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It K. CUHTIS. Psmiscnt
UMHWton, Vic rralantj John C.
iim Treaaureri 1'hlilps.v.oinna,
John j, ipiriKii, Dlrxura.
- MlrTOntAt, BOARD) '
,Chee H. K. Cusna. Chairman
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mat,. .Broad ana unratnui mrt'ii
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a to Philadelphia and surroundlns towna
I ' twoJvt (12) cent pr wk, payable
mall la nolnta outalda of Fhlladelohla. In
Patted Statu. Canada, or United nut P"-
H. poitan iff. nrtjr (.101 ranta par monin.
H dolUra per rear, payable In adranct,
.all forelrn countrlra on (111 dollar per
ftnha(rlhrft wlahtnr mASrrum ehnnaed
(tr old as well a new addrrea.
tfe tm TAtMUT KtTITONt, MA1K MM
' " rmmulra(ln Svnina Mile
'Inltfr, ndrpmdmrc Xquart. Philadelphia.
-TMK ABB0CIATKD PRSBB it erclu-
l entitled to the use for republication
new dispatches credited to It or not
arte rrrAlip.il In ihle twitmr. and also
mi --heal news published therein.
'AM riaa'te nf rrnuhtlrntOttt fit tneelat ills.
JHtoket herein ate also reserved.
raJUaelpeJe, Toeide', Ottehtr II, Hit
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'$5?
,' JfOOD MARSHAL HOOVER'S NEW DRIVE
' TfflVKN as the war seems to be npproach-
-',iiT an end we are berlnnlrtK In this
A " eeentry to feel Its minor hardships more
' i, vacHe4y. We shall continue to endure
"i" wwiirtai leaser hardshlDa lans after rjence !s
' vT. ' .. . . . .
w oeewreo. inis mucn is eviaeni in me
-,r'thwst restrictive schedule of the Federal
rf, nn auminimration, wnicn is in umimo
tTetIve on October 21 In every place wnero
i":-Joed is eaten.
';v putter will be doled out in measured
and. strictly limited. The sugar al-
; )atrtent Is to be further reduced. Wheat
awvNKiiuies iiko corn ure 10 ue rrsirivicu
W the' first time. There Is that in
,. Mm food administration schedule which
,n1l4t0tes that we may even be com-
to endure oh occasion some of the
'pangs of hunger that havi. been familiar
felur years In the countries allied with
vis against Germany. There are to be no
inert nonessential foods. Everything you
j ' Wt Is to be restricted more or less.
Az one who understands the scope of
tM war or the full extent of Its confusions
'Mt '-'disasters will doubt the absolute
iy'.f ,eeensy of the new rulings. We are ac-
Sp i ctMtsmed to think of the French. Drltlsh
r,M,;Jtallan armies, of the expeditions In
.MtMSJa and elsewhere, as magical forces
" Milit move automatically tr a beneficent
'ltd. We do not always stop to realize
'thiol these armies are dependent upon vast
V-JLsrvHIaa populations In the rear, and that
& tlwse populations would be starved long
r, jk because of the chaos in Europe were
K;itot for the food saved from American
tiMM and wrung from American soil.
i JaWrop will have to be fed by America
lor a time alter pece is declared.
''. ,Mie Instant when Qermany lays down
iprMraui the ordinary considerations of
itky that Invariably prevail in such
iRCfS will cause the diversion of largo
MMrMea of food to the helpless noncom-
:,f. . mkAntm In Cirmnnv nnrl Aitatrlfi Ttia
?a oofklng year will be the most dlfllcult one
ier tnose wno must provision nurope.
ft- rf,n)ro inrru wen enoutin so iar. we
-Mgtlt as well tighten our belts and pre
pare' ior cultivate the virtue of self-denial.
Wtiicn is tne correct form the Mayor
kaatM crip, or the tilp has the Mayor7
SUPPRESSION
fe1 'sTKTHE course of our war experience we
T'"Y) acquireu a most extraordinary
tatirlt. for suDDresslon.
