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HMILET.
.Editor
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COUNCILMANIC PIFFLING
THB interest of the members o the City
Council in street improvements in their
districts is understandable. They wish to
remind the voters nt the next election of the
amount of public money which they have
diverted to new pavements nd new sowers
for the benefit of the district. Instead ot
taking a comprehensive view of the needs of
the whole city, they concentrate their atten
tion on their own little bailiwick.
While their attitude is comprehensible,
It Is not defensible. The same sort of thing
i tho curse of Congress, where tho atten
tion of Representatives is directed toward
getting as many new postofihea and court
houses as possible and n big appropriation
for the deepening of little rivers of no im
portance to commerce. Enough money hag
been wasted in this way to have completed
the great Mississippi River scheme of im
provements and to deepen tho Delaware foe
the accommodation of ocean-going ships of
the largest size.
It is proper that the program for street
improvements should be made after consul
tation with members of Council. They are
supposed to know1 as much as any one about
the needs of the parts of the city in which
they live. Hut when the streets of the
whole city need attention, public money
ought to be spent first on those streets which
will serve the greatest number of persona
The main arteries of travel must bo put iu
good repair before the feeders receive atten
tion, nnd the little streets that serve only
neighborhood convenience must wait until
after the more important work is done.
Certain members of the Council, however,
hare begun to interfere with tho admirable
program of the Bureau of Highways and
they nro pursuing a pifiiing policy unworthy
of broad-minded men, exactly the kind of
policy which if persisted in will lead to u
.demand that the charter be so changed as
to provide that the Councilmcn shall be
chosen at large on a general ticket voted for
by all tho electors in the city. Such n plan
would remove the incentive to log-rolling for
local Improvements to make the politicians
solid with the voters.
THE CITY LOAN FAILURE
THE bond markets of the country are
crowded. Moue.v. as the bankers say.
has been "dear." Railway first mortgage
bonds which return 7 per cent interest have
been selling below par.
But the 5 per cent bonds which, offered by
this city in tho sum of $7,000,000, found
only a few buyers when bids were opened
yesterday, are tax-exempt. They are safe
as any Government paper in the world.
They represent a good, solid, safe and fairly
profitable investment even in these times.
The failure of the big banks to take up
the new loan will be disappointing to every
body. Doubtless they find little trouble in
placing their capital wheic it will bring
larger returns. But 57,000,000 is not a
large sum of money in n city like Philadel
phia, and the bonds should have been sold
out in a few hours.
The thing for the Mayor to do now would
be to follow the course adopted by Mayor
Blankcnburg, who, under circumstances
similar to those which confronted the Ad
ministration yesterday, offered municipal
bonds at par and accrued interest over the
counter in the City Treasurer's office and
found a ready sale. The bonds were bought
eagerly by private investors. But one of
those laws that arc slipped through the
State Legislature occasionally without notice
or opposition was passed in 1017 to make
public general sales of city bonds impos
sible. THAT IMAGINARY MANDATE
THAT group of pro-league Republicans
who have written to Lord Robert Cecil,
of the League of Nations Union, protesting
against statements that the election of
President Harding was a mandate against
the league, have done only what was ex
pected. It is notorious that a large number of
influential Republicans votd for Mr. Hard
ing because they believed tliot the entrance
of the United States into the league would
follow his election. Hundreds of thousands
of plain citizens, with no Influence byond
their vote, supported Mr Harding or voted
the Republican ticket -for tho reason that
they were convinced that it would be im
possible for anj Democratic President to
persuade the Senate to ratify the league
covenant in any form, and that with it
Republican President, confronted bv the
necessity of adjusting the relations of the
United States to the test of the world, the
covenant would be ratified in some form.
These citizens resent Colonel Harvev's
assumption that when the nation gave Mr
Harding a plurality of 7,000,000 otcn it
rejected the league. It did no such thing.
The foreign observrs who have visited thin
country in lecent months have returned
home with the report that there is a very
Qtrong sentiment here Iu favor of a league,
n condition wliirh is patent to the most
casual listener to the rcmaiks of his fellow
citizens.
THE WAR TRIALS BEGUN
SOMETHING cnthely novel In interna
tional procedure hits bren started at last
In Germany in the opening of the wai
criminal trials. The case of Witrtz, con
victed of cruelty to Northern prisoners in
the Civil War, Is not analogous, clnec this
pffeuder was it rebel against the authority
the United States.
It is worth while noting, however, that the
original outcry in the North against tho
leaders in the Rebellion was never really
answered. The imprisonment of Jefferson
.w
(f liflft
. SSl
fffvatTP
Davis was comparatively Drier mid lie was
Hiibscqupiitly restored tn nil the rights of
ft dtlseuship snvo that of holding office.
