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COR WIN'S PROPOSITION ADOPTED.
Report of Peaee Conference Rejected.
The Crittenden Resolutions Lost.
IMMENSE CONCOURSE OF PEOPLE
THE INAUGURAL OF PRE
WASHINGTON, March 4.
The Senate continued in session till after
day light. After the iejection of various
amendments to the House Committee's (Cor
win's) joint resolutions, a vote was taken and
it passed, yeas 24, nays 12.
The Peace Conference resolutions were then
voted on and rejected, yeas 7, nays 28.
The Crittenden resolutions were then re
jected, yeas 18, nays 20.
At 7 o'clock the Senate then took a rectss
till 10 o'clock.
HOUSE.— Reassembled atteu o'clock. Speaker
PINNINQTON made a parting address, asserting
his devotedness to the Union and all necessary
compromises to heal the differences agitating
the country. He was in favor of a National
Convention to remedy the supposed or real
The Speaker concluded his address by an
nouncing that the House is adjourned rine di*.
With much good humor, the members aspe
The city is filled to overflowing with strang
ers from all sections of the country, who have
came to witness the inaugural ceremonies.—
The weather was delightful, and the civil and
military pageant was one of the finest that has
ever occurred in the city of Washington.
' There was no disturbance whatever to inter
rupt the ceremonies, which transpired in ac
cordance with the arranged programme.
The doors of the Senate Chamber were open
ed at 11 o'clock, A. M., for the admission of
Senators, and others, who, by the arrangement
of the Committee, were entitled to admission.
They entered as follows :
Ex-Presidents and Vice Presidents.
The Chief Justice and Associate Judges oi
the Supreme Court.
The Diplomatic Corps, Heads of Depart
ments, and Ex-members of either branch of
Congress, and Members of Congress elect.
Officers of the Army and Navy who, by
name, ha received the thanks of Congress.
Governors of States and Territories of the
Union, and Ex-Governors of States. Assistant
Secretaries of Departments, and the Assistant
Postmaster General; the Comptrollers, Audi
tors, Register, Solicitor of the Treasury, Treas
urer, Commissioners, Judges, and
The Mayors of Washington and Georgetown,
and the reporters in the Senate.
All of whom were admitted ut the north door
of the Capitol.
The families of the Diplomatic Corps entered
at the north door of the Capitol, and were con
ducted to the diplomatic gallery.
Seata were placed in front of the Secretary's
table for the President of the United States and
the President elect; and, on their left, for the
Committee of Arrangements.
The Chief Justice and Associate Justices ol
the Supreme Court had seats ou the right of
The Diplomatic Corps occupied seats on the
right of the Chair, next to the &upreo)e Court.
Heads of Departments on the left of the Chair.
Officers of the Army and Navy who, by
name, had received the thanks of Con
gress ; Governors of States and Territo
ries of the Union, Ex-Governors of States,
Assistant Secretaries of Departments, and
the Assistant Postmaster General, Comp
trollers, Auditors, Register, and Solicitor of
the Treasury .Treasurer, Commissioners, Judges,
and the Mayors of Washington and George
town on the right and left of the main en
Members of Congress and Members elect, en
tered the Senate by the main entrance, and
occupied seats on the left of the Chair.
The gallariea were filled with ladies, who en
tered the Capitol from the terrace, by the prin
cipal western door of the central building.
The rotunda was closed and the passages
leading thereto kept clear.
The other doors and entrances to the Capitol
except those opened under the arrangement
were kept closed.
At 11 o'clock the President and the Pre
sident elect, accompanied by two members
of the Committee of arrangements, pro
ceeded in a carriage to tbe north door of
the north of the Capitol, and entering
there were conducted to the President's room.
The Vice President elect was accompanied
to the Capitol by a member of the Committee
of Arrangements, and was conducted into the
Vice President's room, and afterwards into the
Benate Chamber, where the oath of office was
administered to him by the Vice President.
The Diplomatic Corps and tbe Justices of
the Supreme Court entered tbe Senate Cham
ber a few minutes before tbe President elect.