' , 3rW demon rum is having a dog's life
v M(H. Neither In France nor in Eng.
IMhor in Italy is bone-dry ness even
fMvtht of.
,'lcUUU who venture into print get
ytlmrttr shrift in the United States than
titer get even In Qermany.
yl'-1!' the whole, suppression has worked
wH There are vast areas, however, in
V, w4kh we have not yet managed to apply
w.jiew taiem. xnere remain for the
eiMtlon of the suppressors:
Cream-colored spats.
, elrtlelana who try, to make a party
of the war.
Aifeateur war strategists.
E,iJg w.
There seem to be a good many bitter
in the Senate.
SCHWAB AS A PSYCHOLOGIST
7 Ti'NY one wishes to know the secret
C the success of Charles M. Schwab he
wHif'fld it In four sentences of a state-
Jess,, Which the Ironmaster gave to a
.. nwnapir interviewer.
rtl'know something about making steel,"
aMMr. Schwab, "but I don't know any
wtee'near as much as the millions of
jatei-,wortters know. No man can know
.ea'jaMJCh as the crowd knows. No one can
.t! as much as the crowd can do. Th
jii' leader la not the man who substl.
P'jMietee-hle own will and his own brain for
h war wni ana intelligence oi tne crowd, but
h tjkf one who releases the enri-fa u..itViiM
, Set erowd so that the will of the crowd
?'
A m expressed.
tfwttam James never described the se
at the power of democracy so sue-
' er so well. Mr, Schwab has provid
pregnant sentences that he is
reatest psychologist among shlp-
and the greatcrt shipbuilder
psychologists, as well as a great
at. lit believes in the mass In.
because he has discovered by
I, tests that the crowd knows more
Individual constituting It,
built ships, breaking all records.
i as he says, the American people
will to build ships.
wight also have said that the
Grayed against Qermany had the
the I'rueslan Junkers to their
that the only problem before
sniiats was how to let that
eweeUye
, have talked1 this way In
been clapped itHo prison,
kjUhy aissMraajr U to tfttjiayh
AM MUtk.uUlWl ' '"
mm. WMiBunis mmamtwm
DOOMS THE AUTOCRATg
An Effort to Save Germany From Her Gov
ernment Pesce No Nearer
PRESIDENT WILSON'S reply to Ger-
many does not bring peace nearer.
It docs not bring an armistice nearer.
It leaves Germany where she was
before, upon her knees, subject to con
tinued punishment and humiliation, men
aced by disaster.
Germany is informed that ns the flrst
precedent to an armistice she must
change her Government. There Is n flat
intimation that the Hohenzollerns must
be eliminated but it is only an intima
tion. Perhaps the President was ns ex
plicit as he felt he had a right to bc
since he does not aim to be a dictator of
forms of government. Dut the note has
this sting:
The President feels bound to say that
the whole process of peace will, In his
Judgment, depend upon the dcflnltenc.ss
and the satisfactory character of the
guarantees which can be given In this
fundamental matter.
Having reformed her Government to
the satisfaction of the Allies, Germany
may sue again for an armistice to be
arranged and this is one of the pro
foundly significant provisions of the
reply on conditions "which must be left
to tlm judgment and advice of the mili
tary advisers of the United States Gov
ernment and the Allied Governments."
It is not difficult to Imagine the condi
tions which General Foch would devise
for this eventuality. The occupation of
the fortified cities of the Rhine and even
an Allied expeditionary force in Derlin
would approximate the method sug
gested by precedent.