" It Is not surprislnj, therefore, that such
m'. ni- n. T.iHiunilnrff. Timlin and Hinden-
( Jft Unre- nro nhsent from the trial of the In-
lAfjiraouB, 8crgeant Heynen, charged with hor-
albli brutaW.v to JlrHlsu prisoners u a
s
7 " EftEffOEG- PUBLIC ' LEDGEK-f PJkffSffi$lA,' ;Wm$$'tfMi
' mmifim . us.. i il a l J Ji i i ii n , . n , .w a..,, .U. , U, i f i r- - -- -C its ill ' ' ' ' " ' ' '" ' t J
iSjrtfti
i -
1.
WestouaUan eamo in 1014. Whither thej
will be summoned at all is questionable,
Bejonds'doubt, however, there wcro Ger
man officers whose deliberate deeds were little
short of 'fiendish. Britain, Franco and Bel
gium hare kept scrupulous count of the most
flagrant nnd detestable "offenses, and Ger
many is seemingly firm in its endeavors to
bring violators of the fundamental principles
of civilization to tho bar of justice.
Reports from Leipzig, where llcyncn is
being tried, reveal Supreme Justice Schmidt
ni determined to show no leniency. Headed
for early proceedings are Carl Neumann,
commander of the U-boat 07, which sank
the hospital ship Dover Castle iu 1017, nnd
three other notorious officials. Tho program
is a test of German good faith under condi
tions the painfulncss of which cannot be
disputed.
The apparent sincerity characterising tho
actions of Dr. Wirth's Government is tho
best of testimony that the Treaty of Ver
sailles is anything but a dead letter.
GIVE MR. HARDING TIME;
FORGET COLONEL HARVEY
Properly Enough tho United States Gov
ernment Awaits More Light on
the Europoan Confusion
EVER, since Colonel Harvey tore loose in
London with what seemed to bo nn
exposition and n rather astonishing expo
sition at that of the newer American policy
in Europe, there has been a sense of grow
ing bewilderment in the American mind.
A very general mood of uncomfortable mys
tification is reflected in the news, in Con
gress, among business men and iu editorial
discussion everywhere.
Tho average man in the street knows nnd
cares little about the devious involutions of
international diplomacy. But he has been
hoping, with a feeling of assurance, that the
world was moing toward a state of life in
which Industry could be fully revived, world
trade resumed, financial nightmares cleared
up, taxes reduced, wars prevented and dis
armament made something more than a
dream of philosophers.
From Colonel Harvey tho man in the
street got little encouragement for his simple
and rational desires. From the President,
whose personal representative nnd spokes
man the Ambassador is. the public has been
receiving assurances of tho Government's
desire to ro-opcratc with other nations to
eliminate the law of the jungle from human
affairs.
Whom shall we listen to? Does Colonel
Harvov talk for tho inner mind of the
Administration or does Mr. Harding? That
question is coming more and more to be nn
irritation in the collective mind of the
United States. It is being expressed in n
general demand for "a clear statement of
nternatioual aims and policy" in Wash
ington. The trouble is that Colonel Harvey was
far more (xplicit, far more sweeping, in his
first speech than the President ever has been.
The Colonel must be sweeping nnd explicit
or he cannot be happy. lie has a gift of
tongue and he loves to make the most of it.
Because of him and the differences that
appear to exist between tho foreign policy
of a President nnd that of his Ambassador
tho country is unxinusly curious to know
what is going on in the background.
The truth seems to be thnt the fog which
obscures horizons for the general public
obscures horizons for the Administration,
too. If the President does not yet know
what he is going to do in Europe he is in
exalted company. Llojd George certainly
docs not know what he is going to do, and
neither does Briand and neither do the Ger
mans nor the Russians.
The British Government uas forced by the
prospect of nnother explosion in Europe to
move within the last ten days toward a
reversal of war policies that would have
astounded the world. It seemingly was pre
pared to support Germany in Silesia against
Briand and the militarists and opportunists
who have been trying to encircle him at
come. Extraordinary courage was demanded
in this instance of a British Prime Minister
who is not always credited with courage.
Whnt a lnrge part of the world would have
regarded ns a treacherous shift of British
allegiance was necessary to maintain such
equilibrium as has been established since
the war on the Continent of Europe.
What will come out of Silesia, out of
Germany, out of Rubsla, out of Asia in the
next sit months or the next year? No one
knows.