The Senate assembled at 12 o'clock.
The Senate being ready to receive them, the
President and the Presideut elect were intro
duced by the Committee of Arrangement to
the seats prepared for them in the Senate
After a short pause, those assembled in the
Senate Chamber proceeded tn the platform on
the central portico of the Capitol in the fol
lowing order :
Tbe Marshal of the District of Columbia.
The Supreme Court of the United States.
The Sergeant at-Arms of the Senate.
Tbe Committee of Arrangements.
The President of the United States and the
The Vice President and the Secretary of the
Tbe Members of the Senate.
The Diplomatic Corps.
Heads of Departments, Governors of States
and Territories, the Mayors of Washington
and Georgetown, and other persons who bad
been admitted into the Senate Chamber.
On reaching the front of the portico, the
President elect took the seat provided for him
on the front of the platform.
The President and the Committee of Arrange-
Next in the rear of these were the Chief Jus
tice and the Associate Justices of the Supreme
Court on tho left, and the Vice Sec
retary aud Membersof the Senate on the right.
The Diplomatic Corps occupied the seats
next in the rear of the Supreme Court. Heads
of Departments, Governors, and ex-Governors
menta occupied a position in tho rear of the
the Senate, ex-members and members elect of
the House of Representatives in the rear of the
members of the Senate,
membersof the Senate.
All being in readiness, the oath of office was
admistered to the President elect by the Chief
Justice; and on the conclusion of the Presi
dent's Address, the Members of the Senate,
preceded by the "Vice-President, Secretary and
Sergeant-at-arms, returned to the Senate Cham
ber and the President accompanied by the.
Committee of Arrangements, proceeded to
the President's House.
FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES In
compliance with & custom as old as the Gov
ernment itself, I appear before you to address
you briefly, and to take in your presence tbe
oath prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States to be taken by the President be
fore he enters on the execution of his office.
Ido not consider it necessary at present for
me to discuss those matters of administration
about which there is no special anxiety or ex
RIGHTS OF THE FTATES.
Apprehension seams to exist among the peo
ple of the Southern States that by the accession
of a Republican administration their property
and their peace and personal security are to be
endangered. There has never been any reason
able cause for such apprehension. Indeed the
most ample evidence to the contrary has
the while existed, and been open to their in
spection ; it is found in nearly alt the publish
ed speeches of him who now addresses you.
I do but quote from one of those speeches
when I declare that I have DO purpose directly
or indirectly to interfere with the institution
of slavery in the States where it exists. I be
lieve I have no lawful right to do so, and I
have no inclination to do so. Thosd who
nominated and elected me did to with the full
knowledge that I bad made this and maoy
similar declarations and bad never recanted
them, and more than this, they placed in the
platform for my acceptance, as a law to them
selves and to me, the clear and emphatic reso
lution which I now read.
Rmlied, That the maintenance inviolate of
the rights of the States and especially tbe right
of each State to order and control its own do
mestic institutions according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of
power on which the perfection and endurance
of our political fabric depend, and we denounce
the lawless invasion, by an armed force, of the
soil of any State or territory, no matter under
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in do
ing so I only press upon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible that tbe property, peace and se
curity of no section are to be in anywise endan
gered by the now incoming Administration.
I add, too, that all the protection which
consistently with the constitution and the laws
can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the
States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever
cause, as cheertnlly to one section as to an
There is much controversy about the deliver
ing of fugitives from eervice or labor The
clause I now read is as plainly written in the
Constitution as any other of its provisions:
"No person held to service or labor in
one State under the laws thereof escaping into
another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or la
bor may be due."
It is scarcely questioned that this provision
was intended by those who made it for the re
claiming of what we call fugitive slaves, and
the intention of the lawgiver is the law.
All members of Congress swear their support
to the whole Constitution to this provision as
much as to any other.
