% danuljr ftepajltr —jfjtbaitb ta fegtratiK, Jiteraturt, Science, ®|t gjjjecjraitica, ®jre Utarftefs, figuration, Amusement, (general intelligence, A"c„ X S. & X J. BRISBIN. VOLUME Centre gemoerat. ISI PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BY J. S- & J- J- BRISBIN. Qjfi.se in the Arcade Building, Second Floor. TBRHS. —$1,50 if paid in advance or within six months after subscribing,otherwise $2 will invari ably be charged. No subscriptions received for a shorter period than six months and nono dis sentinued, unless at the option of the editor, dntil all arrearages are paid. BUSINESS M'ALLISTER & BEAVER JYL ATTORNEYS-AT-LAW, BELLEFONTB, PA US oo on Allegheny Street. Feb. 10 59 EYLBIjAXCHAUD- ATTORNEY 9 -AT-LAW, BKLLKONTK, PENNA. Office Itrmrly occupied by the Hon. James Burnside. Jan. 19, 'eO.-tf. WW BROWN-ATTORNEY-AT , LAW BELLEFONTE, PENNA. Will attend to all legal business entrusted to him, with prompt wn. May, 5 '69. T AS."II7RAYKI V, ATTORN EY- AT- O LAW, BKLLEFONTE. 4 PA. will attend prompt ly to all legal business entrusted to him. Office next door to the Post Office. [SspL 20, '6O, tf JTHOCKM AN , SURVEYOR AND . CONVEYANCER, DELLEFONTE, PA., will attend to and correctly execute all businesi en trusted t him. [June 14,-'6O, — tf. TI£U. L. POTTER. M. D. OFFICE on High street, (oldoffice.) Bellefonte Pa. Will attend to professional calls as heretofore, and respectfully offers his professional services his friends and the public. 0ct.26'58 fl A. VAIRLAMB, tf. D. JAS. A. DOBBINS, tf. D FAIR LAMB & DOBBINS. DR. FAIRLAMB has associated with him DR J. 11. DOBBIN®.in the practice of medicine A tic. as heretofore on Lishop street, opposite the Temperance Hotel. March 19,57. &. JAS. P.rGRSGG, reepe- ctfully offer his professional services to tho people o Milesburg edJ vicinity. Residence, Daniel R Soileau's National Hotel. Ref =r to Dr. J. ai. McCoy, Dr. G. L. Pottor, Dr. J. B. Mitchell. [Nov. 8, IB6o.—tf. WM. REIBER, SURGEON AND M PiIYSiCiAA, having permanently located effors his Professional services to the citizens of Pine Grove Mills and vicinity, and respectfully eiiieits a liberal poriion of the public patronage. [Feb. 16, '6o.—Jy. J. J. L/INGL/E, Operative JS)fegaSßL BU(i Mechanical Dentist, will prac tic© all the various branches of his profession in the most approved manner. Office sad residence on Spring St-Bellofunte 1 Pa. [Mar. ?■ '6O. tf. T A A LARGE AND SPLENDID STOCK OF Dry Groocls, > READY-MADE CLOTHING, 1 GROCERIES, HARDWARE, QUEENSWARE. ALL of which he is selling at very reduced pricet. Goods given in Exchange for Country Produce. The public are invited to call and examine his 5 stock before purchasing elsewhere. 5 Bellefortc, Nov. 3, 'SO.- tf. 1 UNITED HOTEL, BY £j. W. TI3NTEYCK. ; OPPOSITE PENNSYLVANIA R. R. DEPOT HARRISBURG PA. B. HARTSHORN Superintendent. NO pains have been spared to make the abvoe the first hotel in Harritbnrg. The table i always spread with the best the market affords and the accommodations are suprior to any found elsewhere in the city. March Ist 1560.S HUGH B. BR.ISBEN, I gntggisf, MANUFACTURER OF , EXTRA LIQUOR COLORING, N. IK. Cor. Third Ac Poplar streets, ' Terms Cash.] Philadelphia. Oct. 3, 1860, ly. , E. C. HUMES, 9. T. HALE | 11. N. JL'ALLISTER, A. 0. CURTIS BANKING HOUSE. ' Interest paid on Special I'eposit. HUMES, M'ALLISTER HALE & CO., BELLEFONTE, PA. DEPOSITS received, Bills of exchange and Notes Discounted, Collections made and proceeds remitted promptly. Interest paid on , special deposits tor Ninety days, and under six months at the rate of four per cent, per annum. For six month s and upwards, at the rate cf five percent, per annum. Exchange on the East con stantly on hand. January, 3rd. 1861. BELLEFONTE DISPENSARY. Persons in want of PAINTS, OILS, VAR NISHES, or anything of the kind, will do well to purchase them at the Drug Store of J % AJ. HARRIS, BrockerhofFs Row, Dellefonte. Also, DRUGS, * MSDICIXES, POCKET KNIVES, FANCY ARTICLES, PERFUMERY, TOBACCO, SEGARS, LIQUORS, and all the Patent Medicines made. Surgeon's and Physician's Instruraer st onnsta-tly on hand. Call and see them, nea-iy opposite the Conrad House. January, 3rd IS6I. A. Quckenheimer. S. Wercheimar . i£ M'erthe ime A. G. & BRO'S , IMPORTERS AND DEALERS IN Foreign and Domestic Liquors. DISTILLFRS OF MO KONG AIIEL A RYE WHISKEY, Also, Rectifiers of the IRON CITY WHISKEY, And Manufacturers of the Celebrated GERMAN STOMACH BITTERS No. 25 Market Street, Nov. 15-~Go.