TOE LANCASTER INTELIIGENCER,
i ts
PUBLISHED E V E RY WED DAY BY
U. G. SMITH CO.
A. J. BTEIN3fAN.
H. G. SMITH
TERMS—Two Dollars per annum payable
In all eases In auvance.
TIDE LANCASTER DAILY INTELLIOENCEB. le
published every evening, Sunday excepted, at
Si per annum in advance.
OFPICE-80IITHWEST CORNER OF CENTRE
µQUARE.
Voettp.
THE BLIND MEN AND THE ELE-
PHANT.
A lIINDOO FA ISLE.
It WAN six men of Indostan,
To learnlng much inclined.
Who went to see the elephant,
( Though
o flf them v. er.•
That each by e.e reation
alight nattily Ills wind.
The First appronelted the elephant
And happening to fall
Against:his broad and sturdy sld.•.
At nisei • began to bawl :
"(lod hle.s tae—hut the elephant
In very Ince a wall"
The Second, feeling of the Lhi<
Cried, '• Hn a what 1111 ve we here
SO very roam] and shmoth and she'll
TO MI. lh :eighty clear
7114 wonder of OM elepheht
14 eery like a spear: "
The Thin' approaol2ll the animal,
And 1.1411.1,1,0 t to lake
'rho stiolmolott (rook within Iris lots
Thus Iroldly op DV spake:
I hoe, - hr," the eleplotol
airy like a analtu:"
Tlio• Fourth r 011 1 .11,1 roil lIIS ruuur but
And tilt nhuut Ills It 111.1 . :
lllrinv4 ',want Is I
Is mighty 111,t It 111.,
""1 • Is clear en.sisir
In very nice a trus•!
'I Its I'M h, who ellatits.ll In totiell Ilis
Salt!, “I•I'sn1,11r1411•Al 1111111
lon Whitt lIIIs r.. 51,11,1 4 ,1111 4 ,51:
Ih•tiy (111. fuel ,vllllviin,
'l'ltls t1t5.r%:4 , 1 slsplionl
In vo•ry III". Ion!
" 1 ' 111 • Nlalll 1101,1110111' lee] I,egell
Alemt the bee.l 111 glepe,
Thall .0.1,1111.4 gel Ile. ,ellll4lte4
Tlllll 1,11 wit 11111 111. n 1.11111•,
" I Nee" ,Ite,lll he, " I lie elephant
111 Spry 11151.11 rep,
And t "r I od—ino
oimpni...l Iwo! !tn.] lutig,
Eitc.ll 111 Ills .V 1111111,1 1 ,11
1'.4.'1 . 1 1 1111144 Sim nod II rlllll,
Though 1.114.11 41111 111.. t 1,011
1111 1111 W.', 111 IIII•Iv11111114.
Tlii• 41141.111.11, I wllll,
tol 1111111,1W...41 111,,
1,111 1/i 111, 111,1 1/,
And prltti l SI 1111111 lItIIIIIIII/1 111
Nut 0110 la thrl. li1vt•1.,1•11.
I+l63rellanco us.
w.•I
Talloriana; or Scintillations from the
tiluw-board
'rr per l'irnmplseg
— neturtilog, ar01•1111111s by 00111 y a grill
ilynliregs and s l I'IIIIg I•I",I11I11' 111aIn 01 Inv lave
illov iltillt11•1., Mill 11.1, sill 10 main
had 1...1•0 101)1 at lima,'
Perhaps there was no consideration
associated with the tailoring of the old
en lime, which yielded so touch pros
peetive delight as the idea of becoming
" tramper " ; and, free from care, or
other speeial responsibility, endowed
with the privilege or " tramping" from
place to place in search of empl dyment.