To the proposition then that slaves whose
cases come within the terms of this clause and
shall be delivered up, iheir oaths are unani
mous. Now, if they would make the effort in
good temper, could they not with nearly equal
unanimity frame and pass a law by means of
which to keep good that unanimous oath
There is some difference of opinion whether
this clause should be enforced by National
or State authority, but surely that dif
ference is not a very material one.—
If the slave is to be surrendered it can be ef
but of little consequence to him or to others,
by which authority it is done, and should any
one in any case be content that his oath shall
be unkept on a merely unsubstantial controver
sy as to how it shall be kept.
Again, in any law upon this subject ought
not all the safeguards of liberty known in civil
ised and humane jurisprudence to be introduced
so that a freeman may not be in any case surren
dered as a slave. And might it not be well at
the same time to provide by law for the en
forcement of that clause in the Constitution
which guarantees that the citizens of each
State shall be entitled to all the provisions and
immunities of citizens in tbe several States.
I take the official oath to-day, with
no mental reservations and with no pur
pose to construe the Constitution or laws
by any hypocritical rules, and while
I do not choose now to specify particular acts
of Congress as proper to be enforced. Ido sug
gest that it will be much safer for all, both in
official aud private stations, to conform to and
abide by ail those acts which stand unrepealed,
than to violate any of them, trusting to find
impunity in having them heid to be unconsti
It is seventy-two years since the first inaugu
ration of a President under our National Con
stitution, during that period fifteen different
and greatly distinguished citizens have, in suc
cession, administered the Executive branch of
the Government. They have conducted it
through many perils and generally with great
success, yet with all this scope for precedent 1
now enter upon the same task for the brief
Constitutional term of four years under great and
peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal
Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formid
ably attempted. I bold that in contemplation
of universal law and of tbe Constitution the
UnioD of lhe6e States is perpetual; perpetuity
is implied if not expressed iu tho fundamental
law of all national governments.
It 4 is safe to assert that government, properly
ever had a provision In its organic law for its
own termination. Continue to exclude all the
express provisions of our National Constitution
and the Union will endure forever, it being
impossible to destroy it except by some action
BELLEFONTE, MA.RCH 5, 1861.
not provi led for in the instrument itself.—
Again, if the United States be not a govern
ment proper, but an association of States in
the nature of contract merely, can it as a con
tract be peaceably unmade by less than all tbe
parties who made. One party to a contract
may violate it, break it so to speak, but does it
not require all to lawfully rescind it ?
Descending from these general principles we
find the proposition that iu legal contempla
tion the Union is perpetually confirmed by the
hist'oiy of the Union itself. The Union is much
older than the Constitution. It was formed fa
fact by the Articles of Association in 1774. It
was matured and continued by the Declaration
of Independence in 1776. It was further ma
tured and the faith of all the then thirteen
States expressly plighted and engaged that it
should be perpetual by the articles of confeder
ation in 1778.
And finally, in 1787 one of the declared ob
jects for ordaining and establishing the Consti
tution was to form a more perfect Union, but
if destruction of the Union by one or by a part
only of the States bj lawfully possible, the
Union is less than before, the Constitution
having lost the vital element of perpetuity ; it
follows from these views that no State upon its
own mere motion can lawfully get out of the
Union; that resolves and ordinances to that ef
fect are legally void ; and that acts of violence
within any State or States against the authori
ty of the United States are insurrectionary or
revolutionaiy accoiding to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Con
stitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and
to the extent of my ability shall take care, as
the Constitution itself expressly eDjoins on me,
the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in
all the States. Doing this, I deem to be only a
simple duty on my part,and I shall perform it so
far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the
American people shall withhold the requisite
meana or in some authori ivo manner direct the
contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a
menace,but only as a declared purpose of Union;
that it will constitutionally defend and main
tain itself in doing this, there need be no
bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none
unless it be forced upon the National authori