—lj] PITTSBURGH, PA. LOUIS BERBER, IMPORTER AND MANUFACTURER OF DF" .A. IST O "5T FUHS. Fur Ladies', Gentlemen's and Children's Wear, NO. 334 ARCH ST., PHIL'A, All kinds of Furs Dressed, Cleaned and Repaired. Furs made to order at the shortest notice. Full value paid for Shipping Furs, Furs taken care of during the Summer Oct. 4, '6o.—ly. • W. A. ARNOLD. JOHN W. WILSON ARNOLD & WILSON WARMING & VENTILATING WAREHOUSE, No. 1010 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. UMILSON'sFaten Coac and Ventilating- FURNACES, Cooking Ranges, Balk Boilers, ENAMELED STAT MAN TELS Common and Low Down arlor Grates, Warm Air Registers an Ventilating, Ac. Ac. Particular attention g.ven to warming and Ven tilating Buildings of every discription. REN J. M. FELT WELL, Sup't. Apr. 26,-1860. ly. HAINES & DOCK. WHOLESALE GROCERS, No. 35 North Water Street, PHILADELPHIA. GROCERIES, GROCERIES, GROCERIES, GROCERIES, GROCERIES, GROCERIES, Merchants of Central Pennsylvania LOOK TO YOUR INTERESTS ]! ! If , you wish to buy cheap go to Haines k Dock. They keep on hand the best articles to be a d in the City, in their line of business. Call and examine their goods. Remember their Firm is at No. 35 North Water Street, PHILADELPHIA Apr. 26, 'to.—ly. 4 LOT of Ladies Woolen Hoods just receive ,>y D. LEYDEN & 00, ellefonts, Deo, 20, '6O. ' ["WE STAND UPON THE IMMUTABLE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE —NO EARTHLY ?OWER SHALL DRIVE US FROM OUR POSITION BELLEFONTE, PA., THURSDAY MORNING. FEB., 21 1861 ; NO DEMORALIZING COMPROMISE, SPEECH OF SENATOR SIMMONS OF R. /• CONCLUDED. I bave been to these National Conventions ever since I can remember—not always as a delegate. The first one I went to F.hods Is land bad the honor of voting for -the author of these resolutions for Vice-President of the United States ; and if the rest of them had been as wise as we were, we should bad pow er till this day, in my deliberate judgement, taking what providentially happened ; but we caught a Tartar. I have never voted for a President in my life since I was a voter, when I did not prefer a man born in a slave State to one born in a free State. I have voted for forty years or more, and I always preferred them ; not because they lived there but because they happened to have done mere for their country, in my opinion, than the candidates in our end of the country.— Whenever I was in a Convention, voted for anybody that was not born in a Slave State ; and whenever there has been anybody up for President, and theie wera electors running in my Slate for a man born in a Slave State, I voted for him without caring where he was born. I was for Mr. Clay against Air. Adams in 1824 ; and if rhere bad been any ticket ruD in my State I would have voted far him, although Mr. Ad ams was a good man and gave us one of the best Administrations I ever knew. I never had but one idol and I never mean to bave another in the shape of a man. It is almost as bad as to set up cotton for King. I mean to treat this subject with all the gravity its dimensions demand. I know it is one of the most difficult questions. I have thought of it and looked into the fire more than a hun dred hours since I have been here, not say ing a word, to try if I could see tho way out peaceably ; and I am just as young as my youngest boy about it. Nobody has any experience in such qucstiors as this, for no body ever dreamt that mankind would ever have such folly as is now exhibited. What are they quarreling about ? Literally noth ing. This Government has been in their hands, as was said by the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade), for the last eight years. Prac tically the South has had this Government for fcixty out of seventy-two years; and they talk about sectionalism, and some of the remedies to get rid of a sectional party, are to make a sectional Constitution, run a line through and give one half to one side, where there is one-third of the people 1 The Sena tor from Virginia (Mr. Ifuuter) wants a sort of double Executive—after the Siamese pat tern-a first king and a second king. [Lug ter.] He wants to elect them both, and let both have a veto. We have been pestered enough with vetoes since I have been here ; and I would rather tako the veto away from the one man than give it to two. You can not gel along with this Government, it seems unless you let the minority rule some way or other. That is the whole practical question uovv. The minority want to rule, and they are afraid of the people—literally so. I wish I could see a proposition that I could hear somebody who was disaffected say wo'd satisfy kirn- I bave not heard one of them say so. The Senator from Texas said if we would would do about forty things that ho knew we would not do, he would then con sider. That is