% Jfamilg DUfaspaper—sMt)i to Sbtmperante, literature, Science, ®jje Jrts, Agriculture, Cjie Markets, ffikcation, Amusement, General Intelligence, tfc., J. S. & J. J. BRISBIN, YOLUME 27. &jje Centre gemocrat. ISSPUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY, BY J.S. &J. J. BRISBIN. Office in the Arcade Building, Second Floor. TERMS. $1,50 if paid in advance or within sis months after subscribing,otherwise $2 will invari ably be charged. No subscriptions received for • shorter period than six months and none dis continued, unless at the option of the editor, until all arrearages are raid. BUSINESS CARDS. TVr'ALLISTER & BEAVER Aj-L ATTOKNEYS-AT-LAW, BELLKFONTK, PA Odi oe on Allegheny Street. Feb. 10'59 EM. BE AXCHARD- ATTORNEY F -XT-LAW, BKLLKONTE, PENS A. Office forwrly occupied by the Hon. James Burnside. Jan. 19, '60.-tf. WW BROW X-*TTORNEY-AT • LAW BELLKFONTK, PF.NNA. Will attend to till legal business entrusted to him, with prompt ness. May, 5 '59. TAS. H. RANKIN, ATTORNEY.AT- V LAW, IS KLLEFONTE. PA. will attend prompt ly to all legal business entrusted to him. Office next door to ctoo Post Offlcp. [Sipfc. 20, '6O, tf WM. P. WILSON -ATTOItNEY-AT W -LAW BKLLFONTB, PA , will promptly at tend to all legal business entrusted to him. uffice three doors North of the diamond. jan.l2'6o T? J. HOCKM AA , SURVEYOR AND jDJ. CONVEYANCER, BKLLF.FO.NTK, PA., will attend to nnd correctly execute all businesi en trusted te him. [June 14,- 60, tf. tr£U. L. POTTER. M. D. J"\FFICE on High street, (old office.) Bellefonte Pa. Will attend to professional calls as heretofore, and respectfully offers his professional services his friends and the public. Cct^d'oS 0 A. FAIRLAMB, 11. T>. JAS. A. DOBBINS, M. D FAIRLAMBfc DOBBINS. DK. FAIRLAfiiB has associated with him DR J. H. DOBBIN in the practice of medicine office as heretofore on Bishop street, opposite the Temperance Hotel. March 19,57. FYR. JAS. P. GREGG, reaper ctlully offers i J his professional services to the people of Milesburg and vicinity. Residence, Daniel R. .Boileau's National Hotel. Refer to Dr. J. M. McCoy, Dr. G. I, Potter, Dr. J. B. Mitchell. [.Nov. S, IB6o.—tf. WM. REIBER, SURGEON AND VV PHYSICIAN, having permanently located offers his Profe isional services to the citizens of Pine Grove Mills and vicinity, and respectfully oslicits a liberal portion of the public patronage. TFeb. 16, '6o.—ly. J. J. DINGLE, Operative and Mcciiauiciu Dentist, will pnic tice all the various branches of his profession in the most approved manner Office and residence on Spring St.Bellefonte Pa. [Mar. t. 60.tt._ TA cj TP It I TITTLE. ATTORNEY-AT J LAW, Will amend to all business entrusted to him with care and prompt ness. Refer to Gov. Pollock, Milton Pa. and Hon A. G. Curtin, Bcllefonte Pa. Office with John H. Stover- J™- 5 ' Cd - JR. MUFFLI , AC KMT FOB TU , WKST BRANCH JNUKANCE COMPANY. sons wishing to secure themselves from losses by fire, will do Well to call upon him at the store of J. R. Muffly A Co., N. E. corner of tho Diamond, three doors above Allegheny street, Bellefonte, Centre CQ , Pa. Mar. 15, '6O. ly. WW. WHITE, DENTIST, has per . maneutiy located in Roalsburg, Centre County Pa. Office on main st., next door to the store of Johnston A Keller, where he purposes practising his profession in the most scientific manner and at moderate charges. m\r. IBA C. MITCHELL. Critus T. ALEXANDER MITCHELL & ALEXANDER. ATTORNEYS- AT LAW, BELLEFONTE PFSSA. Having associated themselves in the practice ol law, will a'ten 1 promptly to all business en trusted to their care Office in the Arcade. [Nov! 1, '6O. —tf. CONVEYANCING. DEEDS BONDS, MORTGAGES, AND AR TICLES OF AGREEMENT neatly and cor rectly executed. Also, attention will be given to the adjustment of Book Accounts / and accounts f Adminstratior s and Executors prepared for filing, office next door to the Post Office. Oct., 19th, 'SB, WM. J. KEALSH. JCHN STOVER ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW BELLEFONTE, PA., will practice his pro fession in the several courts of Centre county.