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JVjc tftfc "Germany, thc Next Republic?"
is chosen because the author believes this
vrust be the goal, the battlecru, of the
United States and her Allies. As long as
the Kaiser, his generals and the present
leaders are in control of Germany's des
tinies the world will encounter the same
terrorism that it has had to bear during
the war. Permanent peace will folloiv the
establishment of a republic. But the Ger
man people will not ovcrthroiu the present
Government ''until the leaders are defeated
and discredited. Today the Reichstag Con
stitutional Committee, headed by Herr
Scheidemann, is preparing reforms in the
organic law, but so far all proposals are
mere makeshifts. The world cannot afford
to consider peace with Germany until the
people rule. The sooner the United States
and her Allies tell this to the German people
officially the sooner we shall have peace.
peace either now or at any oilier
timo (lint might be thought more
suitable, ns ah occasion to senc you
and all concerned in n nay Hint would
afford mo lasting cause for gratitude
and happiness.
WOODROW WILSON.
The Piesidcnt's secretary Ncabled this
to the Emperors of Germany and Aus-tiia-IIungnry,
the King of England, the
Czar of Russia nnd the President of
France. The President's brief note
touched the chord of sympathy of the
whole world; but it was too late then
nt the. bar of which we nil sit. I would
cnll your attention, incidentally, to tho
circumstanco that it docs not observe
tho ordinary rules of evidence, which
has sometimes suggested to mc that
tho ordinary rules of evidenco had
shown some signs of growing antique.
Everything, rumor included, is heard in
this court, nnd tho standard of judg
ment is not so much the character of
the testimony ns the character of the
witness. The motives are disclosed, the
pm poses nre conjectured and that opin
ion is finally accepted which seems to
bo not the best founded in law, perhaps,
but the best founded in integrity of
character and of rnotals. That is tho
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LaMiWLLEjA. 53 & '" " VWa Thcso W,,ic "ooks were written to cdunlr Not only tho Je"iEcrcnts but
IKEflr ImzttJ&m '- ' 'vV W,n I),lb,ic I,lnio' "t why were the tho "cutral3 sought the leadership of a
llaffpWl ;-y" V'Vti. nation which could look after nil the
miBlfliiUl W'W1- interests, except thoso of purely mili-
J j -M .'v,..H?S?R"?j.' w tarv and nnvnl onprntinno Tim nt-nn nC
A NiV''iV tllc world ccntore'l upoii Washington,
VV',Vr President Wilson, as the official head of
'"- V V1''-- Hi''if if-X tho Government, was singled out as the
'-.'" 'Mf$i"&$$ ono man t0 he,l' ihcm in their suffering
V. 1 tlpBpi&, aml t0 listcn to thcir !,i,pca,s-Thc bcl-
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Mobilizing Public Opinion '
mHE Haupttelcsraphcnamt (thc Chief
Telegraph Office) in Berlin is tho
center of the entire telegraph system
9f Germany. It is n largo, brick build
ing in tho Franzoesischcstrasso guarded
day nnd night by soldiers. Tho side
walks outside tho building aro barri
caded. Without a pass no one can en
ter. Foreign correspondents in .Benin,
when they had telegrams to send to
their newspapers, frequently took them
from the Foreign Office to the Chief
Telegraph Office personally in order to
gpeed them on their way to the outside
world. The censored dispatches were
sealed In a Foreign Office envelope.
With this credential correspondents
were permitted to enter the building
and the room where all telegrams are
passed by thc military authorities.
During my two years' stay in Berlin
I went to the telegraph office several
times every week. Often I .had to wait
while the military censor read my dis
patches. On a large bulletin board in
this room I saw, and often read, docu
ments posted for the information of the
telegraph officials. During one of my
first waiting periods I read an original
document relating to the events at the
beginning of thc war. This was a type
written letter signed by theDirector of
the Post' and Telegraph. Becauso I
was always watched by a soldier es
cort, I could never copy it." But after
reading it scores of times I soon mem
orized everything, including the periods.