Unfortunately for the whole world, the
affairs of nations are not being directed
according to rules of open diplomacy No
International covenants are being openly
arrived at. Mr Harding and Mr. Hughes
cannot expose their cards on the table while
they are compelled to sit in a vast game
ruled by the poker method and poker tem
peraments. The President need not tell the
world nil that he knows, nor is there any
reason why he need define nnd describe his
methods of action. But he could define his
aims. That he ought to do.
An xpert eye is not needed to perceive
the great change that has taken place in
the ruling minds of all governments since
the war ended, and particularly since tin
Versailles Conference. Because of the tidal
movements of capital that took place be
tween nation and nation during the war,
becaus of the new opportunities for com
mercial exploitation that victory and a dis
organized world presented to great bankers
and corporations of Europe nnd their Gov
ernment!", because ordinary ethical restraints
wore considerably relaxed in the general
melee, statesmen have been forced, sometimes
against their will and under pressure of com
petition, to concern themselves about tho
safety of loans, about trade routes ,ind com
merWal treaties nnd sources of industrial
supplies They have hod to muncmer und
compromise or be nt n lohs und perhaps at
the mercy of more daring and lesj scrupulous
competitors So the questions uf settle
ments in Europe have within a ear beeu
shifted from a basis of philosophy to a
basis of almost purely material interest We
ourselves have had to change rourses or ri'J
enormous financial losses and partial indus
trial isolation.
Too manr Governments, left to them
selves, without the checks thnt might have
been put upon their politicians by nn agency
empowered to keep nationalistic ambitions
within decent bounds, nre thinking of Imme
diate, practical and exclusive advantages of
the sort that can be retained onlv by military
power rather than of the newer ideals of
world peace and a universal escape from
war
To which philosophy shall we give our
support? Can these two dominating nnd
conflicting philosophies bo somehow recon
ciled? Is it any wonder that a Prescient
of the United States hesitates and waits for
n little moro light upon the hard road ahead
ot html
WHEN AGREEMENT IS EASY
STRAWS indicate the direction of cur
rents. Yesterday, for the first time
since tho war temporarily eliminated party
lines iu Congress, Democrats and Repub
licans forgot their practical and tempera
mental differences to support a measure
with an overwhelming non-partlnn mu
joritj. The Senate voted to sustain the leport of
the Joint Committee on Naval Affairs, which
has recommended general ndherence to the
great building progrnm formulated under
the direction of Secretarv Daniels after the
course of post-war politics in Europe turned
him from the mood of pacifism to the mood
of a militarist.
After all, It seems Congress sometime,
has eyes to see and cars to hear with. It
could not reduce tho personnel of tho, navy
or seriously retard naval preparedness at
'the present time without doing nn unwise
thing. But ono cannot help but hopp for a
day when the two parties in Congress will
find It possible to co-opcrato not for war
alone, but for peace.
NEW STRENGTH IN THE ENTENTE
PARTISANS of Aristido Briand and
David Lloyd George respectively niny
be expected tb explore in detail tho question
of victory in the Sllesian controversy, which
for a brief space threatened to mar tho
processes of reconstruction In Europe.
This point is, on tho whole, more interest
ing than important. Pledging renewed
fidelity to th3 Treaty of Versailles, tho
British Prime Minister stood intrenched bo
hind n Gibrnltar of sound argument. This
fact has somewhat obscured the fantastic
suggestion that his nation might bo forced
to sanction the use of German troops to
suppress the disorders.
It was this proposal which primarily en
raged M. Briand, prompting him to language
which paralleled Mr. Lloyd George's iu ex
travagance. Both leaders, lavish In their
reliance upon conditional clauses and nu
merous "ifs," were equally moved to con
sider political prestige at home.
In the meantime, Great Britain, realizing
hor obligations, has dispatched troops to tho
disaffected territory. Dr. Wirth's Govern
ment in Berlin has promised to closo the
frontier between Germany and the pleblsclto
district and to disarm German bands now
in Silesia. ICorfnnty, the Polish insurrec
tionist, has 'fallen back upon the guarantees
of the Versailles pact nnd ngreed to with
draw, providing tho Interallied Commission
attends to its responsibilities.
These arc the aspects of the situation
which arc really significant. All forecast a
rational and authoritative settlement of the
dispute.
Whether Lloyd George intimidated M.
BrMand or vico versa is a different and less
vital mnttcr. The French Premier, chal
lenging the imperialists, who have been
urging invasion of the Ruhr nnd open sup
port of Polish ambitions in Silesia, has
emphatically announced his loyalty to tho
general penco treaty. This is a gratifying
swing toward the Georgian program. The
Biitish statesman has maintained silence
on the question of employing German troops.