— All business entrusted to hiui will be carefully at tended to. Collections made and all monies promptly remitted. Office, on High st. formerly opcuped by Judge Burnside, and D. C. Boal, Esq. wherehe can be consulted both in the English and inthe german language. May 6, '58—22 ly. JAS. MACMANUS. W. P. MACMANU J: & WOT. P. MACMANUS. ATTORNEY'S-AT-LAW, BELLEFONTK, PA., Office in the rooms formerly occupied by Linu A Wilson, Allegheny street. Jas. Macman usha3 associated with W. P. Macmanus, Esq., in the practice of law. Professional business intrus tedt o their care will receive prompt attention. They will attehd the several Courts in the Coun ties of Centre, Clinton and Clearfield. June 21, '6O, tf. XT ALE & HOY, ATTORNEYSS-AT -11 DAW, will attend pro nptly to all business entru stedto their care. Office in the building formerly occupied by Hon, Jas. T. Hale. A CARD. Messrs. Hale ["WE STAND UPON THE IMMUTABLE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE—NO. EARTHLY POWER SHALL DRIVE US FROM OUR POSITION BELLEFONTE, PA., THURSDAY MORNING, JAN., 10 1861. MY SISTER MARY. TVas a stormy night in winter When the wind blew cold and wetj I heard some strains of music That I never can forget; I was sleeping in my cabin With my Mary fair and young, When a light shone in the window A?.d a band of singers sung : CHORUS We are coming Sister Mary, We are coming bye and bye; Be ready Sister Mary, For the time is drawing nigh. I tried to call my Mary, But my tongue would obey ; And when the song was ended, The-singers had flown away. I woke her from her slumbers, And told her everything; But could not guess the meaning, Of tho song wo heard them sing. CHORUS, The next night, too, we heard them, And the third night, too, they sung, While I sat beside the pillow Of my Mary fair and young. I heard a rustling in the room Like the rustling of the wind, And beside my Mary's pillow Very soon I heard them sing. CHORUS. I tried to call my Mary, But my sorrow was complete, When I found her heart of kindness Had forever ceased to beaL It's now I'm very unhappy, From Summer until Spring ; And oft in midnight sit: tubers Methinks I hear them sing. CHORUS. From tho Presbyterian Banner. Letter to a Cabinet Minister HONORED SIR:— In the Evening Chronicle of December 5, I find your letter, addressed as we are informed by the editor, to a prom inent clergyman of Pittsburgh. With the spirit of the introductory remarks of the edi tor, I fully sympathize, while, at the same time, I elaisa a freeman's privilege to dissent from some of your views. I agree with you as to the probability that South Carolina will soon lead the way in a revolution in which she may be joined by some, perhaps, by all the slave holding States. But I do not agree with you as to the causes of this threatened revolution. You say, " conservative men have now no gruund to stand upon—no weapon to battle with.— All has been swept from them by the guilty agitations ar.d infamous legislation of the North." You add, " I do not anticipate with any confiience that th 3 North will act up to the solemn responsibilities of the crisis, by retrauing those fatal steps which have con ducted us to the very brink of perdi ion, po litically, morally, and financially. It would seem to be your opinion that the sole cause of the present state of thiDgs is wrong doing OD the part of the North. That such should he your opinion strikes me with surprise. That the masses at the South sho'd believe that the trouble is owing to the ag gressions of the North, I can easily under stand ; for it lias been the policy of unprin cipled politicians to iofiame tbem against the North ; but that a Cabinet officer, a gentle man of the high culture indicated by vour letter, should agree with the masses in that opinion, is certainly surprising. You, hon ored sir, are acquainted with the history of this Government. You that it has been ectirely under the control of the South for more than half a century; You know that it has been for the South to say who should be President, and who should fill the high offices of trust and profit- You know that the South dictated the annexation of Texas, with its provisions for additional glare States, the Mexican war, and the Ken peal of Missouri Compromise, You know that by means of an united South and divi ded North, the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Departments, have beeD under the control of the South. Now if the South has any thing to complain of in regard to the ac tion of the National Government, tjtey have themselves ody to complain of. Tho North have never been able to defeat a single act of Southern policy—previous to the election of Mr. Lincoln. Now, with all the powei of the National Government, the army, the navy, the treasui ry, at the command of the South, can a few hundred or even a few thoußaod Northern abolitionists, npt fifty of whom ever set foot on slave Territory, inflict on the Sj'ijth an injury so grievous as