ty. The power confided to me will be used
to hold, occupy and possess the property
and places belonging to the Government,
and to collect duties and imposts, but
beyond what may be necessary for these
objects there will ba no invasion, ua using of
force against or among people anywhere. Where
hostility to the United States ia any interior
lately shall be so great and so universal as to
prevent competent resident citizens from
holding federal offices, there will be no at
tempt to force obnoxious strangers among
the people that object while the strict
legal right may exist in the government
to enforce the exercise of these offices ; the at
tempt to do so would be ao irritating and so
nearly impracticable, with all that I deem it
better to forego for a time, the uses of such
offices. The mails, unless repelled, will
continue to he furnished in all parts of
the Union, so far as possible. Tbe people
everywhere shall have that sense of perfect secu
rity which are moat favorable to calm thoughts
and reflection. The course here indicated
will be followed unlfess current events and ex
perience shall show a modification or change to
be proper, and in every case and exigency my
best discretion will be exercised according to
circumstances actually existing, and with a
view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the
National troubles, and the restoration of fra
ternal sympathies and affections. That there
are persons in one section or another who
seek to destroy the Union at all events, and
are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither
affirm or deny; but if there be such, I uoed ad
dress no word, to those, however, who really
love the Union. May I not speak before en
teriDgn'pon so grave a matter as the destruction
of our national fabric, all its benefits, its me
mories, and hopes ; would it not be wise to as
certain precisely what are due; will you hazard
so desperate a step while there is any possibility
that any portion of the ills you fly from have no
real existence ;will you, while the certain ills
you fly to are greater than all the real ones you
fly from; will you risk the commission of so
fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in
the Union if all constitutional rights can be
maintained. Is it true, then,that any right plain
ly written in the Constitution has been denied? I
think not. Happily the human mind is so con
stituted that no party can reach to the audacity
of doing this. Think if you can of a single in
stance In which a plainly written provision of
the Constitution has ever been denied. If by
the mere force of numbers a majority should
deprive a minority of any clearly written Con
stitutional right it might, in a moral point of
view, justify a revolution ; it certainly would
if such a right were a vital one. But such is
not our case. All the vital rights of minori
ties and of individuals are so plainly assured
to them, by affirmations and negations, guar
antees and prohibitions in the Constitution,
that controversies never arise concerning them;
but no organic iaw can be framed with a pro
vision specifically applicable to every ques
tion which may occur iu practical administra
tion. No foresight can anticipate, nor any
document of reasonable length, contain express
provisions for all possible questions. Shall fu
gitives from labor be surrendered by national
or State authority ? The Constitution does not
expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery
in the territories ? The Constitution does not
expressly say ? Must Congress protect slavery
in the territories? The Constitution does not
expressly say. From questions of this class
spring all our Constitutional controversies, and
we divide upon them into majorities and mi
norities. If the minority will not acquiesce,
the majority must, or the government must
There is no other alternative for continuing
the government but acquiescence on the one
side or the other. If a minority in such case
will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a
precedent which in turn will divide or ruin
them, for a minority of their own will secede
from them whenever a majority refuses to be
controlled by such a minority. For instance, why
may not any portion of a new confederacy a
year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again,
precisely as portions of the present Union now
claim to secede from it. All who cherish dis
union sentiments are now being educated to
the exact temper of doing tbis. Is there such
perfect identity of interests among the States
to compose a new Union as to produce har
mony ouly, and prevent renewed secession ?
Plainly the central idea of secession is the
essence of anarchy, a majority held in re
straint by constirutional checks and limita
tions and always changing easily V'th the de-
Liberate changes of popular opinions and senti
ments is the only true sovereign of a free
people. "Whoever rejects it, does of necessi
ty fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimi
ty is impossible. The rule of a miuoiity as
a warrant arrangement is wholly inadmissable.