The note will clear the air. That it
might ns fittingly have been dispatched
in reply to the flrst appeal from Ger
many docs not concern us now. As it
stands the document is more than a reply
to Germany. It is a reply from the
President and in a sense nn epochal
one to all that anxious world here and
abroad that has been trying to read the
fate of Germany through the reactions
at Washington since the appeal for an
armistice arrived from Berlin. Mr. Wil
son has done none of the things that his
more passionate critics wanted him to
do. He did not curtly rebuff the Ger
mans and demand unconditional sur
render. He has seen fit, rather, to talk
reason to a beaten enemy. He has not
closed the door to peace. He has chosen
to recognize what many people often
forget that there ore in Germany about
sixty millions of people who did not par
ticipate in the invasion of France and
Belgium, who contributed only passively
to the Hohenzollern influence. It is not
compassion that seems to have animated
the President in the consideration of the
German people. It may be the knowl
edge that these sixty millions will have
to be rcassimllatcd into the scheme of
civilization when the war ends. It is to
them, not to their Government or their
army, thnt ho addresses himself. And
In this respect the President's note will
be a profound disappointment to all
those who have felt that the ends of
morality and elemental justice and the
elimination of the military egoism of
Germany demand the beating down of
the nation and the visitation upon Ger
man soil of some of the horrors that the
invading armies carried into France and
Belgium.
For the President makes definite prom
ises to Germany by implication. The
suggestions he has advanced may yet
preserve the enemy's country against tho
forced invasion that a large part of the
world has prayed for. In its other
clauses the note docs not lack the ring
of iron. Germany, for instanco, has de
liberatcly tried to range the forces of
terrorism behind the appeal for an
armistice by renewing a program of vio
lation and destruction in French cities.
The Germans obviously wished to sug
gest that in the absence of an armistice
the great cities in the occupied territory
would be laid waste during an enforced
retirement The President's note icily
refuses to accept the threat. The pas
sage relating to recent atrocities is cool,
insulting, final. Then:
The nations associated against Ger
many cannot be expected to agree to a
cessation of arms while acts of Inhu
manity, spoliation and desolation are
being committed.
Thus the challenge of terrorism is
taken up curtly enough.
But the great challenge to the German
people and the essential provision of the
whole reply is in the quotation from the
President's Mount Vernon speech rela
tive to the abolition of "every arbitrary
power anywhere that can, separately, se
cretly and of its single choice, disturb the
peace of the world."
The Germans are informed that the
power "which has hitherto controlled the
German nation is of the 'sort here de
scribed." It is left to them to figure out
the requirements of the moment. Was
the President deliberately ambiguous?
Did he mean to make a distinction be
tween the German Government of the
hour slightly reformed and leavened by
the recent franchise proclamations and
the arrogant Government of a year ago?
Herein, if anywhere, the note leaves
something to be desired. It may be that
Mr. Wilson felt he had done his utmo'it
and that he should nbt be asked to name
a successor for the Kaiser or that he
may have left himself an open way for
beneficent procedure to be utilized if one
of the more amiable and hurmteis kings
of Germany should be selected for Wit
helm's throne. And he may have felt,
teo, that a nation in the agonising
I aba-toe iU sl b much like
"an Individual and is best left to itself In
the difficult pursuit.
In a general way, the note is amaz
ingly inclusive for so brief a document.
It lacks the curtness of the preceding
message. It lacks the definitcness that
Mr. Lodge and Colonel Roosevelt desired.
And yet it is evident that Mr. Wilson,
dealing as he Is with tremendous forces
in a state of flux, scrupulously avoided,
by intention, any word or intonation that
might serve to reunite the German peo
ple in an alliance of desperation with a
Government now disgraced and dis
credited and fighting hard for life and
its grip on authority.
Analyzed down to its inner meanings,
it is apparent that the message leaves a
way open to future talk and temporizing.
It will not satisfy those who felt that
Germany was ready for a knockout blow
or those who disdain the very thought of
conversations with so detestable an
enemy.
Such as these must get what comfort
they can from the knowledge that Presi
dent Wilson is plainly endeavoring,
against very great odds, to serve a prin
ciple of right that exists above indi
vidual passions and prejudices and de
sires; that existed before the individual
was and that will persist, fixed and im
movable, after he is gone.
It must be admitted that private opin
ions count little now in relation to the
issues of the war. The war is too large.