Forty years ago, no other mechanic was
so sure of finding employment in almost
any city, town, village or hamlet in the
land ; and none required fewer or inure
portable tools, none could assume a more
genteel appearance at so small a cost,
11111111 who bore hardships more cheerful
ly. 'l'lle•*e Neils a romantic fascination in
the idea of being a tramper, or, as lie
was more fatniliarly and laconically
termed, a frump; and many lilt appren
tice imbibed a kindred spirit or that
peculiar privilege, as fitst its he acquired
a knowledge of the profession, that, was
to allbrd him the facilities to indulge in
tramping; and many, too, becoming
restive under the bonds Of an inexorable
indent arr, would cut the "I lorditut knot"
by a clandestine !light from their nuts
ters' custody and service, long before the
expiration of its term. How could it
be otherwise, When every shop-board in
the land, almost, eras crowded—ut least
during the Spring and Fall trade—with
its "tramping jours!" These were
usually nearly all " roving blades," who
had tunic in from all points of the com
pass ; all full of song, •daliectiOte, of ad
venture, 1111,1 of jollity. All they needed
as an outfit, 1111 S a thimble, half a dozen
needles, a small ',levy of beeswax, It bod
kin, a pair of " paring -shears," and
" ; and many had not
even all these implements, when they
first. were " seated," — but were com
pelled to "sponge " 011 their neighbors
until they " made a raise." In the pres
.ent dryciterotr days no man can travel
any considerable distance without
enough of" greetilatcl:s " in his pocket to
pay his fare on a railroad, canal-boat or
stage. It was not so in the palmy days
of tailoring; for although drao/tcji was
a great eon ven iencedt was not a sine qui I
non tll the if:Wiping jial9ley111:111. All
him fouls he could " pacl:" in his coat
pocket; and when he "took to the
road" it made little dill'erence—with
some of then--whether he had any
money iu his pockets or not. 'l'liis
was partly owing to the circumstance
that lie'expected to find employment in
the ne.xt town he would reach—which
might be within the journey of a day,
or halfdlay—and partly to a careless
habit of •' trusting to luck," which he
had cultivated through the bulletings
of many years. As to a tr/m/:,—it did
not belong to the valegory of the tramp-
Ing-jour's and the ownership
or that kilo' or " furniture," \vas strict
ly confined to exceptional cases. A
"cotton-trunk," however, was common,
but by 1111 means universal. This was
usually , composed of a bon-drum, a half
yard, or more, square, and Wila bandied
and carried under the arm, or a stick
run through, under the knot, and car
ried on the sin older. But even this
mode or baggage-transportation was
I with by many, and it was not
at all an uncommon thing, to see a jour,
when he \Vita seated, pull otr one or two
shirts and send them to a wash-woman,
While he retained a third on his body.
There ; Were some who had not a second
shirt, and a few who had no shirt at all,
but these were exceptional eases, and
never attained to distinction in the
" profession," although they may have
excited some notoriety. l'ramping be
came:ln absolute mania among journey
men tailors, and there were vases where
Its manifestations wereso excessive that
the subjeets 11l it bevaine too discon
tented to remain long enough In one
place, to even make a pair or breeches ;
but, like ale" \Vaud, ing Jew," seem
ed to be goaded on by an influence
which they,. became unable to resist.—
There was, therefore, a normal and an
abnormal man ifestatior of the spirit of
tramping arming journeymen tailors,
but it is to the former condition We
11114 look, for the real or fancied pleas
ures which attached to it, as a mode of
everyday life. Some tramped, for tile
sake of attaining greater proficiency in
the art which they had adopted Its a
life-culling; others tor the sake of that
variety which can only be gratified in
' e raffistinctiiin to,
"crooking-shears." width were usually large
and unwieldy, and not at !ill adapted to the
Maw-board, tolltWe, used exclusively I r
"cutting o garments. Of, lill compara
ble, however, wlt n 111.1'b•ginit and convenient
Instrument now used for that purpose. The
term "paring-shears" limy have originated in
the circumstance, that tarty years a;,, and
itiatitior to that period, as well as sulnequenl
ly, nearly everything, that would hear It at
all, wits made "raw-edged ;" 1101 reimh ed the
edges to be "pared," as the nanhing touch to,
the garment. We it", seen satinet nuide
raw-edged; and although Chit WiLS never the
general pract Ice, yet It exhltoi's the fail that
the satinet of that period was very different
from the shod Ized ramie, which sells under
that name at the present day.
1 - 8/ind/-pond.v.—n pair of scissors, used for cut
. Ling button holes, mid other "snipping" ape•
rations, iu making up a garment. l'hey were
quite unlike the present implements made for
the special pull% one of cutting button-holes,
and which can be used I'M no other purpose.—
Not every Journeyman wits fortunate enough
to possei., a pair, and therefore In this respect,
he was also compelled to "sponge" on his
neighbor. This WOO nut always because he WWI
too thoughtless, or penurius. to provide a
pule, hut because the places where good points
were kept for sale, were not so numerous and
accessible its they are at the present day.
..Bcfc'ed—a mantel -tailor always "seats" his
Jours—or at least, always did , In the path,.
v days of tailoring. Therefore, when a hour had
plenty of work, he would nay he had "a good
Seat of work." If an employer had sufficient
work for 0 half a dozen more laborers in his
occupation, he would say he "could .teat half
dozen Jours.'"l It is phrase probably originated
In the circumstance, thitt thirty-live and forty
years ago. all. or nearly all, master-tailors kept
a bael.aop of tel own, and did Witerally seat
their inure. It Is altogether different now. for
the trade Is almost wholly supp . i ed by, whs.;
win then called piere-roader4 —that is, opera
tives who take their work home, and make It
In their own houses.
t Money, had many synony hits, some of which
were voutined to the 1i nits of the shop-hoard,.