This document was as follows:
Office of the Imperial Post and Tele
graph, Aug. 2, 1914.
Announcement No. 3.
To the Chief Telegraph Office:
From today on the post and tele
rraph communications between Ger
many on tho one hand and:
1.
5.
0.
7.
I
fef
England,
France,
Russia,
Japan,
Belgium,
Italy,
Montenegro,
Serbia,
Portugal;
on the other hand are interrupted be-
muse Germany nnus hcrselt in
tate of war.
(Signed)
Director of the Post and Telegraph.
This notice, which was never pub
lished, shows that the man who directed
the Post and Telegraph Service of the
Imperial Government knew on the 2d of
August, 19U, who Germany's enemies
would bc Of the eloen enemies of
Germany today, only Rumania and the
United States were not included. If the
Director of tho Post and Telegraph
knew what to expect, it is certain that
the Imperial Government knew. This
announcement shows that Germany ex
pected war with nine different nations,
hut at tho timo it was posted on the
bulletin board of the Haupttulegraphen-'
nmt, neither Italy, Japan, Belgium nor
Portugal had declared war. Italy did
lot declare war until nearlv a vear ami
n Half afterward, Portugal nearly two
years afterward and Japan not until De
cember, 1914.
This document throws on interesting
light upon tho preparations Germany
Wade for a world war.
Tho White, Yellow, Grey pnd Blue
Books, which all of tho belligerents pub
lished after tho beginning of tho war,
dealt only with the attempts of these
Rations to prevent-tho war. Nono of the
nations has as yet published white
books to show how it prepared for war,
nd still every nation in Euxopo had
been expecting and preparing for a
European conflagration. Winston
Churchill, when lie was First Lord of
the Admiralty, stated at the beginning
or the war that England's fleet was
, JoMltaed. France had "contributed !
millions of francs n fnrHtr, 4t, T...
jvriwi border in Polarid, although Ger-
Belgium had what the Kaiser called "a
contemptible littlo army," but the sol
diers knew how to fight when tho in
vaders came. Germany had new forty
two centimeter guns and a network of
railroads which operated like shuttles
between tho Russian and French and
Belgian frontiers. Ever sinco 1870
Europe had been talking war. Chil
dren were brought up and educated into
the belief that some day war would
come. Most people considered it in
evitable, although not every one
wanted it.
During tho exciting days of August,
1914, I was calling at tho belligerent
embassies and legations in Washing
ton. Neither M. Jusserand, tho French
Ambassador, nor Cecil Spring-Rice, tho
British Ambassador, nor Count von
Bernstorff, tho Kaiser's representative,
was in Washington then. But it was
not many weeks until all three had has
tened to this country from Europe. Al
most tho first act of tho belligerents
was to send their envoys to Washing
ton.
As I met these men I was in a sense
an agent of public opinion who called
each day to report the opinions of the
belligerents to the readers of American
newspapers. One day at tho British
embassy I was given copies of the
White Book and many other documents
which Great Britain had issued to show
how she tried to avoid the war. In con
versation later with Ambassador von
Bernstorff I was given the German
viewpoint.
The thing which impressed me at the
timo was thc desire of these officials to
get their opinions before the American
people. But why did these Ambassa
dors want thc standpoints of their Gov
ernments understood over here? Why
was thc United States singled out of all
other neutrals? If all the belligerents
really wanted to avoid war, why did
they not begin twenty years before to
prevent it, instead of to prepare for it?
All the Powers issued their official
documents for one primary purpose
to win public opinion. First, it was
necessary for each country to convince
its own people that their country was
being attacked and that thcir leaders
had done everything possible to avoid
war. Even in Europe people would not
fight without a reason. Tho German
Government told tho people that unless
tho armywa3 mobilized immediately
Russia would invado and seize East
Prussia. England, France nnd Belgium
explained to their people that Germany
was out to conquer tho world by way
of Belgium and France. But White
Books were not circulated nlono in
Europe; they were sent by tho hun
dreds of thousands into tho United
States and translated in every' known
language so that tho people of tho
wholo world could read them.