Too many novel issues, many of them of
immeasurable force, are involved here
and in Europe to permit of interludes
valuable chiefly for dramatic or senti
mental appeal. The President seems to
be sensitive to many factors of which
tho average man is happily ignorant.
He has handled the central issues in this
Instance with a sheer adroitness that
makes the cheap trickery of Berlin
diplomacy seem even shabbier than it
really is. His quiet closing reference to
Austria and the calm suggestion of
familiarity with the disintegrating proc
esses afoot among the German allies is
one of the most forceful paragraphs he
has ever written.
For the present there will be some
criticism of the note. In the future it
may be regarded ns one of the triumphs
of Mr. Wilson's unique diplomacy.
Meanwhile the war will go on as it
went before, and no man can tell when
pence will be whether it will conn after
another year of bitter fighting or sud
denly and dramatically after a crash at
Berlin.
The message will fall like a blow upon
travailing Germany.
And that, of course, is what it was
meant to do.
If you should take the Kaiser und the
Crown Prince as a baxls for calculation, It
would bo easy to pnne that one and one
make nothing.
THE ANSWER IN THE FIELD
GENERAti KOCH'S troops are pushing
the Germans back with a vigor and a
Hpeed which leave no possible doubt of the
outcome. I-a 1'ere, Iion and Iloulers have
fallen. The German troops have been
forced out of the St. Gobaln Forest, and
the strongholds that they have held for
four years are now In the possession of
the Allied armies. The Hlndenburg lino Is
definitely smashed In Its strongrst points,
so that scarcely n kilometer of 1 is still In
possession of the Huns.
The Allied armies are pushing the Ger
mans back mile after mile on a long front.
When the Immediate purpose of the pres
sure farther south was accomplished Gen
eral Koch began to hammer In Flanders
preparatory to taking the North Sea posi
tions of Ostend and Zeebruggo and making
an advance on Ghent. In the south the
armies are within about twenty miles of
the center of the second lino of German
defense, running through Illrson, Mezlercs,
Sedan and Metz, and equally near the
northern end of the third line of defense,
running from Maubougo through Qlvet.
Every strategic point which has been at
tacked has thus far fallen and Koch's re
serve armies are still untouched.
The Wolff news agen-
Yon Can't cy report that the
Alwaya Help It Kaiser has no inten
tion of abdicating
forcibly recalls the limerick which says:
There was a young man of Ostend
Who Aowfd he'd hold out to the end,
nut when half way over
From Calais to Dover,
He did what he didn't Intend.
Spain Is to seize some
Tho Turn ( of Germany's ships
the Whrl now In her harbors to
replace vessels sunk
by submarines and Sweden Is beginning to
swing a fist at the Knlser and to remember
old wrongs. These are hours when to be a
little nation Is to feel that life Isn't such a
rotten experience after all.
Schwab aaked for a
Charlie Could Do It million a minute for
the Liberty Loan and
got It at a luncheon In New York when
152,000,000 was subscribed In fifty-two
minutes. We believe that If he should smil
ingly request the Kaiser to abdicate, Wit
helm would come across without delay.
After all, when you
They Will Do It analyze It, the Kaiser
! merely the craziest
of a tribe that has existed since eer the
world began. They are the folk who do not
know that the worst thing a man can do
Is to start something thnt he can't finish.
All wast food In res
Look That War taurants, says Mr,
Hoover's new conser
vation regulation, must be saved "for ani
mal food or fat reduction." Dors this mean
that there Is to be no more stew made In the
restaurants?
The KaUer may have
Wrong I Yoo Mran his dinner In Paris
Unakfait after all Just before
they shoot him.
Nbw that we have the Oermans on the
run, It la pretty easy to keep cheerful over
the grip epidemic
Secretary Daker has announced his re
turn from the front by saying that the War
Pepartment la going right ahead with Its
job as rapidly as pesetMe.
Inquiring Optimism.