and others local, - In different parts of the coun
try; such, for Instance, his John Davis, or the
Ready-John sometimes sim ply Jobs or Ready;
Spondulles; Dooteroomus, or simply foot, "for
short;” Picayunes; Bits; Silver; Tin; Tow;
Watt; liard-stuff, or simply Hard, or Stuff;
Rags; Dirt; shinplasters, or simply Plas
ters; Fire-beans, or simply beans; Rhino;
Wherewith; Needful; Dollars; Yellow-boys,
especially when alluding to Gold, and then
also intdrops ; Coppers; Coln; Shad-scales,
or simply Scutes; Brass; Chips; Paper; Dye
\Charms;stuff; Quarters; and also the mitre
modern names of Stamps; Currency; Green
„ backs; and others which we cannot recall, or,
'not necessary to enumerate.” Some of these
names have a special significancY, some seem
nonsensical, and others, it would be hard to
tell what possible relation they could have to
money, or in what language they are; , bot this
last consideration was of little consequence to
the shop-hoard, for It knew what It meant, and
that was sufficient.
olcl i jantaWt slntettigat&r
VOLUME 72
seeing different parts of the world; and ,
others again, merely to satisfy a very
vague, and sometimes very vacant cu
riosity.
There were cases, however, where
some were compelled to tramp through
necessity. As for instance - , when the
number of jours Increased beyond the
ratio of population, or where there was
a redundancy of advanced apprentices ;
and, now and then, when one felt it
convenient' to" leave his country for
his country's good."
Apart from things grossly:objectiona
able, It was amusing, and even a
pleasure to occupy a +wilt in some
well-ordered back-shops. Although
the social intercourse was light mid
frivolous as a general thing, yet
is was jovial, and full of spicy anec
dotes and witticisms. Some old stagers
had such a:metaphorical and hyperbol
' Ical style of relating their adventures,
that a "green-horn " would be in per
plexity how, to understand them. One
would enter a solemn protest against
the LlCColllllloliatiollki On tile lust road he
traveled, exhibiting a pair of huge blis
ters on his heels, which he would de
clare he received rhling in the stage.
Another would declare that for thirty
days, in the city of London, he had not
seen at " patch of blue sky big enough
to seat a pair of breeches of the Joel: of
Chtlts. One would seriously liver that
he knew a restaurant In some special
town or city, where he could get coffee
strong enough to ty.ar On iron u,/gr,
I Another in diseussing the social quail
'ties of his landlady, would (Wedge that '
she could talk the cars oil' rr cmd-iron
dog, whilst still another would declare
that he knew an Irishman who lay six
weeks speechless In the long month of
[
August, and ( sit his erg 105 mole'.
Although the (romper was the highest
type 0f a true manhood to many ap.
prem ices, yet to many others, his life
11(01 habits presented a rock which they
desired very much to shun, and did
succeed In shunning. 'Among them
lon, were some gentlemanly and re
' deeming characters, who had only be
eon', tr.onpers temporarily, and for the
sake ill mechanical improvement.
!'Tramping, of course, as a general:thing
I I In those days, was rieliy so, for very
I few could avail themselves (o• the pub
lic conveyanees of those days, even over
roads where they existed ; but many
I thoroughfares between the towns were
! entirely destitute of them, and there
fore trumpery employed "Shank's
mare "—that is, ",going it on foot."
Hut the generation of grad trumpet's of
thirty, forty and fifty years ago, has
passed away, perhaps never to be repro
duced, and there Is no reason that it
should be. A new era ill tailoring and
all other occupations has been ushered
in, and there is no necessity for such a
class of men now. The introduction of
the steamboat, canal-boat, railroad-ear,
telegraph, and the sewing-machines,
have initiated a new order of things;
and although these may still he looked
upon as undesirable innovations by a
few extreme old fogies, yet every year
their numbers are growing less, and
these are compelled to succumb to
the inexorable progress of events.
We du not want the Cooper Orams,
the Steidle Borants, the Jack Curbys,
the Jim Itradys, the Bill O'Stranders,
the Joe Donaldsons, the Tutu Sather
lands, the Harry Doughertys, the Haw
edged \Vallaces and the .lack Campbells
revived. These were some of the rep
resentative trampers of their " day and
generations," and although we are far
front saying they possessed no virtues
worthy of imitation, yet it is feared that
these were marred with many blemish
es. Be that its it maY , ours is not the
tribunal before which they are to be
morally judged, and if it were, we
should feel more like throwing over
them the mantle of charity, than exer
cising its judicial functions.