to justify a resort to revolution ? There have been, we admit, ir ritating and fanatical utterances at the North, and so there have been at the South. The former have not dictated the policy of tho North ; the latter should not be allowed to dictate the policy of the South. You speak of the "infamous legislation of the North." What are the facts? Some of the Free States have passed laws conflicting more or less with the provisions of the Fugi tive Slaye Law. That law, being Constitu tionally passed, became, "the supreme law of the land," and has been so regarded by the great majority of tbe North. Its unwise provisions, Resigned to humiliate the North, caused the enactment of the "Personal Lib erty Bills." Had the Fugitive Slave Law designed solely to oarry out the provi sions of the Constitution—had all its require- merits however stringemt, been directed sole ly to that end—no such laws as are now com plained of would have been found or placed among the S.atutes of a single State. Tbey ought never to have been enacted. They should be repealed, Tbey will be repealed unless revolutionary action at the South should render the repeal unnecessary.— While I admit that they are a just ground of complaint, I have yet to learn that they have ever prevented the return of a single fugi tive. Said laws are a just cause for com plaint, but not an adequate cause for revo* lulion. That these laws are not the cause of the present trouble, appears from the fact that so little is known respecting them at the South. The ignoranoe manifested by a Southern Governor respecting them, shows that they are not the cause of the present trouble. Doe 6 not the real cause lie in the depar ture of the sceptre of power from the South ? For the first time for half a century, an Ex ecutive has been chosen who is not pledged to be subservient to the interests of the South. Before be can perform a single exp'i, utive act, before there is the slighgtest evi dence that he will not administer the Gov ernment according to the Constitution, the signal for revolution is given. I am reluctantly compelled to believe, as you say, that "ihe Southern mind glows as a furnace in its hatred cf the North " but 1 believe that hatred to be without cause. It has arisen from making,the whole Notth re sponsible for the fanatical acts of a few. — The North has not held the whole South re sponsible for those who would re-opeu the African Slave Trade. An overwhelming majority at tho North haye no feelings of hatred toward the South. They do not, it is true, believe that one man can be the chattel of another. They do not believe that God made men and women to be bought and sold in the market. They do not believe that it is right to take the daugh ter from tho mother, or the wife from the husband, and sell them to strangers. Tbey do not believe it is right to withhold tho word of God from souls for whom Christ died, Tbey believe that the system of Amer ican slavery is wrong—that every one who buys and holds and sella his fellow man for purposes of gain, is a great sinner before God. At the same time they believe that one may without sin, sustain the legal relation of a master, providod it be for the good of the slave, anu until such a time as freedom would be a blessing. For those Christian slaveholders who recoguize manhood in the slave, and who strive to do their duty to him the great majority of Northern Christians have the deepest sympathy. They would gladly leave the solutiou of the problem of slavery in tbeir hands. They would giye tbem all the aid in their p.iwer. An overwhelming majority of all classes at the North, have no disposition to interfere with slavery as it exists in the States, They believo that the responsibility rests with the States, ami are prepared to abide by the pro visions of the Constitution. They were pre pared to stand by the Missouri Compromise, but since that bae been repealed by Southern influence, they will not be accessory to the extension of a system which they belieye to bo wrong. I admit that there is a growing " feeling in the Free States, which says, Let the South go," but it is not a feeling of hostility. But if the South is resolved to break down the protecting barriers of the Constitution, if she is determined that the North shall say that slavery is right and ought to be extended, if she insists that we shall regard human be ings as property, if she insists that she shall be permitted to bring her slaves to the free homes of the North, if she insists that