XtpiO says that out of coat we've run
'V When all wo have to do Is try
A railway trip to 'get a ton
Illght In our eye? ,
Who says we haven't gasoline
When Sunfays, nestling by the Ford,
Quarts of It may be haply seen
All,, all unpoured?
Who says that fmlt Is getting rare,
When, strolling down a Varc-kept street,
Skin of banana or of pear
May trip our feet?
Who saysthat "booze" has vanished quite
Into the distant by and by, .
When t'en the very bread we cat
Is .made of "rye"?
Who says America might chance
To make an unconsidered slip
When here at home as off In France
We've got the grip?
An English View of Wilson
pWEll since America entered Into the war
LJlt has been plain, nnd time has made it
constantly plainer, thnt -e have found In her
not only the reinforcement of power but the
even more precious re-enforcement of states
manship. More Important even than help
In winning the war Is the true and' steady
aim for the rcnplng of Its fruits. For this
service we have to thank above all other
living men the President of the United
States, and thus It Is that In all the Allied
countries, and above nil In our own, people
hnve come to see In him their natural leader,
the mnn who represents their best thought
nnd truo purpose. In admitting this, In
acclaiming It, no reflection Is Implied on tho
statesmen of any other country. This' achieve
ment Is not a merely personal one. Mr. Wil
son has never posed ns n heaven-sent in
structor, and though he speaks In the tones
of authority to his people, ho has always
felt and declared himself to be their spokes
man and Interpreter. Ip the latest, which
Is also the greatest and most significant, of
his addresses, he expressly ascribes to himself
this function. Ho claims no vast superiority
of Insight or of knowledge. Ho declares
wbat he holdn to be the plain nnd Inevitable
lesson of the war. He comes forward as
giving voice and coherence to the feeling nnd
the deslro of the plain man. That Is to put
the case perhaps too modestly, yet there Is
truth In It. Tho lessons of the wnr are In
deed plain enough for him who runs to read.
Yet to seize nnd Interpret them In their full
reach and' scopo and to proclaim them In
words of equal simplicity and power Is not
given to every man. It has been given to
no man ns to the American President, and
that Is why he has become and will un
doubtedly remain the chief guiding force of
the world-war and the destined architect of
luace. t
IT HAS been said of the American peoplo
by one of the most discerning In the ranks
of their enemies that no error can be greater
than to regard tho American people as sunk
In materialism and 'moved only by prospect
of gain. They are. said Herr Ualltn, the
most Idealistic people In the world, and ho
vainly warned his Government of the deadly
peril It ran In provoking them by the piratical
U-boat war. Everything that has happened
since has proved the truth of his warning.
Tho American Constitution sets out with a
declaration of the rights of man, Just ns the
nolltlcnl nhllnRnnhv nf T?rnnnn ...i... .. .
tho teaching of Itousseau and the motto of
..t.uiuiiuii. iiirse nuns are not inci
dental : they arc among tho molding forcer)
of the life of peoples, and wo ara still reap
ing the fruits of (ighteenth-century ration
alism. It Is to the great tradition of Jeffer
son and Washington that President Wilson
has nppcnled, and It Is this to which tho
American people will respond with his own
deep nnd restrained moral enth-slasm. It
nm t.nijr nun mruugiij n win carry the
world through.
IT IS a very clear-cut doctrine which the
President sets forth, nnd In It we may
nnd the sure clue alike to his past action nnd
to nis xuiure policy, it Is a doctrine based
Unflinchingly on principle. The principle Is
nulte simple: It Is thnt of humnn rights and
humnn equality, tho negation of the supre.
macy of force, the assertion of the supremacy
of Justice. These nre not mere phrases.
There Is nothing In this to terrify the Ger
man people, though It may well shame them
nnd fill their rulers with a wholesome dread.