Tramping now is done by steam on
"sea !and land," principally, and the
foot-trumpets are few and far between.
occasionally an antiquated specimen
"turns up," and we confess, we always
feel a warm side towards them, fur the
sake of "Auld Lang Syne," unless they
approach us in a state of inexcusable in
toxication. I her experience as a "tramp"
is very limited, and our peregrinations
were along the great thoroughfares, five
and thirty years ago. We Banal jour
neymen tailors, as a class, :1 genteel or
derly set of men, iu all that related to
the external. But with some special ex
ceptions, they have not attained that in
tellectual elevation, as a class, which
should be the ratio of their opportuni•
ties. It is difficult! to throw off habits
which have become ingrained in our
moral and social constitutions, and
therefore when at length one of our
"craft" was elevated to the Presidency
talked like a tailor"—and we are
not sure, but 7rr natty be doing the same.
(IRA NTELI.I.S.
The Falr-Crittenden Tragedy
[ Ity telegraph from San Francisco, we
have the news that Mrs. Laura Fair,
was on Wednesday last, convicted of
murder in the first degree, for shooting
A. P. Crittenden, on the :td of Novem
ber last. Her counsel have given no
tice of an appeal for a new trial, the
hearing of which and the delivery of
sentence has been set for the 29th of
May.]
It may not be improper to say that
this verdict, until within the last week,
was not generally believed possible,
nearly everybody expecting the trial to
prove a farce, ending with the acquittal
of the prisoner or a disagreement of the
jury. Niue•tenths of the community
regard the vertihit as just and a proper
vindication of the law, and a rebuke to
the doctrines put forth by the defence
in the case.
The San Francisco Ra//din gives the
following history of the homicide:
On the evening ofThe :41 of Novem
ber last, A. P. Crittenden, a prominent
lawyer of this city, and a member of the
firm of Crittenden & 'Wilson, went to
Oakland to meet his wife, daughter and
son, who were on their way from the
east. lie met them and went on the
ferry-boat El Capitan and took a seat
between his wife and daughter, on the
(leek. The steamer had gone but a short
distance when Mrs. Fair, closely veiled
stepped up, drew a pistol, anti exclaim
ing: '' You have ruined me and my
child !" tired at Mr. Crittenden. The
ball took effect ill the left breast. Mr.
Crittenden leaned back in his scat, and
Mrs. Crittenden supported him in her
arms, but he gradually slid down to the
floor. Mrs. Fair dropped the pistol and
ran into the cabin, where she mingled
with the rest of the passengers. The wea
pon was a four-barreled Sharpe's pistol.
Captain Kentzell, of the harbor police,
was on board, and In company with .
Parker Crittenden went in search of the
person who tired the shot. They found
Mrs. Fair in the forward part of the
cabin, and Parker Crittenden said:
"'That is the woman ; 1 accuse you of
murdering my hillier." Mrs. Fair re•
plied : " Yes, I don't deny it. I admit
that 1 shot him; I don't deny it. lie
has ruined me and my child. I was
looking for the clerk, to give myself up.
Take me. Arrest me. I ant ready to
go with you." She was then removed
to the pilot-house, where she remained
until the boat reached the landing,
when she was conveyed to the station
house. Mr. Crittenden was conveyed
to his residence on Ells street, where he
lingered in great agony until Sunday,
November ti, when he died. Mrs. Fair,
in the prison, raved wildly about her
mother and child,and talked in a ramb
ling way about what she had done.—
Her attending physician placed her un
der the influence of powerful opiates,
but it was a long time before her condi
tion was such as to admit of her being
removed to the county jail, where she
has since remained.
Mrs. Fair is about thirty-five years of
age. She was the wife of \V. D. Fair, a
lawyer of Siskiyou, and married him at
Yreka about fifteen years ago. In
1810 he came to this city, and commit
ted suicide by blowing his brains out
while in Doctor Murphy's office. Mrs
Fair, a few years afterward, made her
debut on the stage at Sacramento, and
subsequently appeared in this city and
several other places on the coast. Dur
ing the Washoe mining excitement she
went to Virginia City, where she kept
a boarding-house or hotel. There her
partner undertook to run the national
flag up over the hotel. She threatened
to shoot him, and did wound him. She
was tried for the offense, and Mr. Crit
tenden was hercounsel for defense. The
jury, without leaving their seats, acquit
ted her. She afterward came to this
city, where she married a man named
Snyder, from whom she was soon di
vorced on the ground of his adultery.
Here, as in the State of Nevada, she
'Was on very intimate terms with Mr.