North ern freemen shall give utterance to no opin ions which differ from those of the slavehold er—if concessions like these must be the Union, then will the voice of the North, like the voice of many waters, be heard saying, " Let the South go but even that voice will be lifted up in sorrow, not in anger. Th e North is aware of the fact that the agitation " has reached the minds of the slave population of the South, and rendered every home in the distracted land insecure." How did this eome to pass ? Not by means of Abolitionist emissaries, for they have not been in communication with one slave in ten thousand. Their masters have declared "in their bearing that it was the purpose of the North to free the slaves. The unfounded assertions of the master have "reached the minds of the slaye." This is said in sorrow— not in exultation 1 We sympathize with " the consternation which reigns in the homes of the South." We are ready to ful fil our Constitutional obligations to protect those homes. Thousands would m&roh at the call of the Executive to put down servile insurrections. What stronger proof that " madness rules the hour," than the idea that safety depends upon the dissolution of the Union! What will be your security, when the protection of the Constitution is ruthlessly cast away ? The people of the North do not delude themselves into the belief that the Revolu tion which shall destroy the Constitution will be a bloodless one. They will be oareful that no aot of theirs shall commence a revolution whose results no human sagaoity can foresee- That feaiful responsibility will be left to the South. We should rejoice in any wise, aid "prompt action" on the part of the North that will deliver us from -the dangers that threaten us. The State laws complained of will doubtless be repealed or declared nul* and void. A convention may be called, but I do not see what guarantees it could give that are not given by the Constitution. The feeling of the majority at the North, a far greater majority than Lincoln's —was never stronger against interference with the con stitutional rights cf the South'than at this moment. But if you demand mare than the Constitution requires, if you demand that we shall believe in slavery as a righteous institu tion, if vou demand that we shall annihilate freedom of speich—if, in short, you demand that we shall nationalize slavery, be assured that your demands will not b yielded to. — The decision as to the course the North shall persue is in the hands of the millions who earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, and no perils or sufferings will ever con vince them that man was not made to be free. Very respectfully yours, The French Press on Disunion. La Presse, of Paris, haa a long editorial on our Southern accession movements. We quote from it as follows; "France, who abolished slavery herself, cannot even seem, to protect it in other coun tries. Such an idea even would do her a se rious injury. The Americans of South Car olina must, then, be persuaded that if they ever obtain from the French Government the moral suppurt that they demand, it will not be aa proprietors, but in spite of their being proprietors of slaves, and by virtue of the principle, acknowledged for thirty years, that all Governments de facto eball be rec ognized by the Governments of Europe and America. France cannot even lend such consent as silence may afford; her duty is to labor with all her power to prevent a dis solution. There ought not to be for us, on the other side of tbo Atlantic, either South ern Americans or Northern Americans, but States whose union is important in the equi librium of the world. The American marine is not less necessary to France than the Rus sian. Spanish, and Italian navies, to prevent a single Power from seizing the empire of the 6eas France was the first ally of the United States; wa hope she will now be their counselor and expose the abyss into which they were hurrying—an abyss in which will be buried forever a past most glo rious and a future most hopeful. For tie American Union, seperation is suicide ; it is the murder of a great nation and a great priccinle. France cannot land a hand to this Buicide and this murder. She has help ed to make this people—she will never help to destroy them. Such are. we are convin ced, the sentiments of our Government. A Prayer for the Unior\ The Rt. Rav. Bishop Smith, of the Prot estant Episcopal Diocese of Kentucky, has set apart the following prayer to be used in the