A Briand point Is scored here.
The recession from impossible positions
on both sides presages a new acquisition of
strength and harmony for the Entente.
There is n general impression that the new
German Ministry intends to play the gome
squarely and frankly.
Hopes of genuine reconstruction nro at
last sighted. History is certnin to take
more account of this circumstance than of
the heated charges and couuter-charges of
two political leaders, each partly intent on
the complexities of domestic politics.
The next step, which must soon be made
unless all these auspicious preliminaries nro
to go for naught, is n decision by the Inter
allied Commission on the results of the
Silesian plebiscite. It was procrastination
here which permitted the German -Polish
tension to develop into n crisis.
HOW TO BRING PRICES DOWN
THERE is no more persistent and wide
spread delupion than that a poor man
can escape n tax that is levied on n rich
man. This is why tho lawmakers have
always sought to tax tho rich and to make
what is known ns big business pay tho cost
of government.
The man speaking before the Senate
Finance Committee this week as a repre
sentative of Samuel Gompers, who objected
to the sales tax as an attempt to shift the
burden from the shoulders of the rich to the
poor, based his remarks on the same de
lusion. it mav be convenient to tax big business
heavily, but every economist knows that big
business under such circumstances serves
only as the tax collector for the Govern
ment. It passes on the tax to the consumer.
The tat iR reckoned as nn element in the
cost of production ; but big business is not
always content with merely adding the tax
to the price of what it sells. It frequently
multiplies it several times, and the con
sumer pays not only the tuv but the nmouut
which has been lidded to it by the producer.
The sales tax levied on the final sale is
the least burdensome tnv thnt it is possible
to conceive, because it is not pyrnmldrd in
its passage from the pocket of the consumet
to the public treasury. But because lt
apparent effect on tho price of an urticle is
evident to everv purchaser, it is assumed
that it is an intolerable burden for the
poor and that the rich will not feel it.
But the indirect tar levied on the pio
ducer increaes the price to the consumer
to a much greater degree. The taxes levied
on big business during the wnr nre said to
have increased the prices of commodities by
more thnu 30 por cent, nnd the workingman
had to pay the increase. No sales tax that
has been seriously considered would increase
the price of any article more than 3 per
cent.
Thus the kind of a tox which Mr. Gom
pers is said to favor would make the con
sumer pay at least $1.30 for nn article
worth SI under normal conditions, while
the sales tax would make the consumei pay
only $1 03 for the same article
r r 1 o n d s uf Mis
James A Stillman
say that she has ie-
Emotion Pictures
Probably
i eivtd nn offer to ap
pear in the movies and thnt she m.iy accept
Wouldn't you have thought that she had had
publicity enough already ?
There's a drv i Ican-
Miuli A irtue ing in atore for Phila-
In a, When delphia w hen t h u
money Is available,
sa.ts Prohibition Commission! r Krnmct.
Meanwhile, a thirsty host joins him in a:
ing "'when "
An netne nnuoritj is
Tip for Reformers the pet lamb of de
mocracy. A passive
majority is the goal. But, once in a while,
when the pel lamb cuts up didoes the mn
jorlt lose its adjective and butts
Wo learn from Washington that the
Versailles Trtaty is dead again. This lively
littlo corpse has provided more work for the
undertakers, more little jobs for the tomb
stone makers than any other pact known to
history. Over and over again in the United
Stntes" Senate they've been veij, very busy
with a brand-new grave, then somehow
muffed it. AVhat's the good of being a corpse
it vou don't stay dead?
In the absence of definite information,
we conclude that the Administration Is in a
Ualaclavan frame of mind: Half a league,
half a league, half a league onward.
Which, when you come to think of It, seems
to bo a league nnd a half
And, of course, it is generally under
stood thnt Colonel Harvey would not have
mode thnt kind of a speech in Iloboken.
Slander has Its limitations.
"One Is damned if ono is too specific.''
remarked the eminent statesman, "and
damned If he contents himself with tho
enunciation of general principles; so I'll be
damned if I say an) thing."
Golf may be all right in Its way, hut
the blarsted Britishers should try us out in
baseball or poker.
The presumption is that the clerk of the
weather is not a Knight Templar.
BLUE LAW CURIOS
1
The Sunday L,awa of Olden Tlmo
Had Many Curjous Exactions.
Tho Theatro In Philadel
phia Some Unusual
Provisos
By GEORGE NOX McCAIN
THE persistent agitation in this country
nt present for tho enactment of more
stringent Sunday laws is directing attention
to this class of legislation of tho past.