Crittenden. The relations between
them were not private. They were fre
quently seen together in public and
sometimes her child was with them.—
i * For several years the Intimacy contin
ued; but he, at last, seemed determined
to break it oft. The marriage with Sny
' der was a temporary interruption, but
the intimacy was renewed after the di
vorce. He was advised to repel her at
once and forever, but he did not do so,
alleging that he feared unpleasant dis
closures, and that she would kill herself
In the event of his doing so. She
threatened to commit suicide if he left
her. The approach of his family from
the East brought matters to a crisis. On
the night before their arrival and the
last fatal meeting, they were in each
other's company. He is said to have
talked seriously with her, she threaten
ing to kill herself if he forsook her, and
he imploring her not to make such an
attempt. For several days after the
murder Mrs. Fair was in a condition of
apparent delirium, at times calling on
her victim to come to her, and saying
that he promised to meet her at a cer
tain time. She was constantly attend
ed by a nurse, and no one was admitted
to her presence. A physician attended
her, and she was constantly under tin
influence of opiates. When removed to
the county Jail she was carried in a
chair from her cell to the carriage.
Mr, Crittenden, at the time of his
death, wits about Ilfty-eight years of
age. Ile was a nephew or the late Joint
.1. Crittenden, United Slates Senator
from Kentucky. While Andrew Jack
son was President, he received an ap
pointment to the \Vest Point Military
School, and graduated In the sante class
with Beauregard toil Sherman, in 1535.
Soon 'trier the discovery of gold In Call
ia lie came here, and made this city
his residence. Ile was brother-In-law
0.6 the late Toil Robinson, who; at the
time of his death, was Supreme Court
reporter. lie wa, a very able lawyer,
and ranked high in the profession in
this State.
Here Is one of the letters Which Mre.
Fun: wrote to Mr. Crittenden. It was In
troduced in Ilie line of evidence ut her
triul :
.
Oh, iny darling! my darling! How
can you do lilt' such 1101ISUIT 11/4 to (1011bt
my love? ll* my letters have seemed
uncommunicative with regard to what
ain doing, It Is because I have had
nothing to tell, because my life each day
is spent In the same monotonous way.
You will scarcely believe me when I
tell you that I have never since m a y ar
rival stepped foot out of the door 01 my
room In company with a gentleman ; no
one accoin pan ies me to 1113' Meals; have
never been at any place of amusement;
have never taken a walk with a gentle
; 1111Ve received no attention front
one, and when a visitor calls in the
evening t I receive none in the day) it is
understood between Ina and myself that
she remains ill the mom, so that I have
never been alone with one. tiod knows!
thkought tonal isfy you whoaresleeping,
or if not sleeping, lying, by the side of a
woman every night. We took lunch
one day at the Willows 1, the day that I
sent you the flowers,, unaccompanied
by any gentleman, and spoke to no one
while there except the waiter. 'The only
gentlemen who have called upon us are
Mr. Tompkins, once only ; l'iltons, sev
eral times; Strow bridge, twice tall
boarding here ; 1)1'. Rogers, once; Mr.
Parma , taut old gentleman who had a
room at mother's ill Virginia 1, twice;
and i)rut'y .Malone called last night.—
Seth Cook 1 have never seen but the
once Of Which I have spoken. This is
the solemn truth, so help me God!
Do you now believe in iny love? Do
you now think that my life is hap
pier or gayer than yours ? Have you
as much of which to complain as I have?
Oh, no, no—a thousand times, no!—
Heaven help me! my heart seems break
ing. I low could I write—what could I
write, except that I loved you ? And
tlik I always said: this 1 maid say with
out letting you see how bitterly I felt at
being kept from you by her. You wish
to know what I promised myself not to
say to you ? Well, you shall hear. I
promised myself not to reproach you for
my banishment and her presence with
you, for you have consented to sleep
with her when you know tile bitter,
galling feeling it brings to my heart,
promised myself to remain away from
you without complaining as long as you
thought best and until you told me to
return ; to never urge /wt. separation
till you saw lit to send her, although
you have shown a great want of firmness
with regard to her. This is not said
as a reproach, for I can imagine with
what you have to contend, and oh, my
darling, my precious darling, it is this
thought, this knowledge of what I be
lieve you are and have been suffering
which makes the dismantling of my
house and heart bearable or pardonable.
I did not think when I first learned
from your letters the fact, that I would
never forgive it and declare that 1 would
never write again. Feeling thus, I did
not write to you mi yesterday, for which
I am sorry. Judging from the pain I felt
yesterday in not. gettin ga letter from you,
I know what Illy silence will cause you ;
but,darling,, I am to banish all doubtsand
jealousies from my heart. It is very hard
to do when I know that night after night
you are are sleeping beside another wo
man. 1 t seems to me that you might
have made her choose between you and
the furniture, and then if she insisted
upon despoiling 1113' house of almost
everything in the shape of furniture
which I held sacred, then you ought to
have remained mine—all mine. Do you
think I could ever wish any portion of
the furniture back in these rooms after
she had desecrated it with so much
wrangling? Never! Now, answer can
didly, darling. Do you think your
dear body will or can ever seem so pure
ly and entirely mine as before it rested
upon the same bed with another ? (treat
land! Just place yourself in my posi
tion, and then answer me. Darling,
darling, I will try not to feel this way.