churches of that denomination during the present ciisis. No comments, which we might make it, can add to the simple gran deur, the patriotic fervor, or the Christian inspiration of this heartfelt and eloquent PRATER POR THE UNION, 0, Eternal God ! the supreme disposer of all events, and the rightful Governor of all the nntions upon earth, look down in mercy upon our beloved country, and graciously avert from us all those evils which we most justly have deserved, and whereof our eon sciences are afraid ; the evils of discord and disunion. Raise UD, we beseech thee, a con tinual succession of able, wise and good men, worthy to stand in the places of the Fathers of our' Country, so that our Union being pre served, our free institutions may be handed down, wholly unimpaired, to the latest gen erations ! Grant this, we humbly beseech thee, for Jesus Christ's sake, our only Lord and Savior! Amen. PAR-ON BK IWNLOW ON THE SECESSIONISTS, —Parson Brownlow, of the Knoxville Whig, is eyidently not "in love" with the secession ists, as the following little clipping from his paper amply demonstates: — " This machine of government, so delicate and complex in its structure, and which cost its great architects so much labor and tho't, so much of the spirit of concession and com promise, and our fathers so much of blood and treasure, is to be broken to pieces to gratify a set of corrupt, ambitious and disap pointed demagogues, who find that they can never preside over these United States, and hence they seek to build up one or more con temptible Southern Confederacies, and to place themselves at the head of these. The fiddling ard dancing of Nero, while Rome was enveloped in flames, was not more bru tal, hellish, stupid and wicked, than is the conduct of these country-destroying, God defying, and bell-deserving TRAITORS toJtheir country, who write and talk thus flippantly of the most momentous event that the human mind can conceive!" TELEGRAPH FEAT.— The President's Mes sage was forwarded entire from Philadelphia to Cincinnati by telegraph in six hours, an unparalleled feat in telegraphing. A hoy, Tfbo is a telegraph operator at Pittsburg, sent the first column of the matter in fitty five minutes, and the second in forty-eight minutes. Five columns and a half of matter were received in the office' in Cincinnati without breaking the circuit, and it was written in manifold, from the sound of the instrument. The capacity and usefulness of the telegraph is strongly illustrated in the achievement. fcg" A western editor, in giving an ac count of a tornado, heads it as follows : "Disgraceful thunder storm." By relerence to another article in the same paper, it will be seen that he bad got two paragraphs mix led, for the other is headed, "Destructive street fight—a man horsewbippad." Stand By the Old Flag. In these troubled times man of indefinite opinions or weak faith are reliable to have their confidences in our political system sha ken. The hour demands self-recollection and trustful recourse to our most sacred principles and traditions. True souls, im bued with the legitimate sentiments of the age, and worthy of the destiny appointed lo the nation, will not flinch before the present trial; they will remind themselves that such exigencies are the discipline of good institu tions, as of good men ; that virtue and great ness, whether of states or of individual men, have few surer indications than steadfast ness to principle; that is to say, confidence in principle when adversity most menaces it. Never has there been an hour in which the citizens of these free states should haye stood moro manfully around the flag which sym bolizes their principles and their history, than they should in this period of trial. It is the testing time of our destiny ; if found faithful and worthy, that flag will yet wave more proudly than ever before the eyes of the world. We must show our regard for it by all possible dispositions for compromise and conciliation, but not by one concession of the principles of political truth, righteous ness and liberty, essential to the genius and mission of the nation. What is its genius, if not freedom ? What its mission, if it is not to build up the new world with the in stitutions of Christian civilization—to spread over ita vast domains the triumphs of indus try, intelligence and virtue—the industry, the homes, the intelligence, and the virtues ol self-relying humanity ? This is what the natural conditions of the country demand, what God