the nearest approach to a set tlement that I bave heard. If we would stop the pulpits, burn the school-houses, suppress the newspapers, imprison the Abolitionists, and break up this Government, everything that is here now, he would think about stay ing in. ]Laughter.] lie would take into consideration ; he would not pledge himself, ho said, Ob, no 1 [Laughter ] Well, now, I like the Senator from Texas. I like him on account of his "better half". She came from Rhode Island ; and he will take any thing I eay on her account, I know, without feeling unkind to me. Mr. President, it is great question. These people who have eeceded will find a bigger sum than they ever ciphered out be fore. I want to see bow they will cipher it out, before wo move. Let those people who are afraid take care. lam not afraid. If I were, I should take care. I would do any thing in reason to remove this dissatisfac tion. I feel mournful when I think of it.— But I want somebody that is troubled, and wants it relieved, to suggest bow we can re lieve it. Kentucky is as loyal a State as ever was in the Upiop, They want 'some thing, I know. The people have been arous ed by thia election, as is natural. All Pres idential elections excite a great deal of feel ing ; and for that reason it is the worst time in thp world to try to amend tbe Constitu tion. They have talked it so Jong that they begin to believe it themselves, that the Re publican party means to endanger their in stitutions, I said here four years ago, when I first took my seat under a new name—l used to come under another name—l was about the same man I was before—and I said that if I found myself with a party that undertook to disturb the institutions of tue South, I would quit that party immediately. So I will. I have been in it now for four years, and I have yet to see or hear the first man among our party who proposes aoy suoh thing, I have no such party attach ment as would keep me in a party tnat I thought ment to break the Constitution. A s to the President elect, he is from Kentucky. All his social ties are in Kentucky. As baa been well remarked by a Senator, be has not only said what he would do, he ■ has also said what ho would not do; and 1 i do Dot beliers there can be two interference about tbat, Some candidates only say what i they will do ; but Mr. Lincoln has not left you to infer what we will not do. That is ! the man we have elected ; and you can fiod I in his record that he will not disturb Slavery anywhere. He is against any such thing; and if he where not, he has family connec tions, social ties, and kindred, that would prevent him. Theso are higher garantiee than parchment. I would rather havo the ; fervent, effectual prayer of a rightuous man for this Union, than all you can write on parchment to save it, I thought when I got up that I would keep my voice from rising, becauso, when men's voices rise, sometimes their feelings get the better of them. I \ thought I would talk as if I was talking to my brothers, making not argucmentß f>>r suggestions. No man felt more deeply im pressed with the beautiful effort of the Sena, tor from New York, (Mr. Seward) than I did. It came from the right quarter to give peace. But tho very next speech that was made af ter] t was the bitterest I have heard in the Senate. Tbat was the response. I say this with the utmost kindness to my friend from Missouri (Mr. Polk), who made that speech. It was very bitter. The effort of the Senator from New York did not seem to have appeas. el him at all. I think the Senator from New York went a great way. Why, Mr. Presi dent, it is Eomething for a party in the ma jority to agree to conciliate in the present j aspect of this country. I will do anything j that I can do that will Dot demoralize the | Government. lam afraid of that—absolute jly afraid of it. lam afraid to do anything that will bring reproach upon the Govsrn j ment I love. The Senator from New York 1 said, tbat to threats be would offer concilia tion- That I would do. Ho said that to 1 exactions he would grant concessions. That lam not quite certain tbat I would do. He said that to hostile array he would give the right hand of brotherhood. That is good. I have faith that the millenium will coma; but Ido not think it is here now. That would be good doctrine then. No, Sir, the millen nium hag not come. I know the reading ; but I suppose it was wrongly rendered. I could hardly ever interpret the Scripture there where it said tbat generation should see it; but I suppose the translators render ed it wiODgly ; they did not quite under, stand the original toDgue. But, Sir, the mil lennium