So that rejecting the majority principle, an
archy and despotism in some form, is all that
is left. Ido not forget the position assumed
by some that constitutional questions are to be
decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny
that such decisions must be binding in any case
upon the parties to a suit as to the object of
that suit while they are also entitled to
very high respect aud consideration
in all parallel cases by all ether De
partments of the government and while it is
obviously possible that such decision may be
erroneous in any given case, still the evil ef
fect following it, being limited to that particu
lar case, with the chance that it may be over
ruled and never become a precedent for others,
and better be borne than could the evils of a
At tbe same time the candid citizen must
confess that if the polity of the government
upon vital questions affecting the whole peo
ple is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the
Supreme Court, the instant they are made in
ordinary litigation between parties iu personal
actions,'the people will have ceased to be their
own rulers, having to that extent practi
cally resigned their government into the hands
of that eminent tribunal; nor is there ia
this view any assault upon the Court or the
Judges; it is a duty from which they may not
shriuk to decide cases properly brought before
them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek
to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes sla
very is right, and ought to be extended;
while the other believes it is wrong,
and ought not to be extended. This is
the only substantial dispute; the fugitive slave
clause of the Constitution and the law for tbe
suppression of the foreign slave trade are each
as well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be
in a community where the moral tense of the
people imperfectly supports the law itself; the
great body of the people abide by the dry legal
obligation in both cases and a few break over
in each; this I think cannot be perfectly cured,
and it would be worse in both cases after the
separation of the sections than before.
Tbe foreign slave trade, now imperfectly
suppressed, would ba ultimately revived with
out restriction in one section, while fugitive
slaves now only partially surrendered,would not
be surrendered at all by the other. Physically
speaking, we cannot separate, we cannot remove
our respective lections from each,other,nor build
an impassable wall between them. A husband
and wife may be divorced and go out of the
presence and beyond the roach of each other,
but tbe different parts of our country cannot
do this they cannot but remain face to face
and an intercourse either amicable or hostile
must continue between them. Is it possible
then to make that intercourse more advanta
geous or more satisfactory after separating than
before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than
friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more
faithfully enforced between aliens than laws
among friends? Suppose you go to war, you
cannot fight always, nd wheu after much
loss both sides and no gain on eith
er you cease fighting the identical terms are
again upon you. This country with its insti
tutions belong to the people who inhabit it.
Whenever they shall grow weary of the exist
ing government they can exereise their consti
tutional right of amending it or their revolu
tionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I
cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy
and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the
national Constitution amended. While I make
no recommendations of amendments, I fully re
cognize the rightful authority of the people over
the whole subject, to be exercised iu either of
the modes prescribed in the instrument itself,
aud I should, under exciting circumstances,
favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity be
ing afforded the people to act upon it.
I will venture to add that, to me, the Con
vention mode seems preferable, inasmuch as
it allows the amendment to originate with the
people themselves, instead of permitting them
to take or reject a proposition originated by
others not especially chosen for the purpose,
and which might not be precisely such as they
would not wish to either accept or refuse.
I understand a proposed amendment to the
Constitution, which amendment, however, I
have not seen, has passed Congress to tbe ef
fect that the Federal Government shall never
interfere with domestic institutions of the
States, including that of persons held to ser
vice. To avoid a misconstruction of what I
have said, I depart from my purpose
not to speak of particular amendments,
so far as to say that holding such
a provision to be now implied as constitutional
law, I have no objection to its being made ex
press and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate
derives all his authority from the people and
they have conferred none upou him to
make terms for the separation of the
States. The people themselves can do this
also if they choose, but Executive, as
such, has nothing to do with it, his
duty is to administer the present govern
ment as it came to his hands and to trans
mit it unimpaired by him to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence
in the ultimate justico of the people, is there
any better or equal hope in the world.
In our present differences is either party
without faith of beiDg in right if the Al
mighty Ruler of nations with his eternal
truth and justice be on your side of tho
North, or on yours of the South, that truth
and that justice will surely prevail by the
judgment of this great tribunal, the American
people by the frame of the Government un
der which wo live; this same people have
wisely given their servants but little power
for mischief, and have with equal wisdom pro
vided for the return of that little to their own
hands at very short intervals. While the peo
ple retain their virtue and vigilance no ad
ministration by any extreme of wickedness or
folly can very seriously injure the government
in the short space of tour years, lly country
men one and all, think calmly and well upon
tbis whole subject; nothing valuable can be
lost by taking time. If there be
an objeet to hurry any of you in
hot haste to a step which you would never
take deliberately, that object will be frustrated
by taking time, but no good object can be frus
trated by it. Such of you as are dissatisfied
still have the old Constitution, unimpaired,
and on tbe sensitive point tbe laws of your
own framing under it; while the new admin
istration will have no immediate power, if it
would, to change either. If it were admitted
that you who are dissatisfied hold the right
side in the dispute; there still is no single good
reason for precipitate action. Intelligence,
patriotism, Christianity, aud a firm reliance on
Him who has never yet forsaken tbis favored
land, are still competent to adjust, in the best
way, all our present difficulties.