demands, what the founders of the republic designed. We cannot forego this design without defying tha will of heaven, the conscience of the civilized world, and the undeniable purpose of our fathers. The lat ter treated the difficulty which now threat ens us with a wise expediency, but with no sacrifice of principle. It was to them, as to us, a problem which required forbearing treatment; tbey met its practical embarrass ments by constitutional provisions, but with the protest of all their avowed principles, and with the direct protest of the express language of many of the best and greatest of them—of Washington, Jefferson, FraokliD, Patrick flenry, ss. They admitted its in congruity with the legitimate destiny of the country, they ' expected its gradual and peaceful extinction in the progress of the country. Every provision they made in re lation to it was made with this tactic calcu lation. No man who knows the state of opin ion at the revolutionary era will question the assertion. A FREEMAN. It is in the-spirit of these men, the foun ders of the government, that its Constitution should le expounded by all just and compre hensive statesmen. It is in that spirit, and that alone, that the compromises of the pres ent controversy, if compromises there can be, should be constructed. There can be no wav ering at this point, without an outrage to the memory of our national founders, to our self respect, and to the supreme moral senti ment of. the Christian world. These great free States, charged with a solemn amenability to the opinioD of the civ. il.zed world, and to the God of Dations, can not give way at this point. To do so would be to show a moral feebleness unworthy of their country and dishonorable to the hu man race. They could not give, a surer pypof of the political enervation of the na tion—of the extinction of the spirit of its founders, and of its best hopes. Such an ex ample would be pointed to as a stronger demonstration of the failure of our political system than any local disruption of the Uni on, fbr.it would prove not merely political perplexity, but radial demoralizatim. We must, then, stand by our flag, by standing firmly on the position here indica ted. Standing here, we shall not only be faithful to the spirit and design of tho Con stitution and its founders, but we shall be mighty in our national morale ; -are shall maintain our self-respect and dignity, and if calamities are to be confronted, we can meet them as true men. Let us not distrust, in this testing hour, our destiny or the great principles upon which divine Providence has projected it. Let us away with even doubt ful language respecting the "republican ex perimei t." No American artisan, among bis children at his hearth, no farmer in bis cottage, no teacher at the public desk, should allow the utterance of such treason to his fathers, and to the hopes of mankind ; it is fit only for unprincipled demagogues who can sacrifice the publio good for their indi vidual hopes. Whatever may be the result of southern secession, these Free States are sufficient to continue, with but a transient disturbance, a mighty and invincible government of free and sovereign men ; they could at once, with the loss of all the disaffected States, be a first rate power among the nations \ they can be if they simply move forward, as here tofore, under the Constitution, not only a first rate power, but soon the first power— their granaries feeding the world, their com merce in all its ports, and their old and hon ored flag, the emblem of successlul self-gov ernment, before the eyes of all nations.—- Without the seceding States, they would be still as great as the Roman empire in its greatest glory. Let them bear in mind, EDITORS & PROPRIETORS. NUMBER fc then, that the "experiment," ao called, and the honor of their fathers, alike with the beat hopes of strolling humanity in ail lands, and let them acquit themselves like men ! All their conditions are too homogeneous to admit of a rational fear of disunion themseivos. They have no self-interest that does not demand their continued harmony ; any contrary suggestion should be treated as, the whim of pol.tical imbecility, or tho trea son of Jacobinical demagogism. It should, be scouted witb spontaneous malediqlionft wherever heard. No candid man who has read our columns, cau duubt the motive of these remarks. Wa have contented for conciliation—we still con tend for it—we shall use every honorable means toward it; but if fail it must, let us accept with self-respect, and with unabated fidelity to our country and the world, the mournful alternative. Our States and out;, homos will remain safe and prosperous, not-. withstand,' l "? some temporary disturbance. The unavoidable doom, of such recreancy fa the work of our founders will fall elsewhere, and will give a lesson to the world, in on trast with our own steadfast example, which may fortify rather than in;pair the principles of constitutional free government. Such thoughts we think appropriate to the hour, and we doubt not that they will re ceive the response of eyery genuine Ameri can. "Let us stand by the old Flag."