did not come while Judas Iscariot lived, nor will it come while others like him fester and pester the society in which they live, 6hame their country, and dishonor their race. It will not come while such men are here- They will be disposed of before that time comes. The Senator Irom Kentucky believes with me in that respeet- I shall no 1 utter a sentiment that he will not agree with. If I do, I will take it buck immediately. lie and I have lived toe long together for me to say anything disrespectful to him. I never had aDy uneasiness in reference to him but about one thing, and that was about my children. I was not afraid that they would love him any better than I did ; but I was afraid that tboy would love him better than they did me, [Laughter,] and tbat is the case with all Khode Island. There is no Prince of Wales or his mother, or any other crowned bead of Europe that Rhode Islan dets would travel so far to see as the Sena tor from Kentucky. It is so now, and has been so for the last quarter of a century. I have read over those resolutions, and I have said all that I intend to say about mak ing the proposed amendment perpetual. I hope the Senator from Kentucky will run out in his own mind the idea that I gave him abcut that, and will feel just as I do in re gard to it. The series of resolutions intro duced by Edmund Kandolph into tho Con vention, declared that there ought to be a Government which could be changed by a majority less than the whole. That was ope cf the cardinal principles laid down when this Government was framed. Now, it is proposed to make this proposition so tbat it cannot be changed. The Senator from Ken tucky loves ihe Constitution as well as I do. lie was brought up under its teachings. He has illustrated it in every speech he has made, and his whole life has illustrated it. Guarantees of Slavery are proposed as if the Republican party intended to invade the right of slaveholders. Why, Sir, they we'd not have a corporal's guard with them in either House of Congress if they attempted it. It would not he as large as the Tyler par ty, and that consisted of but five. I made some memoranda when Senators were speak ing, for I though I would answer some of their arguments in detail; but I never did write a sheet of paper over with notes but it bothered me, for I never can read tbam. I am sorry it has got to be the fashion ta take them at all except by the reporters. Now, I want tfce Senator from Kentucky to turn his mind and his energies to some method of composing these difficulties that shall not de stroy the Government. I am willing to say that any interference wiih Slavery in the States by the General Government is not the powers granted to Congress, and ought not to be granted or exercised for all time- Ido not believe the General Govern ernmeot has any such power now. I never did believe it; and if you want to make it i any clearer I would put that in. The pow ers of Government are as distinct and as in | dependent if there were no States. The pow ers delegated to the National Government are to be exercised as if there were no States. On the other hand, the powers that are re tained by the States, and the people of the States, are as independent of those as if there was no National Government. Tbat it my doctrinp. lam a State-Rights man as well as a National man; and the powers are clearly defined—defined in the book and de fined by tho practical experience of seventy years. I should like to see a man bold enough to say tbat, under the authority of the Constitution, the General Government it created could interfere with Slavery in the States in any way, directly or indirectly. I believe in no such doctrine, and I do not be lieve there is anybody who holds it; at least I have never seen bini, nor do I believe there is a public man in the United States big enough to obtain a vote for President tbat would ever think of it, of whatever party he might be. We have nothing to do with pro tecting it or disturbing it in the States; but in regard to tho Territories, I do not agree with the new-fashioned notion. I believe we have a right to do eitbor in the I'errito ries. We havo a right to govsrn the Terri tories as we please. I do not agree in the notion that this Government is a trustee of the States for the Territories. I never heard of such a doctrine until lately. The Senator from Oregon (Mr. Lane) says he is for hav ing the squal rights of all the States in this league. Why, Sir, they had an alliance in Europe in 1815—1 think it was the treaty of Vienna—where the five great powers agreed together to take care of the rest of the world, and