Ono of the most interesting contributions
to the literature on tho subject is Gustavus
Myers' "Yc Olden Blue Laws," a preten
tious work of 'nearly 300 pages.
The "blue laws" of New England as well
as those of other colonies, with odd and
curious instances of their application, con
stitute the major portion of tho work, al
though Pennsylvania comes in for a modest
share of attention. .
The Sunday laws of other days and Stales
had a far wider application than is generally
known.
-Practically everything tliat today can be
regarded ns amusement or recreation was
banned under tho ancient statutes,
One of tho first laws was against Idleness,
It was enacted by the Massachusetts colony
in 1033.
This did not mean mere shlftlcssness or
"loafing," ns we understand it today.
Two women gossiping or talking on the
street or a group of men in animated social
conversation came under the definition.
PENNSYLVANIA'S first Sunday laws, in
comparison with those of tho Now Eng
land colonies, were ns cambric tea to nut
brown ale.
Its law ot November, 1700, simply decreed
that people should spend the day nt home
rending "the Scriptures of truth" or attend
whatever church suited them.
The law of January, 1700, was even more
generous nnd must have shocked the more
strait-laced Puritanical clement of Massa
chusetts Bay.
It allowed tho dressing of victuals for
families, cookshops or victualing houses.
It legalized the landing of passengers by
watermen on Sunday and offered no restric
tions on travel.
It permitted butchers to kill nnimals and
sell meat, and fishermen to sell fish on Sun
day mornings during June, July and August.
Two hundred years ago tho milkman had
not progressed to the point of ringing a bell
to announce his presence nt the door.
Ho shouted his message on the street, and
tills noisy peddling of a necessity was per
mitted before 0 In the morning nnd after 5
in the nftcrnoon on Sundays.
According to Mr. Myers, cock-fighting,
horsc-raclng, shooting mntches and other
sports became, Sunday indulgences after tho
middle of the eighteenth century.
The uncouth citizenry of that cm evi
dently jnn a good thing in the ground.
Public sentiment was aroused, church lead
ers took a hand nnd u law was passed pro
hibiting such events.
As is usually the case, tho restrictions
went to the other extreme.
The law of March, 1770, not only pro
hibited tho objectionable sports, but it for
bade pin j s or games or any kind of diversion
on Sunday.
This was tho beginning of the celebrated
Pennsylvania blue laws.
ONE thing to be said in favor Gt the legal
restrictions of the time is that they were
impurtlnl in their application.
The buyer of articles on Sunday was con
sidered ns guilty as the beller, and could be
convicted for the offense.
AVhlle Pennsylvania had no such drastic
law on idleness as its sister colony In the
northeast, it did enact a law against noisy
demonstrations.
Philadelphia ministers were opposed to
loud speech. A soft, well-modulated voice
was evidently more to their liking.
Pastor HasscllluK is quoted as forbidding
folks "singing" when calling their cows,
and ordering persons with harsh voices to
bing softly or be mute.
THE province of Penu early forbade the
performance of plays or theatrical per
formances. In their stead tight-rope walking, animal
shows, marionettes, and representations
having a religious savor were introduced.
In 1740 a company of plajcrs ventured
into Philadelphia. They had rough sledding.
Mr. Myers has this to say concerning the
first theatrical enture In this city:
"But the ministerial group, who had long
successfully prevented the 'frivolous amuse
ment of dancing,' was even moro opposed to
the drama, and they soon caused the city
officials to order the company out of the
city."
Six years later this same company returned
to this city. They had experienced gieat
success in other cities.
Governor Hamilton, upon application of
a number of influential Philadelphluns,
granted the plncrs, known ns Ilallam's
Company, a license for twenty-four nights.
Ministers vigorously protested, but the
Governor would not cancel it.
With the Indorsement of lending citizens
the plnjcrs persisted. It wns decided to
build a theatre In Southwark.
Then their opponents went to the Legls
laturc with a petition for n law to prohibit
the construction of the playhouse.
Finally the house was completed und
opened, but the opposition was so powerful
that the company finally left.
It is pointed out that at this Southwark
theotrc was produced the first play by an
American author.
He was a Phlladelphlan, Thomas God
frey. Jr.. and his work was entitled "The
Prince of Parthln "
AMONG the crimes and mifdemcauors
charged under these odd old statutes
were the following:
An employe of tho Schuylkill Navigation
Co. named Murray was mimmarilv con
victed of opening locks for the passage of
boats on a Sunday in 1855.
Tho Supreme Court reversed the verdict.
Fashion was hit a wallop by the General
Court of Massachusetts in 1034, in which
it wns forbidden to any person to wear lace
Gold nnd silver girdles, lint bands or even
beaver hats were taboo and could be ion
fiscntecl on sight.