— yhe World. Got to the Red Sea. A South Carolina clergyman, wnitingjjto A Northern newspaper, says : " Providence, which has brought us to the Red Sea, can open for us a passage through and out of it." Many will be inolined to think that this Rev. gentleman, and his secession friends, have made a slight mistake in regard to the anal ogies of their oase. At least the similarity of their circumstances to those of that pecu liar people, who, by the interposition of Di vine power, were led ou,t of Egyptian bond age, is not apparent to all. In some minds, this movement is slightly suggestive of an other people, who stood on the banks of the Rod Sea, not as God's chosen people, but in the pursuit of an insane policy, that was leadiDg them to ruin. But whatever may ba the analogies of the case, it is evident that the only way for the Dominie and his asso ciates to escape the dange s of the Red Sea, is to retrace their steps back to. the leeks and onions of Egypt. It is apparent that they have no Moses with tbem, and no cloud and pillar of fire going before them. And if they undertake to cross it, it is doubtful whether they may not find themselves very much in the predicament of the Egyptians. They may have trouble with their chariot w:heels, and the returning waves may be a little ton quick for them. And more than all, to add to their mortification, those black rascals. on whose account all this stir has been made, may be on the other bank with timbrels and harps rejoicing over their calamity 2/ur risburg Telegraph. Southern Aggressions. The toadies of a Southern aristocracy,, many of whom claim to be Democrats, are- Just now assailing the North for its aggressn. ions upon Southern rights. When asked for particulars, they mouth words about personal liberty bills, ect., although the North were really censurable for their passage. We find in an exchange a few charges on the other side, which are tangib'e and true. In the first place, the understanding from the com mencement, and on all hands, South and North, was that slavery was tolerated as a temporary necessity, which was to be grad ually, steadily and utterly eradicated- That understanding and virtual agreement the South first ignored* In the annexation of Texas, in defiance of the strongest remon strances, they inaugurated the policy of mt\ king slavery perpetual. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was a furthes step in the same bad faith. Some of the provisions of the fugitive slave law were most uncbrist* tain, tolerably offensive to non-slaveholders, and unnecessary to the maintenance of that law—yet modification was refused. The ex* tradition or lynching of our citiaens on mere suspicion, not only without proof, but in de fiance of proof to the contrary. The illegal imprisonment of our colored seamen. The banishment of Judge Iloar, in defiance of all law and courtesy, The brutal assault on Senator Summer, who however- unwise, was. entitled to the protection of law—the worst thing ever done in intimidation of govern-, ment and law. Stand Firm.. Y/e are glad to see the feeliDg manifested by the great mass of our Republioan friends, to stand as firm as the eternal bills upon the platform on which Abraham Lincoln was elected President. That Platform emphati cally declared it the purpose of the Itepubli oans to " turn this Government back into channel in which the farmers of the Consti tution originally placed it." Having elected Mr. Lincoln on this platform they are resol ved to stand by bias. They selected him as, their standard bearer because they had con fidence in him. He never betr&yed & trust never violated a compromise—never deceived, a friend, and tbey confidently feel that now he will not begin to falter and turn traitor to his past life. He will be just, moderate, prudent, but unflinchingly firm. Let no onei who supported him advise any thing else.