Then tho word battles between the
Allies and tho Central Powers began in
the United States. Whilo the soldiers
fought on tho battlefields of Belgium,
France, East Prussia and Poland, an
equally bitter strugglo was carried on
in tho United States. In Europe the
object was to stop tho invaders. In
America tho goal was public opinion.
It was not until several months after
tho beginning of the war that Sir Ed
ward Grey, and Chancellor von Beth-mann-Hollweg
began to discuss what
the two countries had done before the
war to avoid it. The only thing either
nation could refer to was the 1912 con
ference between Lord Haldano and tho
Chancellor. This was the only real at
tempt mado bytho two leading bellig
erents to come to an understanding to
avoid inevitable bloodshed. Discussions
of these conferences were soon hushed
up in Europe because of the bitterness
of the people against each other. Tho
"Hymn of Hate" had stirred the Ger
man people and the Zeppelin raids were
beginning to sow the seeds of determi
nation in tho hearts of the British. It
was too late to talk about why the war
was not prevented. So each set of
fMny d wdsipot 9t .tkttjfuas. blUgernts had to rly upon th official ' cy,
people suddenly taken into the confi
dence of their Governments? Why had
the Governments of England, France,
Germany and Russia not been so frank
before 1911? Why had they all been
interested in making thc people specu
late as to what would come, nnd how it
would come about? Why were all the
nations encouraging suspicion? Why
did they always question the motives,
as well as the acts, of each other? Is it
possible that the world progressed
faster than the Governments and that
the Governments suddenly realized that
public opinion was the biggest factor
In the world? Each one knew a war
could not be waged without public sup
port, and each ono knew that the sym
pathy of the outside world depended
more upon public opinion than upon
business or military relations.
Hoio America Was Shocked by
the War
PREVIOUS to July, 1914, the Amcri
can people had thought very little
about a European war. While tho war
parties and financiers of Europe had
been preparing a long time for tho con
flict, people over here had been think
ing about peace. Americans discussed
more of the n,ossibilitiei of interna
tional peace and arbitration than war.
Europeans lived through nothing ex
cept an expectancy of war. Even the
people knew who tho enemies might be.
Tho German Government, ns tho an
nouncement of the Post nnd Telegrnph
Director shows, knew nino of tho possi
ble enemies before tho war had been de
clared. So it was only natural, when
tho first reports reached the United
States saying that the greatest powers
of Europe wero engaged in a death
struggle, that people were shocked and
horrified. And it was only natural for
thousands of them to besiego President
Vilson with requests for him to offer
his services as n mediator.
The war came, too, during tho holi
day season in Europe. More than 90,000
Americans were in the war zones. The
State Department was flooded with tel
egrams. Senators and Congressmen
were urged to use their influenco to get
money to stranded Americans to help
them home.- The 235 United States dip
lomatic and consular representatives
were asked to locate Americans nnd see
to their comfort nnd safety. Not until
Americans realized how closely they
were related to Europe could they pic
ture themselves as having a direct in
terest in the war. Then tho stock mar
ket began to tumble. The New York
Stock Exchange was closed. South
America asked New York for credit and
supplies, and neutral Europe, as well
as China in the Far East, looked to the
United States to keep the war within
'bounds. Uncle Sam became tho Atlas
of the world, and nearly every bellig
erent requested this Government to
take over its diplomatic nnd consulnr
interests in enemy countries. Diplom-
commerce, finance and shipping
ALL tiUKOPE WAS READY FOR WAR
t
jy
'..
ligcrent Governments addressed their
protests and t.heir notes to Wilson. Bel
gium sent a special commission to gain
tho President's ear. Tho peace friends
throughout the world, even thoso in the
belligerent countries, looked to Wilson
for guidance nnd help.