fumed what iras eallgd " The Holly AL liance and I believe it is in being yet, and that there was a talk of calling them togeth" er to take care of Italy. That alliance con sisted of England, Franoe, Russia, Prusia, and Austria, If either of those powers, du ring the last forty-five years, had discovered a new eountry, do you suppose it would give up its own title to it, and sny it held it for the alliance? If a treaty of alliance for boun daries and the balance of power in Europe bad defined stipulated powers, anything they did they would do in common as we do; but is there any power here to discover territory? That is not one of the express powers grant ed in the Constitution, and on the theory ot all these secessionists, when a ship of John Jacob Astor's discovered the mouth of the Columbia River, and took possession of it, that territory would belong to the State of New York. The Constitution gives this Gov ernment no power to acquire territory. Why is not that territory New York's? The pow er that discovers a country by taking posses sion of the mouth of the river, takes ail the slopes that TUD into it. That is the doctrine. If you got into a mudhole anywhere you must take ail the country you ean see. Upon this idea, it would belong to New York, manifest ly ; but it is a power incident to the national sovereignty ; and so the sailor understood it, and he hoisted the stars and staipes there in. stead of the flag of New York- What right have any of these other States to control Sla very in that territory by virtue of our being trustees for the States ? It is moonshine, ut ter moonshine. The territory belongs to the Governmont of the United States as an inci dent of its sovereignty, and every sailor that could hand-reef or steer would know what flag to put up on a discovered country'with out consulting any constitutional lawyers.— It would be the national flag, My friend from Kentucky knows that, lie believes it. We acquire territory in consequence of our national sovereignty. There is no expiess power in the Constitution for it. It is an in cident to sovereignty, an incident to the war and treaty making powers. We own theter ritoiy. The States have no more to do.with it than the Emperor of France—not a bit more ; and this Government has nothing to do with their local affairs, except to protect thorn. That we are hound to do. We have given them guarties to take care of them, to save them from themselves, if they have dis turbances among themselves, and call upon us; and we ought to do it. lam ready to do it if there is any disturbance. There is no man here but is willing to prevent any invasion of any State for the purposes of in jury and annoyance, and to punish those en gaged in it. This was brought up against the Republican party. Everything that has been done for the last twenty years is charg ed to the Republican party, which in my State did not exist until four years ago last May. That was tbp first meeting they ever held there under their orgaization—the first time they ever got together. When were the Personal Liberty hills, whioh are said to be an infraction of this treaty, passed? Massa. chusetts is arraigned here every other day for haying passed Personal Liberty bills in fracting the Constitution. Why, Sir, if they are unconstitutional, tbey are utterly void.— Everybody knows that. But who passed them? The first Personal Liberty bill that has been bandied about here all over the Senate was passed when both Houses of the Massachusetts Legislature were Democratic, with a Democratic Governor approving of it; and the Negro Equality law passed the same month. This Negro Equality bill came front the fact that Massachusetts that year repeal ed the law which forbade 'the intermarriage of different-races. That was done by the Democrats, and tho next year the Democrat ic Governor, who approved those acts, beat " Honest John Davis," I went tbero and made speeches to elect John Davis, but he was beaten. Our candidate was not elected by the people, nor was the other man in 1842, but he was elected by the Legislature, and next year he beat us one vote. The third year we bad a national fight, and wo beat them in Massachusetts ; but we were bea'en ourselves in the country in 1844; and that same Governor who signed thia Personal Lib erty bill and the Negro Equality bill, was sent into the Senate for the best office in New England, nominated by Mr, Polk, and every Democratic Senator voted for him, knowing that that was the fact, if they knew anything about it; but I do not know whether they knew it or not. If they did, they would net care a fig about it, if he