It dmnnds two things unflinching Justice,
unflinching equality.. Or, to put ths matter
In n more definite form. It Insists that the
settlement shall be not a matter bf bargain
but the application of n principle; that It
shall have primarily and Insistently In view
the welfare of each Individual people,
whether small or great: that there shall be
"no favorites." no combination of certain
Powers seeking advantage over other Powers,
no sparing of some and advantaging of
others, but the enforcement of a general rule
of Justice to all. Including our enemies, with
"no discrimination between those to whom
we wish to be Just nnd those to whom we
do not wish to be Just"; no economic boy
cott, therefore, except as a penalty for the
Infraction of the common law, and a League
of Nations ns the very center of the peace
agreement to enforce that laws In the Pres
ident's v lew no peace Is w orth having, none Is
worthy of the name, which does not postulate
a whole world at peace nnd with an effective
machinery established as a condition of
peace for maintaining nnd enforcing It.
THEItn Is no question here of compromise.
The President again and again rejects
alike the word and the thing. And here per
haps we hsve the clue to his recent summary
rejection of the Austrian overture for peace
discussion. He refuses discussion on any
thing except the application of the principles
he lays down ns Just and necessary for all.
He refuses also to make peace with Germany
on any basis whatever of concrete "terms,"
because, as he bluntly says, he cannot trust
her to keep them. Germany, like other
countries, Is to be treated fairly, and Is to
have after the war, as before It, her equal
share- In the opportunities of trade and of
civilized Intercourse, but he denounces In
scathing terms the authors of the Iniquitous
Brest-Lttnvsk and Bucharest agreements as
men "without honor" and "who ilj not In
tend Justice," who "observe no covenants"
and "accept no principle but force and their
own Interest," who do not "think the same
thoughts or speak the same language" as the
rest of the civilized world, who are "out
laws" to It. No peace, he therefore holds, is
possible vvlth them except one whose terms
can, If needful, be enforced, as the peace Itself
must be enforced, by the power and the con
science of the other nations. The address
closes with a challenge, "I believe," Bays
t. Man TtTllenn 'hn (ha l.nH... - .f
ri"'"" i,,., ....... ..-..tiB oi me
Oovernments with which we nre associated
will speak, as they have occasion, as plainly
us I have tried to speak," and he ndds a
hope that If they dissent "they will feel
free" to say ho. If none repudiate or seek to
qualify the principles which the President
has laid down for the world peace to which
at lt we are drawing near, these must be
taken as expressing the policy of us all.
Manchester (England) Guardian.
At the present price of milk It la to be.
asaumed that every cow will soon be able to
sport a golden bell.
The two candidates for jheti Governor
ship In Pennsylvania lost a splendid oppor
tunity when they didn't cry out while there
yet was time an unalterable bpposltlea ,te a
negotiated peace. ' ,
ui
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FORCE, THE ARM OF ARMISTICES
Modern History Reveals Significant Instances of Respect for Truces
Earned Through Military Might
rpHEOIlETICALLY, authority for an armls-i-
tlco Is grounded in international law.
Virtually a formal cessation of hostilities
prior to final peace negotiations Is dependent
on the obvious military superiority of one
belligerent over another. It Is for this rea
son thnt history provides more Instances of
armistices observed than of armUtlces vio
lated. The badly beaten nation usuallycan
not afford to be flagrantly perfidious.
For centuries, from Grotlus down and
even earlier. International law experts have
flattered themselves that It was a mass of
knightly Jurisprudence which compelled re
spect for the terms of an Initial agreement
stipulating for a halt In war. They htve
laid down rules to tho effect that each party
may do within the limits of the truce what
he could have done in time of peace; that
neither party can take advantage of the
armistice to do what ho could not have
done had military operations continued, and
that all thlncs contained In the places, the
possession of which was contested, must re
main In the state in which they were before
the armistice began. These are excellent
principles.
Unhappily for the record of civilization,
however. It Is not so much resolutions at
Tho Hague and other International courts
which have kept them alive as the potentiality
of armed force and the fear of Its applica
tion In case of ary slip-up. The prod to good
faith In an armistice runs as follows: "Any
Infringement by either party of the condi
tions of a truce entitles the other to re
commence hostile operations without pre
vious intimation." The weaker nation which
seeks an armistice through necessity Is apt
to be considerate of this dictum, whoso
efficacy stems from arms rather than law.