Poor,weary darling ! poor head! if 'could
only rest it fora moment upon my heart!
I know you are suffering. I know you
are weary. I will try,
oh! I will try
not, to grieve you. Arid when you tell
me she is gone, and I may come hack,
oh ! then how I will try to make my
poor darling, happy again ! I low I will
make the dear old rooms ring with mu
sh. —heart music ! Let her take it Mi—
llie dear old bed, the chair in which you
held me in your arms—yes, let her take
thrm. She ,qtn't take your heart, and
shan't take our happiness. We will eon
secrate the new furniture. You shall
kiss me in every corner of each room,
hold me in your arms in each chair, lie
by me oil the sofa, and sleep with me in
the bed. There, I defy her to prevent
it, you darling! (101 l bless you, my
darling, don't doubt me again. You
must feel that I love you, else I could
never so easily forgive your broken
promises, but it is because I have faith
in the future. I trust you, I believe
you. You will never break another
promise—will you ? I will write again
to-night, my previous one,
Yours, forever and ever,
The Critical Periods of H ninau 1 ife
From the age of forty to that of sixty,
a Mall Who properly regulates himself
may be considered in the prime of life.
His matured strength of constitution
renders him almost impervious to the
attacks of disease, and all his functions
are in the highest order. Having gone
a year or two past sixty, however, he
arrives at a critical period of exist
ence; the river of Death flows before
him, and he remains at a standstill. But
athwart this river is a viaduct, called
'The Turn of Life," which, if crossed in
safety, leads to the valley "Old Age,"
round which the river winds, and then
flows beyond without a boat or cause
way to effect its passage. The bridge is,
however,constructed of fragile material,
and it depends upon how it is trodden
whether it bend or break. (lout, Apo
plexy, and other bad characters are also
iu the vicinity to waylay the traveller,
and thrust hint from the pass; but let
hint gird up his loins and provide
himself with perfect composure. To
quote a metaphor, the '"rurn of Life" is
a turn either into a prolonged walk or
into the grave. The system and powers,
having reached their utmost expansion,
now begin either to close like flowers at
sunset, or break down at once. One in
judicious stimulant, a single fatal ex
citement, may force it beyond its
strength ;' whilst a careful supply of
props, and all that tends to force a plant,
will sustain it in beauty and in vigor
until night has nearly set in:
Mr. Snooks was asked the other day
how lie could account for nature's form
ing him so ugly. " Nature was not to
blame," said he. " When I was two
months old I was considered the hand
somest child in the neighborhood, but
my nurse swapped me away for another
boy, just to please a friend of hers,
whose child was rather homely-look
ing."
LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING MAY 3, 1811.
Speech of Mr. Speaker Wallace
On the Free Vole, In the Senate of Penn
eylvanlo, March 2N, 1S 1.
Mr. Wallace ( speaker ). Mr. Speaker, I
have no apology to offer to the Senate for
arising to speak to-night, save the gravity
of the subject under consideration, in its
relations to our government structure and
its present importance, in view of the prob
able calling of a Convention to revise tho
Constitution of the State at an early day.
This question of the representation of mi
norities through the preferential system
and that or the cumulative or free vote has
engaged the attention and secured the ap
proval, in one form or the other, of many
of the most learned theorists. statesmen and
scholars of this generation. Not least
among these Is the eloquent and logical
Senator from Columbia ( Mr. Iluckalew
who has drafted and advocates the bill now
under consideration. This doctrine has
been endorsed and applied within cireu In
scribed localities, both in England and In
this country, and one of the largest States
of the Union has Implanted It in her Con
stitution to a moderate extent, by a decided
vote of her people at a recent election.
llence, I urn not unmindful of the prece
dents and of the character, intellect and
energy that are thrown Into the scale in
favor of the proposition, nor do I fail to
recognize the last that, 1/11011 its presen ta
don, It commends Itself to that inherent
sense of Justice that hinds Its place In the
minds of each of us. When called to Het
during this session, I have already cast my
vote for Its application to ill elections for
School Directors within:the Common wvalth
and I am willing to test the working of the
theory still further by enacting the bill now
before us, Inastnn eh as the elections are
purely local, and It Is .viler to learn In the
school of ox perienee whether the views I
now entertain are well-grounded or (ana
-1 Omni. The advocates of the measure rout
mend their scheme to popular favor by the
discretion with which they present It and
the thoughtful deliberation they concede to
the public for Its examination. They
"make haste slowly," either vonscious of
the ultimate triumph of their cause, by
reason of Its eminent propriety, or content
to abide the action of the people in flying
from the ills they have to those they know
not of. it can w Inle they occupy the avenues
to the public mind, and the rostrum, the
press, smut the practical tests through stat
utory forms are made use of with fairness,
but with great power, logic and skill. The
libiCUSSiOll upon this bill, Its avowed pur
pose of l'ami lionizing the public mind with
the details of the system, and its alleged
value as a measure of reform, give the sub
ject a much wider range than is found in
the provisions or the bill itself, a n d these
facts, and the importance of the Idea in its
application to the theoretical basis soil
practical working (dour government, have
compelled me to examine the proposed
system in the light of its Justice, of its effect
upon our institutions, and of its practical
work inns.