was on their side, but they would say; "This man probably had to get it by .promising the Abolitionists to do eomething if he got their votes ;" and that is the way he did get in. Their idea ie, "it will do very well if our folks do it; ody let it work for the benefit of the Democratic party, and you may pass Personal Liberty bills or Negro Equality bills to your heart's contact." But now they get up here and lay these bills te the Republican party, when the first Republican Governor eleoted in -Massachusetts brought to the notice of the Legislature the very provisions in that bill which were wrong, and that Legislature al tered them, although thoy had been on the statute-book twelve years with all sorts of Governers, and nobody ever thought of them. And yet these are the grave charges thrown up here against the Republican party, and made the occasion for breaking up this Gov ernment— sueb kind of things as these. I do Dot of laws they pass in Georgia or South Carolina affecting us ; only I do not like to see those laws impris oning our sailors because they are poor fel lows. South Carolina made a law of that kind ; but when she wanted to get trade with England, she repealed it in reference to for eign countries, but kept it on in reference to her own brothers. That is the way they treat us ; but we aro not going to fight about it, or quarrel over it. Our law in Rhode Is land was passed six or eight years befur > there ever was a Republican party there— and there were more than six times as many Whigs who voted against it as there were Democrats. Two of tbo leading Whig mem bers made speeches against it; but they were beaten. Afterwaid, one of those men who opposed it oame to be Chief Justice of our State. He was on the Committee to revise the statutes —to make a code—and be pared that thing all down, and got it so that it was offensive ; and I said that, if it were not for making a noise, he would strike it out alto gether. They pared it down, and, when all the virus was out, it was voted for unani mously by a Republican Legislature, after every part of it that even savored of uncon stitutionality was taken out. We do not want any unconstitutional laws in Rhode Is land, nor do they in Massachusetts. I know they have been pretty high-strung in Mas* sachusetts ever since I knew them. I never did like them any too much. They banished our ancestors, hung the Quakers, and killed folks for being witches. [Laughter.] Ido not believe in that doctrine ; but still, Mas sachusetts is a pretty considerable Stata.— She was thought so in the time of the Revo lution ; and I made up my mind, on account of what she did then, never to harbor any hard feeling toward her for what she had dons before, although she had done a good many bad things. Ido not mean to have any hard feelings toward any State, or the people of any State, but I cannot go quite as far as the Senator from Ifov York ; for I thlpk the millennium has not come, though I have full faith that it will come, Ido not know of any man in the country who could j say as much as be did with as much propri ety. It is something like a pendulum—the further it ewings one way, of its own mo mentum, it will swing just so much further the other way. I keep pretty nearly right up and dow* as well as I can. Ido not want to be SQ straigl. t that I must lean over, although I am bent a little by age; and therefore I do not mean to go very far from my mooripgs. I have always held to thebe opinions, and do not meaD to change them if I can help it. There may be circumstances which will oblige me to do so. But I regret ted, more than anything else in this debate, to see a dispositio.n to heap everything npqn this Republican party, as if they made this fuss. The Senator from Illinois. (Mr. Dou glas,) says, "I told you so three or four years ago." Ido not knoty but he did.— There is a great deal of logic in fscts ; and we have been "told so" until we have oar ried pretty nearly all the Free States. A great deal of it came from its being told that we meant to ruin the country. 