When the disparity in strength between
parties to an armlBtlce Is not so greatas in
most historical Instances the danger of
trickery is Inevitably much enhanced, and
specific security regulations may rightfully
amplify the basic principles.
rli: Balkan wars of 1912-13, In so many
wnyB a prophetic miniature with respect
to the world conflict, bristle with armistice
complexities. It is noticeable and worth con
sidering that tho establishment of an armis
tice In the struggle In southeastern Europe
was on several occasions quite the reverse of
a trustworthy augury of the Immediate re
turn of peace.)
By the armistice signed at Tchatalja, In
Turkey, on December 3, 1913, Bulgaria,
Serbia and Montenegro, who were winning,
and Turkey, who was losing the war, agreed
to send delegates to a peace conference In
London. During the armistice the armies
were to retain their positions and the be
sieged fortresses of Adrlanople and Scutari
were not to be reprovlsloned.
These pledges were not violated, but the
delegates failed to come to satisfactory final
terms. The deliberations were broken off
and the war was resumed. The Balkan
Allies continued their Successful pace and
another armistice was signed In April, 1MI.
Montenegro, however, refused to consider It,
redoubled her efforts to capture Scutari, took
the town, but was almost Immediately ffcrced
to relinquish it under pressure of the Euro
pean concert, In which the demands of the
Teutonic Powers were strongly Insistent.
.With the concession made, King Nicholas's
little land signed the armistice.
Trie peace treaty, however, left the adjudi
cation of certain frontier questions open to
settlement by the European Powers. Bul
garia foresaw some of her excessive claims
unfilled and without warning she attacked
the Serbian army at SlataVo in July, 1913.
Perhaps, considering that the peace treaty
had beep signed, her avaricious attempt can
not be, strictly speaking, regarded as a
breach of an armistice, but as questions of
the settlement were still unsolved the offense
to International law was patent.
The final armistice after Turkey had re
gained Adrlanople and Bulgaria succumbed
to her five enemies. Including Itumanla, was
exceedingly brief. King Ferdinand sued for
peace In the latter part of July and by
August ? the treaty pf Bucharest became a
yalld document.
ARMISTICE chronicles In modern history
jCxas a whole seldom have been as Intri
cate a3 In the Balkan frying pan. In the
Franco-Prussian War, after Napoleon III
had surrendered at Sedan, the new French
republic, asked the Germans for their on-
anions nr h iruoe. tTr. in iani,i
of 1IT0. had several meetings wit
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rendered the fortresses of Metz, Toul and
Bltsch. The government at Paris, which city
had not yet fallen, Bpurned such demands and
the war went on.
When Paris eventually capitulated In
January, 1871, a three weeks' armistice,
pending preliminaries to a peace conference,
was agreed upon with the surrender of the
, city. It was stipulated that the Oerman
army should not enter the French capital
during the truce. Germany kept this agree
ment, but as soon as the time was up and
the actual peace deliberations were under
way the Hun craving for showy triumph
prevailed.
The Prussians insisted on either marching
down the Champs Elysees or keeping the
fortress city of Bclfort. By this time France,
freed of the delusions of the regime of "Na
poleon the Little," had begun to display that
keen, unsentimental wisdom which has so
superbly Inspired her during the present war.
She allowed her conquerors to show off and
kept Belfort. She still has It a bulwark
at tho southern end of her battlellne.
This bit of history Is particularly Interest
ing as an Instance of Hun promise-keeping.
As soon as the ban was lifted and all efforts
by certain Frenchmen during -the truce to
revive the war had failed the Oermans ex
acted the very concession which they had
waived for three brief weeks.