A woman war, arrested nnd fined In lfl,"0
for hanging out clothes on a line on Sunday
morning
That the old arbiters were not without
n sense of humor is evidenced in the fol
lowing record In the case of Obadinh Miller
In Taunton. Mass.. March 0, 1(!,"5:
Joane, his wife, was arraigned for
"beating and reviling her husband, egging
her children to help her, bidding them
knock him on the head and wishing his
ictuals might choke him."
The woman wns discharge d nnd the
record concludes, "Punished at home," sig
nifying that Obndiah took the law Into his
own hands. Tf he did?
The Ann-lie nn Fed
The Devil to Pay cratlon of Labor Is
preparing to fight the
sales tax if it is adopted, alli'gin? Hint "big
business is trying to shift the burden of the
war on to tho backs of workingmen." All
of which is plum dlscourngin' to Hiohp who
have faith in the intelligence of the popu
lace. The consumer will, of until so, pay the
sales tax even ns he has paid even tax
that has ever been devised. Tho difference
is that in the sales tax he will know exactly
what ho is paying andjonlj'jM it once
The decision of Germain (. t lose the
Upper Silesian frontier has Iu a leasvictlve
rectitude than common sense
Premier Briand has now assumed the
virtues ho urges on France confidence nnd
calm.
In tho Delaware peach crop f political
stories the Wolcott deal tops tht bisket.
The latest mint julep appeals to
lots of kick in it.
Imve
Old King Coal
time raising taxes,
Is liming a sweet old
Harvey's
diplomacy.
appears io he trade elollnr
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NOW MY IDEA IS THIS
Daily Talks With Thinking Philadelphia on Subjects They
Know Best
ALLAN FREDERIC SAUNDERS
On Reorganizing State Offices
AN INVESTIGATION looking toward
the reorganization of State executive de
partments for the purpose of effecting econ
omies is n paramount need, according to
Allan Frederic Saunders, of the Political
Science iDepartment of the Whnrton School
of the University of Pennsylvania.
"At the recent session of the Legishituie
a lesolutlon wns pnsscd calling for the selec
tion of a commission to study the organiza
tion of the Stnte exccutlie departments," he
said. "The purpose Is to obtain a basis for
a consideration of changes In the nelmlnls
tratiou toward efficiency and economy. Such
an investigation is needed, because such
changes are needed. There has been no thor
ough revision of the State administrative
services since tho adoption of the Constitu
tion of 1873. Were we to rely solely upon
JefferEon's sardonic suggestion that periodi
cal revolutions nre beneficial to de'iiocracy.
such a move in Pennsylvania in 10-1 would
bo justified
"But iu addition to Ihis, the changes in
social conditions and theory since 1S73 sup
port a demand for reform. Tho basis of
democratic theory has nlwajs been public:
welfare. In 1781) public welfure was largely
synonjmous with a negathc policy of gov
ernmental action.
"The job of the Go eminent wns to keep
its hands off everything; to protect the citi
zen from violence internal and external, that
he might have freedom. In 1873 such an
Idea was still prevalent, though it was weak
ened somewhat by the development of the
railroad and the spread of popular educa
tion. Iu 1021 the content of the concept of
public welfare, as practiced by Govlrnnicnt,
has enormously widened.
"Whereas once public welfare mount
chiefly protection, today it Implies govern
mental regulation of nianj phases of social
relationships, to tho end that tho resources
of the nation, nntural and huinnu. be used
most constructively for the soel.il bcttcrinent.
"This change in the attitude toward gov
ernmental activity brought with It a neces
sary expansion of the work of the State.
It Is commonplace that within the last thirty
years the bureaus und dcpuitinents of the
State Government have multiplied many
times. With each session of the Lcgislatuio
new organs have been tacked on the scheme
of government outlined in the 1S73 Consti
tution. Old Methods In Vogue
"And that is the primary troublu todaj
The new organs have beeu tacked on; in but
few instances has there been n serious at
tempt to understand the relation ot the new
activity to existing governmental agencies.
The function of the State bus grown iu c -cord
with tho demands of its people, hut the
manner of exercising those functions has
been a matter of benevolent caprice. The
machine: has been tinkered with b well
intentioned reformers; there has been lack
ing nn appreciation of the fact that the
State Government lb merely a huge public
service joint-stock lompaii), and that to
secure 1 esponslvencss to the stockholders
1. e., tho people business methods must
be used
"Iu eveiy other business thero exists n
well-oiled sistem of production; In the
typical State Government and Fonnsjl
v'anln Is t.iplcal tho sjstem is ono of hlt-or-miss.