1 have said for the last three years to my friends of the ; South, that I have met at the Springs, that I believe they had got to this pass, that noth ing would conviuce them that we were not a pack of pickpockets and thieves, but for us to get power, and then tbeir stump-orators would cease to be liars ; because we should show them we had no intention of hurting them, and nothing else would prove it but j our acts. I consider it Providential that we ! have get power so that these distinguished I men, before we all die out— old fogies as they oall us— may see that this Government j can be administered by a Republican Presi- EDITORS & PROPRIETORS. NUMBER 7 : dent to the benefit of all his fellow-citfiens, jin harmony sod peace. Now, I make what ; are called stump speeches in my State and others, but I never make a speech that I would not utter in the presence of every can didate before the people ; never. J was told 1 that up in ILirrisburg, bv a former distir j guished Setator from Virginia, Watkias j Leigh. He said wo must make stomp speeches; and as wo did not know he told us how. lie said that we must not say any-? t ting on the stump that we would not My : belore a Court of Justice under oath as to i the truth. That was his rule, and I have | observed that rule ever since. I said on the stump that I knew all of the candidates be fore the country ; and J believed they were all eminently able to administer the Govern? ment. I would not say it now, because I hare seen st me things which make it a little doubtful. I think some of thera are getting to be eectional. But I said it then, and I believed it; and I would not be a great ways off now if I were to say it. I think they have got excited, and are a little disposed to give up the doctrines that they maintained then. If they think tbey were wrong, I com. mend them for giving them up, I do not think there is a dootrine in our platform that is subject to criticism; not ono. Now, why should we give it up ? It says that we mean to protect the States in their rights, and especially the right to reg ulate their own institutions in their own way. We polled nearly two million votes, and thesb voters stand pledged to that doctrine, The Senator from Illinois received twelve or thirteen hundred thousand. Certainly they 6tand pledged to it, and against this doctrine of interfering for the purpose of protecting slave propei ty in the Territories. There are three millions three hundred thousand voters opposed to any such interference. They are all against it. I consider Mr? Bell's vote just as much on the -Republican side as Mr, Lincoln's. I oount anybody who voted against the other oandidate. I wanted our voters, where they could help Bell, to vote for him. That was my feeling. I think hitß an honorable,.hiyh minded and good man and so I may say of the oth9r candifate— but I do not believe be could haye got 300, 009 in this country upon the secession doo trine. Out of 4,600,000 votes, ho could not have got 300,000 in the country upon this se cession platform, in my deliberate judgment, lie did not get more than one.sixth of the votes as it was. All the rest of tbs candi dates were diametrically opposed to this doc. trine. Those GOO,OOO now come here and domand that all the others shall throw up their platform and break the Constitution, iu order to appease them. That is just the doctrine as I see it. That is the logio of these facts, and I cannot get anything else out of them. I ask the Senator from Ken tucky if that is fair ? lie would not do it lle and I will do anything that is right; but there is no propriety in denouaoing a great party that can poll a million votes and mors, Men have principles,' feelings, love of coun try, and they will not be outraged by the surrender of their doctrines. We cannot make our people do it. I might get along with them if I could get home ; I would talk as well as I could to them ; but they would bo mortified and chagrined at a surrender of principle. I should like to make a congres sional declaration, if it is needed— and suoh declarations go a great way—and let every man put bis name on the oali of the Yeas and Nays in favor of it, assuring the disquieted people of this country that they are safe in our bands; that we mean to protect them in their rights ; that we mean to do everything that brothers ought to do to brothers. I will vote for such a declaration. I will do any thing that I can to appease these feelings that so agitate the country, and even agree to alter the Constitution to do it, if you do not put so many things in it. But I would not undertake to read those resolutions thro* and Sod out exactly their positions in a fort? night. I want to think of a thing as much as a week after I have read it, to see how.it is coming out, before I am willing to speak un it. The time has been when I could get up here at wilf and speak better, without knowing muoh about tbe subject: give free vent to my feelings, and go it at large. But I am old enough to know it is tbe easiest thing in the world to be mistaken. I would rather look if over awhile. I hope I have some reputation for speaking nearly what I think nft p r Ido look it over; and Ido n