Iu your bauds my dissatisfied countrymen
and not in mine is the momentous issue of civil
war ; the government will not assall you ; you
can have no conflict without being your
selves the aggressors. You have no oath
registered in heaven to destroy the Govern
ment whle I shall have the most Bolemn one
to preserve, protect and defend it. lam loth
to elose. We are not enemies but friends.—
We must not be enemies. Though passion
may have strained it must not break our bonds
of affection. The mystic chords of memory
stretchiog from every battle field and patriotic
grave to every loving heart and hearthstone
all over this broad land will yet swell the cho
rus of the Union, when again touched, as sure
ly as they will be the better angels of our na
FROM THE FEDERAL CAPITAL.
[Correspondence of the Telegraph.]
WASHINGTON, March 2,1861
There is an understanding to-day that the
cabinet has been finally fixed upon by Mr.
Lincoln. He will hear no further conversation
on that subject, and has peremptorily refused
to listen to any suggestions in regard to any of
his other appointments nntil after the Inaugu
ration. This resolution gives Mr. Lincoln time
fully to digest his inaugural address, as well as
affords him some small share of repose to in
vigorate him for the burdens and excitement
which will attend his position after Monday
next. The cabinet will be composed of the
following gentlemen :
Secretary of State—William H. Seward, N.Y.
" Treasury—Solomon Chase, 0. '
" - War—Simon Cameron, Pa.
" Navy—Montgomery Blair, Md.
" Interior—Caleb Smith, Indiana.
Post Master General—Gideon J.Wells, Conn,
Attorney General—Edward Bates, Mo.
The great contest was for the Treasury De
partment, and had it not been for the courtesy
of General Cameron in complying with the ur
gent request of Mr. Lincoln, much embarrass
ment might have arisen from the struggle for
this position. It was a well known fact [that
the President elect had tendered the Treasury
Department to Gen. Cameron, who had the
tender under consideration, and tho struggle
which grew out of this circumstance on tbe
part of those who opposed Gen. Cameron rather
strengthened Mr. Lincoln's predeliction for than
against him. I know this to be a fact, aud I
also know that Mr. Lincoln scorned to give
credence to any of the silly slanders which
were put in circulation in this city for tbe pur
pose of damaging the character of Gen. Cam*
eron The great difficulty which embarrassed
Mr. Lincoln for a few days, was the position
which Mr. Chase, of Ohio, has always assumed
and maintained towards him. For many
years the most cordial intimacy has exist
ed between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Chase.—
Professionally, politically and socially, the
friendship has been unabated and the devotion
firm and sincere. With the reminiscences of
such an intercourse and alliance, it is not
strange that Mr. Lincoln became embarrassed
by the contest for the Treasury, from which he
was only relieved by the withdrawal of tbe
nameandclaim of Gen. Cameron. At the urgent
solicitation of the President elect, and after he
had made a personal appeal Gen. Cameron
withdrew his name,and then was induced to ac
cept the War Department. This acceptance
was insisted on by Mr. Lincoln, who frankly
declared that he would not consider his admin
istration a permanent success without the sup
port and counsel of Gen. Cameron. The fact,
too, that the success of the Tariff during the
late session of Congress, fixes the policy of Mr.
Lincoln's administration, makes it a matter of
little difference who is iu the Treasury De
partment. Without the present Tariff, Gen.