It is the job of ti commission, such
ns is juoposcd, to investigate ndministrntiio
leorganl.atlon. to the end of making it n
bjotein which hits rather than misses.
" "Several such investigations Imve In re
cent jears )ieen made in other States, no
tably in New York and in Ulluols. After
the failure of the proposed Constitution In
1015, New Yoik was subjected to an ex
haustive study by a reconstruction commis
sion appointed lu IIUD. This commission
recommended the consolidation of the exist
ing 187 agencies of government into seven
teen departments, with adequate proiislon
for con elation between them and control by
the executive,
"Illinois In 101 1 uelopted an administra
tive code which organizes the State Govern
ment into nino grent departments. Ne
braska. Idaho, Ohio, Massachusetts and
other States Imve either revised or nro now
revising their administrative systems, to
put them in conformity with modern busi
ness principles.
"In nil these attempts to make the ma
ihluery up to date theie huvo been at bottom
a few guiding considerations. There must
be consolidation of the numerous bureaus
nnd departments and commissions, thnt one
function may no longer be executed by so, -crnl
moio or less Independent agenclos, but
carried out by one department In a consist
ent, adequate fashion, Responsibility for
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A VERY PALPABLE HIT
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the execution of the policy must ho central
ized in the hands of tho executive, the Gov
ernor. There must bo a real budget installed.
And there should.be plenty of publicity,
information both for the Stnte ngen
clcs so that they shall act from scientific
knowledge, and tor tho public so that they
may have a real basis for holding the Gov
ernor responsible to them.
"If such a system is to be instnllcd in
Pennsylvania the preliminary study must be
thorough and expert. Any ex officio com
mission must work under handicaps that
should not mar the results of the investiga
tion. Furthermore, the partial revisions that
have occurred fiom time to time as, foHn
stnuco, the establishment of a Public Wel
faro Department are apt to hinder tho final
outcome, unless there is first n complete
plnn of reorganization on which to model the
specific piecemeal changes. Finally, there
should be established a bureau of adminis
tration, ns was recommended in New York.
"This bureau would bo a staff organiza
tion, ready at all times to investigate the
workings of the line departments and to
suggest modifications. This, together with
a provision iu the Constitution that new
activities of tho Government shall be as
signed to existing agencies, would serie to
maintain tho organization of the State Ad
ministration on a level where productive
service was continuously attained efficiently
and economically, for the profit of the
citizen stockholder."
HUMANISMS
By WILLIAM ATHERTON DU PUY
HERBERT COREY, the war correspond
ent, used to he just nn eieryday le
portcr out in Ohio and wns quite well
acqiiBlntcel with young Harry Daugherty,
an energetic politician of the great state
even a quarter of a centuty ago. Corey
came down to Washington tho other day to
talk to his old friend.
"Daugherty," he suid, summing the man
up In sentence, "never won u political
fight (until last fall) and never lost a
friend."
Corey met the people who are iirounel the
attorney general today, associated with him
In his work. They nre the same men, he
savs, who were with him twenty years ago.
There wns the time back about 1808 when
Daugherty was n candidate for the Repub
lican nomination for Governor of Ohio.
Everything looked bright for him the dav
before the convention. A newspaperman,
who was an old friend, was talking to him,
wns snjlng that his nomination wns in
evitable. It was a big help to Daugherty
to have the newspapers take this attitude
on the evo of the convention.
But Daugherlv knew they weie wrong.
He knew thnt Ilannu had him marked for
sacrifice. So ho led this newspaperman
aside and said to him :
"You hnie u leputatlon us a political
ptophet. It will hell) me if you saj thnt I
am to get the nomination. It will hurt
your reputation, however, because It will
not happen. You better sav 1 am to he
beaten."
Thus did he protect a filend
V
Park Trammcll, now senator from Flor
ida, had worked nH a clerk In a store and
in tho customs service until he hud saved
up enough money to carry htm through a
modest law school at Chnttahooclie, Fin.
Three months before he wus to graduate
serious illness in his family made a trip
home necessary and it used up his last dol-
mr. ino young suiucut was sore per
plcxcd,
A modest storekeeper in Chattnhooclu
heard of his plight, sent for him, volunteeted
to loan him ?100. He took it, graduated,
In six months was major of his home (own.
became state legislator, senator, president
of the senate, attorney general, governor,
United States senator till by the time he
was forty.
Had not E W Scatboiough, who kepi
a store, been of tho order of the Samaiitau
this might not have happened.