In August, 1914, Mrs. Woodrow Wil
son, tho President wife, was danger
ously ill. I was at the White House
every day to report developments there
for the United Press. On tho evening
of the fifth of August Secretary
Tumulty called tho correspondents and
told them that tho President, who was
deeply distressed by tho war and who
was suffering personally becauso of his
wife's illness, had written at his wife's
bedside the following message:
As official head of one of the Pow
ers signatory to The Hague Conven
tion, I feel It to be my privilege and
my duty, under Article III of that
Convention, to say to you in the
spirit of most earnest friendship that
I should welcome an opportunity to
act in the interest of European
: - , , t
'0
fV.
to stop the war. European statesmen
had been preparing for n conflict. With
tho public support which each nation
hnd, each Government wnntcd'to fight
until there was a victory.
Ono of thc first things which :.ccined
to appeal to President Wilson was the
fact that not only public opinion of
Europe, but of America, sought .a
spokesman. Unlike RoosceIt, who led
public opinion; unlike Tnft, who disre
garded it, Wilson took the attitude that
thc greatest force in the world was pub
lic opinion. He believed public opinion
was greater than the presidency. He
felt thnt ho was the man tho American
people had chosen to interpret and ex
press their opinion. Wilson's policy
was to permit public opinion to rule
America. Thoso of us who spent two
years in Germany could see this very
clearly.
Tho President announced tho plank for
his international policy when he spoke
at the annual meeting of the American
Bar Association at Washington shortly
after the war began.
"The opinion of the world is the mis
tiess of the world," he said, "and tho
processes of international law are the
slow processes by which opinion works
its will. What impresses me is the con
stant thought that that Is the tribunal
.'-' tf.7 1 1 ,
pioeess which is slowly woiking its will
upon the world; and what we should bo
watchful of is not so much jealous in
terests as sound principles of action.
The disinterested course is not alone
the biggest courso to pursue, but it is
in the long ran tho most, profitable
course to pursue. If you can ebtablish
your character you can establish your
credit.
"Understand me, gentlemen, I r.m not
venturing in this pjesenco to impeach
tho law. For the present, by tho force
of circumstances, I am in part tho em
bodiment of tho law, and It would be
very awkward to disavow myself. But
I do wish to make this intimation, that
in this time of world change, in this
time when we are going to find out just
how, in what particular and to what
extent the real facts of human life and
tho real moral judgments of mankind
prevail, it is worth whilo looking insido
our municipal Jaw and seeing whether
the judgments of the law 'are mado
square with the moral judgments of
mankind. For I believe that wo nre
custodians of the spirit of righteous
ness, of tho spirit of equal-handed jus
tice, 6f tho spirit of hope which believes
in the perfectibility of tho law with the
jicrf edibility of human life itself.
"Public life, like private life, W0U14
bo very dull and dry if it were noli
this belief in tho essential beauty &
human sntrit nml th yiur t.Al2
, '. .. 7 ... """" "'""IS
numnn spirit snouid do translated
action and into ordinance. Not ent
You cannot go nny faster than you"i
advnnco tho average moral judg
of thc mass, but you can go at least
fast as that, and you can see to it th
you do not lag behind tho avera
moral judgments of the mass.
in my life dealt with all sorts and cotS
ditions of men, nnd I havo found thSI
tho flame of moral judgment burns Juirt
ns bright in the man of humblo life and
nnd limited experience as in tho scholar!
nnd man of affairs. And I would Hkef
his voico always to bo heard, not nsjH
witness, not as speaking in his owns
case, but as if ho were the voice of mentf
in general, in our courts o"f justice, m1
well as the voice of the lawyers, re
membering what tho 1. w has been. MyS
hope Is that, being stirred to the depthsij
by tho extraordinary circumstances ofjfc
tho time in which we live, wo may re-.1
cover from those steps something of a '
renewal of that vision of tho law with
which men may bo supposed to havo
started out in the old dnys of thcora-,J
clcs, who commune with tho intima- i
tions of divinity." jX,
Before this war very few nations pafdjil
any attention to public opinion. France?
was probably the beginner. Someq
twenty years beforo 1914 France beganf!
to extend her civilization to Russia;
Italy, the Balkans and Syria.