WHEN Austria was humbled at the conclu
sion of the Seven Weeks' War In 1866
the armistice drams' was of dictatorial sim
plicity. Flushed with. their Sadowa victory,
the. Prussians drove on toward Vienna. Aus
tria becought a truce. Hostilities promptly
ceased. France's attempts at Intervention
were fruitless. Prussia secured exactly
what she was after, an Indemnity, a waiver
of all Austrian claims on Schleswlg-Holsteln,
which hnd been stolen from Denmark, and
the withdrawal of Austria from thp Oerman
Confederation. Infringement of the armistice
was out of the question. Prussia was too
powerful to tolerate It. Her foe was. too
feeble to attempt such tactics.
Altogether otherwise, so far as permanence
or effect was concerned, waa the armistice
which Russia and Turkey signed In 1878.
Constantinople was threatened. Adrlanople
waa In Russian hands and the Ciar" truce
led to the "treaty of San Stephano, suppos
edly guaranteeing to his nation all the fruits
of a successful war,
Berlin saw marked disadvantages to her
self In the arrangement and hoodwinked
Britain Into dissatisfaction. ,The latter 'na
tion took Cyprus as a sop from Turkey and
remained blind to the beginning of the Mlt-tel-Kuropa
schemes.
The effect of Disraeli's blunders has. been
tragic 'and terrible, for It Is Ji6w painfully
realised how insidious and unjust was the
treaty of Berlin. 'Russia, with virtually all
Europe' against her, was forced' to comply
with the terms.
Had she foreseen them she would undoubt
edly have not made her armistice until Con
stantinople was In her' hands by a military
victory. The tale pf truces has few chapters
more significant than this.
I
Word has reached Switzerland that Gen
eral Ludendoril has. resigned because he
Isn't.
Two more weeks of drought, which shows
what the grip can really do when it gets
half a chance,
There was some pep m what George
Wharton Pepper had to say about licking the
Kaiser.
Colonel Roosevelt lias lost none of his
snap and speed. He was demanding that
negotiations with Qermany be stopped even
before, 'they had begun.
So many bank clerks are 111 with the
grip that the banks are asking their cus
tomers to make their deposits before 3
o'clock in the afternoon. Why not make the
afternoon deposits ih next morning?
The Berlin way of describing their
latest retreat to by saying that their armies
north )' Laon and on the 'Alsne have re
tired to new positions, Thalr retirement,
however, was made about as willingly as
thai el. the" saaajl boy whe.ohJeeU le biac
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'Against My Second Coming
( ( AGAINST My second coming,"
Xi. Christ tho Lord hath said,
"Provide with driven thunder
The nations far my bed,
Mako plain the path before me
With lightning from the rktes
When unbelief shall open
And ell the dead arise.
"With patlenco beyond wisdom
And knowledge beyond grace
I have prepared my peoples
At last to bear my face;
By many Intimations
The final truth is known.
And nil tho lone discover '" ' lM
They never were alone.
"Against my second coming,"
The good Lord Jesus salth, I
'Ten million young men lightly
Shall charge the gates of death, i
Until, grown still with wonder,
They know how far they came.
Through many habitations
Eternally the same.
i
"Behold I knit the nations
With Instant words of light,
And on the clouds of heaven
My winged feet ore bright;.
Beneath the seas I smite them,
And through the mountains' core
The splendor of my coursers
Escapes the granite door.
"The shining page ray hillside,
I need no special sea.
For fishing boats are paper '.
And oceans, Gaiitlee.
I walk no more among you
On brown and lovely feet.
And yet My hand is on you;
And still my lips ore sweet.
"My perfect consummation ' .
Ye cannot put aside,
I am the living Jesus '
Who will not be denied; t',
The moment of your anguish
When all seemed dead but dcr.th,
I drew you to my bosom,"
The good Lord Jesus salth.
-Wlllard Wattles, in "Lanterns of Qeth-
semane." ,
"Summing Up
. The Kaiser told one lie so long that It
became true. Germany Is now fighting a
defensive war. Cleveland Plain Dealer.
Stoking Somewhere
Hindenburg Quits. Headline. '
A bad time for such action. Where will
he ever get another Job? Baltimore Newa
What Do You Know?
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