Cameron would scarcely have been willing to
give up his claims. With our revenue laws
fairly adjusted he can grant to the administra
tion of Mr. Lincoln with the fullest confidence
that the great industrial interests of the
country are entrenched behind that just pro
tection which has so long been their due.
Hon. Edgar Cowan, Senator elect from Penn
sylvania has been in the city for several days,
and to-day was on the floor ot the House, re
ceiving the congratulations and compliments
of his Republican friends. He has created a
very favorable impression on all with whom he
has come in contact, both for the courteous
dignity of his demeanor and brilliant conver
sational powers. His debut in the Senate is
anticipated as a success, while his more inti
mate and personal friends predict for him a
highly useful and brilliant career. Mr. Cowan
is certainly a mau of rare attainments and
powerful intellect. His knowledge is all of a
practical and scientific order, while his tastes
run in channels of real uee and benificence.
After a few month's acquaintance with the bu
siness of legislation, and a more extensive in
tercourse with public men, than Mr. Cowan
has had the opportunity of enjoying while in
the practice of his profession, he will prove
himself equal to his position in every respect.
MORATUTV IN YORK COUNTY.— The "red de
mon of the nursery," scarlet fever, and typhoid
and catarrhal fevers, have been quite prevalent
for some time past in the neighboring county
of York. We are informed of one case, or
rather a house full of cases, of typhoid charac
ter, now under treatment in Lower Windsor
township, under peculiarly distressing circum
stances. Six persons in the family of Mr. Ja
cob Hertzler, are at present prostrated with
that disease, and one other member of the
family died a short time since, leaving a young
wife and infant.
A MISTAKE. —We osberve that a number ot
our exchanges are under the impression that
the bill for the suppression of fortune telling
(which includes a penalty for practising spiri
tual rapping) has become a law. Tbis is a mis
take. The bill has only passed the House ol
Representatives, and has not yet been acted
upon by the Senate.
THEIR TRADES AND PROFESSIONS— The wlitor
of the Chester County Times, (Mr. Capron/, mid
assistant clerk of the House of Representatives,
publishes a full list of the trades and profes
sions of the members of the House, which we
extract as follows :
TRADES OR N ATIVR
NAMES. PROFESSIONS. STATES
Mr. Abbott, Farmer, Mass.
" Acker, Merchant, Penna.
" Alexander, Railroad Contractor, "
44 Anderson, Physician, "
44 Armstrong, Lawyer,
44 Aschom Machinest, "
" Austin, Merchant, "
" Ball, Farmer, "
" Barnsley, " "
" Bartholomew, Lawyer, 44
" Bisel, Merchant, "
" Bixler, Farmer,
44 Blair, Tanner, "
" Blanchard, Lumber Merchant, Ohio
44 Bliss, Physician, Conn.
" Boytr, I<awyer, Penoa
44 Bressler, Iron Manufacturer, "
44 Brewster, Merchant, "
" Brodhead, 44 "
" Burns, Farmer,
44 Butler, (Carbon) Lawyer, Md.
44 Butler,(Crawf'd) Merchant, N. Y.
" Byrne, Lawyer, Ireland.
" Caldwell, Dyer, "
" Clark, Farmer, Penna.
44 Collins. Lawyer,
" Cope, Farmer, "
" Cowan, Editor & Printer, N. Y.
" Craig, Farmer, PeDna.
• Davis, Iron Manufacturer, "
44 Dismant, Farmer,
" Divins, " "
" Donley, 44
" Douglass, 44
" Duffield, Lawyer,
" Duncan, Merchant,
'• Dunlap, Coach Maker, Va.
" Eilenberger, Merchant, Penua.