The very fact that thc belligerenta
tried to mobilize public opinion in thei
United States in their favor shows that' h
1914 was a milestone in international"?
affairs. This was tho first timo any
foreign Power ever attempted to fight$
for the good will tho public opinion
of this nation. Thc Governments them-'Jj
selves realized thc value of public opin
ion in their own boundaries, but whenji
tho war began they realized that it was'j
a power inside tho realms of iheirf
neighbors, too. jjsj
iiikii uiuurences oi opinion devel-4
oped between the United States and th1&
belligerents the first thing President!!
Wilson did was to publish all the docu-Jf
ments and papers in the possession of
thu American Government relating toj
tho controversy. Tho publicity whichVf
iiiu uniuuii kuvc mo diplomatic com
rcspondence between this Government
and Great Britain over tho search and'
seizure of vessels emphasized in Wash
ington this tendency in our foreign rejj
lations. At the beginning of England's JR
,. i,i-i ituu iiifrcnanimen
carrying cargoes to neutral EuroneanJ
countries, the State Department lodgedj
individual protests, but no heed wnS
paid to them by tho London officials.1 '&
llicn thn TlnitoM Stnfoo mo,l ..u:- ii:l"M
-" tvv. .iiuui; JJUU11U M1H '
negotiations, seeking to accomplish byM
publicity what a previous exchange oVS
diplomatic notes failed to do. $&
Discussing this action of the PrM!r?
dent in an editorial on "Diplomacy inj
me iure, me iew iorK world said:
President Wilson's protest to tha&
British Government is a clear, tern-?!
perate, courteous assertion of tha .
trade rights of neutral countries im'-i
time oi war. It represents not onlyTd
the established policy of the
United States, but tho estntilfeliui
policy of Great' Britain. It voices
uio opinion of virtually all thai
American people, and there nre fow"
r.ngJisnmen, even in time of war. i
who will take issue with tho prin$
cipies upncid by tho President. Yetl
:i KiTinua miciiHiinnn ji i.i
...oul,ut;iauiIlulIlK Wa8 SMi
risked because it is the habit of, W,
diplomacy to operate in the dark. "VJ
Fortunately President Wilson, bfm
making the note nublic. nrovondxl ih't
original misunderstanding froraflgM
spreading. But thc lesson ought noti'M
to htop there. Our State DepartW
inenrr ns air. Wickcrhham recentlv?'S
Doilltcd Olll ill : lnlinr n (l. ,.,..1J ?i
has never hud a settled policy of nub" '
licity in regard to our diplomatic?.
affairs. No "blue books" or "whit" to
books" are ever issued. AVhat infor-
mation the country obtains must be ?M
pricu oiu oi me department.- This g
has been our diplomatic policy forJjb"
more than a century, and it is aJJ
policy that, if continued, will imi
day end disastrously. 3j
bpenking in Atlnnln in 1912. Pre
dent Wilson stated thnt this Goverfkl
merit would never gain another fou'tj
of territory by conquest. This dii
polled whatever apprehension the
was that the United States might se
to annex Mexico. Later, in askia
congress to repeal the Panama toljii
act of 1912, the President said the i
will of Europe was a more valuabl
asset than commercial advantaal
gained by discriminatory legislation
m nus at tne outset of President ;
sons first Administration fore
Powers were given to understand"!
iur. vvuson oeuevea in tne power j
imuiiu upiiuun; mai ne iavoreq
licity as a means of accompli
wnnt could not bo done by confid
negotiations: that he did not
in annexation, nnd that he was,
nt any time to help end the warA-a
CONTINUED
IN MONDAY'S
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