Representative John J. Kindled, of New
Yoik, operates an asylum for the Insane
when he Is nt home. He has devoted his
llfo to a study of the disoideied mind, has
delved Into its vagaiiow In America.
It Is snld that certain members of the
popular branch of Congress huhltunllv avoid
him. lie is n genial mid courteous and
convivial gentleman, io popular that he got
himself elected ns n Democrat Inst fall lie
is never pi ofesslonal keeps his mind clear
of r doctor's natural tendency to diagnose.
But somo member Just aren't comfortable
In his presence, ,
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What Do You Know?
QUIZ
1. What vegetable Is symbolical of Waleef
2. In what century cllel Michelangelo live?
3. What wero the Ides of March?
4. What was the surnamo of "Blind Tom,"
the negro pianist?
5. When wns New York (Manhattan)
founded?
0. How long Is a kilometer?
7 What Is a flaneur?
8. What is tho largest city In li eland?
0 What is a mordello?
10. What Is tho Brnbanconne"
Answers to Yesterday's Quiz
1. Alabaster Is the name of several varioll's
of carbonnto or nulphnte of lime
2 Xow Hampshire Is tho Granite State.
3. The expression "a la" employed In such
terms ns "chicken a In King," "salads
u la russe" Is a contraction ot the
French "a la mode," meaning after the
manner of.
1. In nnclent times the amethyst was sup
posed to prevent Intoxication. The
word Is derived from tho Check "amt
thustos," not drunken.
5 Escheat Is an old law term, meaning th
lapsing ot property to the crown or
lord of tho manor on the owner's dying,
without a will and without heirs It
als9 describes the property bo lapslnu
C Sierra Leono Is nn KndlsU colony on the
const of West Afilca, northwest ot
Liberia, lying between latitude C 65
and 8.G5 degrees north.
T Tho expression "running aniuc!." mean.
Inn originally to run about in a fren
zied thirst for blood. Is derived from
the Malny word "amotj," meaning to
rush about in it frenz.v.
8. .Mrs. Surratt wan executed for complicity
in the plot to murder Abraham Lincoln.
'.'. George Washington spent most of his
boyhood In tho town of Fredericks
burg, Va.
10 A requiem Is a special mass for the re
pose of souls; of the dead ; n musical
setting for u requiem ; u dirge
"A Fool and Hla Money"
Fiom the, New Tork Tribune
Short story scenario: In 1017 n man.
inspired by the Glvc-Till-It-Hurls and
Buy-n-Boiid-for -the-Boys-in-the-Trenelieii
drives, bought a $1000 Liberty Bond. In
1021 he sold it, buying two scats for the
fight with part of the money and puttloi
the rest of it on Dempscy.
The Pride Before the Fall
Trnm the Cincinnati Unqulier
New York is beginning to be soirj
slit
ever bonsted about how wet she was
i
1
The Dead and the Living
THERE'S one day in the year we set nsid)
In tender memory of those who died
Our thoughts, our prayers wo give; our
flowers we lay
Upon their graves, here und in Trance that
dav,
And in nil other countries wheic they fell
In all the churches through the land we'll tfU
Of their brave sacrifice those men wh
dlcd
A day of mourning and a day of pride!
But oh. T beg you, In th midst of tcim
That somehow do not lessen with the jears -
I know, for my own son wns ono of those
Who fell, one of the soldier-saints God
chose
Remember, thero arc living soldiers here
Among us, suffeiing, who arc just as dear
Or should be to America today; ,
Whose lives were spared, but who, indeed,
Inlght sav
'Tvvere better they had died, in very truth.
Than to have given all thev gave the!'
youth, ..
Thcii health, their beaut and their useful
ness;
Who, fighting bravely 'gainst their bitterness
Becauso of negligence and tardy pay,
Perhaps are wondering why they live today
Remember them ! Through love now l!
them see
A country's gratitude: Let jtistico be
Demanded and accomplished! Let each one
See to it that this sacred duty's done !
So, while you honor those who died,
Remember--In your sorrow nnd your priel'
Tho great responsibility that war has lam
Upon you ! Care for those who paid
With moro than llfo for what you now wVj
Remember, then, each wounded, blinded uoj.
They nre alhe, but ah. how handicapped
By war's grim usago thnt bus sapped
Their splendid .strength ! Go, take them out
that dav
From hospitals and clinics, far away
To conntrv nlnces whern thev'll see
the
K'nln . , i -me
And feel Its breezoR hear the gav blrcH sinj.
Oh. let that bo your true nieinorlnl! 0i
And help them bear the luiidcn f their wc
Caroline Russell Bsphnm, In the MWf:
York Times, i
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