing tbis. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce har mony ouly, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy, a majority held in re straint by constirutional checks and limita tions and always changing easily V'th the de- Liberate changes of popular opinions and senti ments is the only true sovereign of a free people. "Whoever rejects it, does of necessi ty fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimi ty is impossible. The rule of a miuoiity as a warrant arrangement is wholly inadmissable. So that rejecting the majority principle, an archy and despotism in some form, is all that is left. Ido not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit while they are also entitled to very high respect aud consideration in all parallel cases by all ether De partments of the government and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil ef fect following it, being limited to that particu lar case, with the chance that it may be over ruled and never become a precedent for others, and better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At tbe same time the candid citizen must confess that if the polity of the government upon vital questions affecting the whole peo ple is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties iu personal actions,'the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practi cally resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal; nor is there ia this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges; it is a duty from which they may not shriuk to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes sla very is right, and ought to be extended; while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute; the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution and the law for tbe suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be in a community where the moral tense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself; the great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases and a few break over in each; this I think cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. Tbe foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would ba ultimately revived with out restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves now only partially surrendered,would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate, we cannot remove our respective lections from each,other,nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the roach of each other, but tbe different parts of our country cannot do this they cannot but remain face to face and an intercourse either amicable or hostile must continue between them. Is it possible then to make that intercourse more advanta geous or more satisfactory after separating than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always, nd wheu after much loss both sides and no gain on eith er you cease fighting the identical terms are again upon you. This country with its insti tutions belong to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the exist ing government they can exereise their consti tutional right of amending it or their revolu tionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendations of amendments, I fully re cognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised iu either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, aud I should, under exciting circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity be ing afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that, to me, the Con vention mode seems preferable, inasmuch as it allows the amendment to originate with the people themselves, instead of permitting them to take or reject a proposition originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would not wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution, which amendment, however, I have not seen, has passed Congress to tbe ef fect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to ser vice. To avoid a misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that holding such a provision to be now implied as constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made ex press and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people and they have conferred none upou him to make terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose, but Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it, his duty is to administer the present govern ment as it came to his hands and to trans mit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justico of the people, is there any better or equal hope in the world. In our present differences is either party without faith of beiDg in right if the Al mighty Ruler of nations with his eternal truth and justice be on your side of tho North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people by the frame of the Government un der which wo live; this same people have wisely given their servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom pro vided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the peo ple retain their virtue and vigilance no ad ministration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the government in the short space of tour years, lly country men one and all, think calmly and well upon tbis whole subject; nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an objeet to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time, but no good object can be frus trated by it. Such of you as are dissatisfied still have the old Constitution, unimpaired, and on tbe sensitive point tbe laws of your own framing under it; while the new admin istration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute; there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, aud a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken tbis favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulties. Iu your bauds my dissatisfied countrymen and not in mine is the momentous issue of civil war ; the government will not assall you ; you can have no conflict without being your selves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Govern ment whle I shall have the most Bolemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. lam loth to elose. We are not enemies but friends.