" Elliott, t Architect,
44 Frazier, Farmer, Conn.
44 Gaskill, Clerk, Penoa.
44 Gibboney, Manufacturer, "
" Goehring, Horticulturalist,
44 Gordon, Lawyer,
" Graham, Farmer,
" Happer, "
44 Harvey, "
" Hayes, Merchant, "
44 Heck, Physician, "
" Hillman, Coal Merchant,
44 Hood, Farmer,
44 Hoflus, "
44 Huhn, Powder Manufac'ter, 44
44 Irvin, Tanner & Farmer, 44
" Kline, Farmer,
41 Koch, 44
44 Lawrence, Engineer,
44 Leiaenriog, Editor and Printer, 4 *
44 Lichtenwallner, Farmer. 44
44 Lowther, 44 "
44 M'Donough, Cooper, Ireland.
44 M'Gonigal, Merchant Penna.
44 Manifold, Farmer,
44 Marshall, Lawyer,
44 Moore, Carpenter,
44 Morrison, Tin Smith, England.
44 Mullin, Lawyer, Penna.
44 Myers, Farmer,
44 Ober, Wheelwright,
44 Osterhout, Merchant, 44
4 * Patterson. Gentleman, x *'
44 Peirce, Ag. Imple't Manuf'r 44
44 Preston, Manufacturer,
44 Pugbe, Coal Operator, Waies.
44 Randall, Lawyer, Penna.
44 Reiff, Farmer,
44 Reiley, Physician, "
44 Rhoads, Farmer,
44 Ridgway, Iron Maoufacturer, N. J.
44 Robinson, Lawyer & Farmer, Ireland.
44 Roller, Farmer, Penna.
44 Schrock, Merchaut 44
" Seltrer, Physician, 14
44 Shafer, Merchant, 44
44 Sheppard, Moulder, N. J.
44 Smith (Berks), Farmer, Penna.
44 Smith (Phila.), Yictualer, "
44 Stehman, Farmer, "
44 Stoneback, Powder Manufacturer, 44
44 Strang, Lawyer, N. Y.
44 Taylor, Physician, Penna,
" Teller, Farmer, N. Y
44 Thomas, Merchant, Pen Da.
44 Tracy, Farmer, "
44 Walker, Merchant, N. Y
44 White, Coachmaker, Mass.
44 Wildey, Merchant, Penna
44 Williams. Lawyer, 44
It will be seen by the above list that we have
in the present Honse of Representatives 31
Farmers, 14 Merchants, 1 Railroad Contractor,
7 Physicians, 13*Lawyera, 1 Lumber Dealer, 3
Iron Manufacturers, I Dyer, 2 Editors and
Printers, 2 Coachmakers, 1 Architect, 1 Clerk,
1 Manufacturer, 1 Horticulturalist, 1 Coal Mer
chant, 1 Coal Operator, 2 Powder Manufactur
ers, 2 Tanners, 1 Engineer, 1 Cooper, 1 Carpen
ter, 1 Tin Smith, 2 Wheel wrights, 1 Gentleman,
1 Agricultural Implement Manufacturer, 1
Moulder, 1 Victualler.
Of these 67 are natives of rtnnsylvania, 2of
Massachusetts, 1 of Ohio, 2 of Connecticut, 1 of
Maryland, 6 of New York, 1 of Virginia, 2 of
Hew Jersey, 4 of Ireland, 1 of England, 1 of
Wales, and I of Germany.
SHOCKING ACCIDENT ON THE PENNSYLVANIA
RAILROAD.— Last Friday night, about quarter
past eleven o'clock, a shocking accident occur
red on the Pennsylvania Railroad between Arch
street and Powelton avenue, In West Philadel
phia, just beyond the Market street bridge.—
The through express train coming west ran over
a man, cutting off his head and one foot, and
mutilating him in a shocking manner. The
body was eonveyed tc the West Philadelphia
Station House, where the remains were r< cog
nised as those of Clement L. B. M'Ciosky, th e
son of a Presbyterian clergyman of that name,
who resides at Thirty-sixth and Hamilton
streets, Twenty fourth Ward. The deceased
was about 25 years of age. He was a law stu
dent in the office of Theodore Cuyler, Eq. It
is not known how the deceased got upon the
track, or how the sad accideut occurred.
WILD DUCKS. —The Susquehanna for the last
few days has been teeming with wild ducks to
the great delight of cur sportsmen who "bag"
' a number of them daily.