— We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory stretchiog from every battle field and patriotic grave to every loving heart and hearthstone all over this broad land will yet swell the cho rus of the Union, when again touched, as sure ly as they will be the better angels of our na ture. FROM THE FEDERAL CAPITAL. [Correspondence of the Telegraph.] WASHINGTON, March 2,1861 There is an understanding to-day that the cabinet has been finally fixed upon by Mr. Lincoln. He will hear no further conversation on that subject, and has peremptorily refused to listen to any suggestions in regard to any of his other appointments nntil after the Inaugu ration. This resolution gives Mr. Lincoln time fully to digest his inaugural address, as well as affords him some small share of repose to in vigorate him for the burdens and excitement which will attend his position after Monday next. The cabinet will be composed of the following gentlemen : Secretary of State—William H. Seward, N.Y. " Treasury—Solomon Chase, 0. ' " - War—Simon Cameron, Pa. " Navy—Montgomery Blair, Md. " Interior—Caleb Smith, Indiana. Post Master General—Gideon J.Wells, Conn, Attorney General—Edward Bates, Mo. The great contest was for the Treasury De partment, and had it not been for the courtesy of General Cameron in complying with the ur gent request of Mr. Lincoln, much embarrass ment might have arisen from the struggle for this position. It was a well known fact [that the President elect had tendered the Treasury Department to Gen. Cameron, who had the tender under consideration, and tho struggle which grew out of this circumstance on tbe part of those who opposed Gen. Cameron rather strengthened Mr. Lincoln's predeliction for than against him. I know this to be a fact, aud I also know that Mr. Lincoln scorned to give credence to any of the silly slanders which were put in circulation in this city for tbe pur pose of damaging the character of Gen. Cam* eron The great difficulty which embarrassed Mr. Lincoln for a few days, was the position which Mr. Chase, of Ohio, has always assumed and maintained towards him. For many years the most cordial intimacy has exist ed between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Chase.— Professionally, politically and socially, the friendship has been unabated and the devotion firm and sincere. With the reminiscences of such an intercourse and alliance, it is not strange that Mr. Lincoln became embarrassed by the contest for the Treasury, from which he was only relieved by the withdrawal of tbe nameandclaim of Gen. Cameron. At the urgent solicitation of the President elect, and after he had made a personal appeal Gen. Cameron withdrew his name,and then was induced to ac cept the War Department. This acceptance was insisted on by Mr. Lincoln, who frankly declared that he would not consider his admin istration a permanent success without the sup port and counsel of Gen. Cameron. The fact, too, that the success of the Tariff during the late session of Congress, fixes the policy of Mr. Lincoln's administration, makes it a matter of little difference who is iu the Treasury De partment. Without the present Tariff, Gen. Cameron would scarcely have been willing to give up his claims. With our revenue laws fairly adjusted he can grant to the administra tion of Mr. Lincoln with the fullest confidence that the great industrial interests of the country are entrenched behind that just pro tection which has so long been their due. Hon. Edgar Cowan, Senator elect from Penn sylvania has been in the city for several days, and to-day was on the floor ot the House, re ceiving the congratulations and compliments of his Republican friends. He has created a very favorable impression on all with whom he has come in contact, both for the courteous dignity of his demeanor and brilliant conver sational powers. His debut in the Senate is anticipated as a success, while his more inti mate and personal friends predict for him a highly useful and brilliant career. Mr. Cowan is certainly a mau of rare attainments and powerful intellect. His knowledge is all of a practical and scientific order, while his tastes run in channels of real uee and benificence. After a few month's acquaintance with the bu siness of legislation, and a more extensive in tercourse with public men, than Mr. Cowan has had the opportunity of enjoying while in the practice of his profession, he will prove himself equal to his position in every respect. INQUIRER. MORATUTV IN YORK COUNTY.— The "red de mon of the nursery," scarlet fever, and typhoid and catarrhal fevers, have been quite prevalent for some time past in the neighboring county of York. We are informed of one case, or rather a house full of cases, of typhoid charac ter, now under treatment in Lower Windsor township, under peculiarly distressing circum stances. Six persons in the family of Mr. Ja cob Hertzler, are at present prostrated with that disease, and one other member of the family died a short time since, leaving a young wife and infant. A MISTAKE. —We osberve that a number ot our exchanges are under the impression that the bill for the suppression of fortune telling (which includes a penalty for practising spiri tual rapping) has become a law. Tbis is a mis take. The bill has only passed the House ol Representatives, and has not yet been acted upon by the Senate. THEIR TRADES AND PROFESSIONS— The wlitor of the Chester County Times, (Mr. Capron/, mid assistant clerk of the House of Representatives, publishes a full list of the trades and profes sions of the members of the House, which we extract as follows : TRADES OR N ATIVR NAMES. PROFESSIONS. STATES Mr. Abbott, Farmer, Mass. " Acker, Merchant, Penna. " Alexander, Railroad Contractor, " 44 Anderson, Physician, " 44 Armstrong, Lawyer, 44 Aschom Machinest, " " Austin, Merchant, " " Ball, Farmer, " " Barnsley, " " " Bartholomew, Lawyer, 44 " Bisel, Merchant, " " Bixler, Farmer, 44 Blair, Tanner, " " Blanchard, Lumber Merchant, Ohio 44 Bliss, Physician, Conn. " Boytr, I