'the freo vote ( which is the system
em
bodied in this bill,i as defined by its advo
votes, consists In allowing the voter to
distribute his votes among candidates as
he shall think lit, or to concentrate them
upon one candidate ; or, in other words, if
there be six persons to be elected, the
voter may give six voles to ono, or one
vote to six, Or three votes to two, or two
votes to three, or four votes to one and two
to another, or otherwise combine or cast
them as he may prefer. It will be seen,
therefore, that any number over one sixth
of the electors or a given district by con-
•
eentrating for plumping as it is called)
their votes upon ono candidate can elect
him, and thus secure representation of
their specific idea in the body to which he
is elected. :Practically applied under this
bill to a borough containing six hundred
electors, one hundred and one thereof can
choose a member of the council.
This seems just; it accords with our
sense of right, and apparently harmonizes
with the true theory of a representative
government, insomuch as it gives to a
larger proportion of the people than under
the existing rule, representation in their
late-making assemblies. A pure Democ
racy is that in which the people meet, and
by their own voices enact laws and select
rulers, turd as this is impracticable, that
Hellenic for representation that will give
the nearest approach to the pure idea seems
the just sue. In such a government as ours
all are equal, and the actual representation
of every person is the genuine standard.—
lint it is not to be forgotten that even in a
pure Democracy majorities rule, nor that in
a representative body elected by the whole
constituency, the majority rule must still
prevail. 11 we go to the basis 01 the do
trine, too, we rind no inherent right in any
one to east six votes in an assembly- of the
people. Nor is there any abstract princi
ple that will compel one man to forego his
right to vote for six persons, in order to
out-vote the supporters of a dangerous can
didate. Whilst it is to be admitted that
the broad principle of actual personal rep
resentation for all is a just idea, and that
the scheme proposed tends in the right di
rection, when considered in the abstract,
yet the pursuit of the idea to its logic con
clusion requires us to elect all our members
of Congress, Senators and legislators upon
a general ticket; for if it be right that the
minority in a six constituency district
shall have representation, it is equally just
that any minority in the whole State equal
to the ratio necessary for a member shall
in like manner be represented. Indeed,
the principle deduced to its inevitable con
clusion is, that the minority is one, and
the State is only perlect when his represen
tation is accomplished and his rights pro
tected and vindicated. Tne equality of all
and the perlect representation °rum whole
people combine the highest idea of repre
sentative government. Such an organiza
tion would be the embodiment of the in
telligence, the sovereignty, the equality
and the freedom of the people. No law
can make it, no earthly power ordain it.
It cannot be hastened save by that policy
which tits the people themselves for its ex
istence, ibr "man's institutions a' e the re
flex of his own attainments." When such
a government is obtained it will leave no
trace or vestige of our present institutions,
and our written frames of government,
and our nicely adjusted system of checks
and balances, will have vanished like "the
baseless fabric of a vision." The perfection
of government cannot be attained In com
munities like ours. We must combine the
expedient with the right, and as practical
linen, determine whether we shall incur
the hazard of losing that which we possess
in the struggle for a greater good.
The rule of the majority is a recognized
rule of our governmental polity, from the
township to the republic. ft is to be
changed and subverted by the new system.
All of our institutions have been framed
on the basis of the law of the greater part,
and the wisdom of a change in so vital a
matter, without perfect knowledge of its
value, may well he doubted. This rule is
!simnel written in no Constitution or frame
government. It is a component part of
every starlet), and is coeval wish the first
ntrans or representative government.—
When we seek to trace its history we find
it hoary with antiquity, and recognized
and obeyed in all ages. Paley grounds
government on the doctrine that the reso
lution of the society is made the act of the
individual by setting out with the proposi
tion that the unconstrained consent of all is
given to be bound by the decision of the
majority. Most other writers upon the
theory of government base the rule upon
the consent of the minority deduced in one
form tar another from the aetion of the ma-
jority as the act of the State. Let it come
from where It will, or deduce it by coer
cion, consent or reason, from whatever
premises we may ILYSLIIIIP, no one doubts it
existence, and all submit to its authority.
Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to Baron Hum
boldt, under date of .lone 13, 1 , 117, :oust
aptly states the rule thus:
The first principle of Republicanism is
that the fez inajuris pants is the funda•
mental law of every society of individuals
of equal rights; to consider the will of the
society enouuced by the majority of a sin
gle vote as sacred as if unanimous, is the
first of all lessons in importance, yet the
last which is thoroughly learned."
"The American Revolution was brought
about by a trillinpliant majority against
the wishes and resistance of a formidable
minority, and although the Declaration of
Independence bases government upon the
consent of the governed, it is as well-estab
lished as any other historical fact that it
had not the universal assent of the inhabi
tants of the colonies. The dissent of the
minority was deemed a crime, and in many
cases carried with it confiscation and per •
sonal punishment, and to this day that dis
sent is held to have been a disregard of the
duty of patriotism, and a stigma upon those
dissenting."
Judge Story succinctly declares the law
of this subject thus :
"The truth is that the majority of every
organized society has always claimed and
exercised the right to govern the whole of
that society in the manner pointed out by
the fundamental laws which have from
time to time existed in such society. Every
revolution, at least when not produced by
positive force, has been founded upon the
authority of such majority. And the right
results from the very necessities of our na
ture, for universal consent can never be
practically required or obtained. The mi
nority are bound,whether they have assent
ed or not; for the plain reason that oppo
site wills, in the same society, on the same
subjects, cannot prevail at the same time,
and as society is instituted for the general
safety and happiness, in a conflict of opin
ion the majority must have a right to ac
complish that object by the means which
they deem adequate for the end."
This rule of our political society has been
of the very essence of our development
and progress, The great results we have
attained have been worked out by the will
and power of the majority assuming to
itself the name and the consequent re
sponsibility of the State. The robust vigor
of the Republic, its energy and its vitality,
are the legitimate fruits of power, exer
cised by a majority In the name of the
whole, and by the consent and acquiescence
of the minority. The authority of the
neople must have decided and distinct
ex cession. It can only be through the
representative body, and there must be
strength and energy of purpose there.—
The very nature of the thing, and our
experiences teach us that this can only
come through the political majority wield
ing the power of the State. Any other
form may bring danger, and possibly para
lysis, at the decisive moment. Under the
present rule, when well-defined issues are
presented in a canvass, the people at the
polls by their own action definitely settle
them, and their representatives have but
to meet and register their will, whilst un
der the proposed system those questions
are still unsettled ; men are elected who
represent both sides of the issue from the
same locality, and tne subject matter is
remitted to the representative body, where
it must still be settled by the majority rule.
Is it not wiser to accept the result the peo
ple give, and continue to recognize their
capacity to govern themselves? That con
centration of force which results from the
recognition of the power of the majority
will be lost sight of, and the magnitivent
spectacle of an entire nation wrought to
the highest point of political agitation, ac
quiescing instantaneously and with digni
ty in the decision of the majority, will bp
merged In the reports of n representative
body, in dancing attendance upon their
sessions, or In the listless attention coml•
quota upon the luck of individual inter
est In the contest. Under a government
possessed of written constitutions, the
questions in regard to Its administration,
vitally affecting the people, ;ire necessarily
lbw, and id our periodical changes they
become sharply defined, and the people
are as competent to settle them icy voting
for or against them, as embodied in the
rempsetive candidates, as they are be veto
for the hrdivid nab.. Let um apply 1.115 ;win
ciples of lids bill to a Congressional dis
trict, created for the election of six mem
bers. (live the Democrats it majority of
miu•third therein, and submit the single
Issue or the repeal of the bill au
thorizing the use or troops at elections to
the people at the election for Congressmen;
four Democrats will be elected' and two
Republicans, and the question itself is un
settled, and the minority go to Congress to
act as a protest against the views or the
majority, Under the present system it is
definitely settled so far as LllO constituency
of these six Congressmen can settle it, yet
an far as these men are concerned, the
same practical result is reached, for four
always out•vote two. If the people are al
lowed to settle it primarily, p3rfect
ncgui
esconce follows. Can we be assured or the
sante result under the new system'' Any
result is better than no result, and the de•
eisive atitlon of the people at the polls Is In
tinitelybotterthan the ineffectual movement
that remits the ultimate decision to
another and inferior tribunal, in which
corruption can use Its power with de
structive effect. What do we gain by it?
Nothing but prolonged debate and con
tinued struggle in the representative body,
unless it is proposed to compromise upon
the basis of four to two. We lose that moral
influence and independent action that llow
from the recognition of the authority of the
majority, and we gain indecision in action
and division in Council. l A'e negative the
principle that the interests of the many are
to be preferred to those or the few. We
paralyze the energies or that ever restless,
watchful and persistent minority, whose
earnest hope it is to become the majority,
and convert it into an inert, stolid body,
whose very position unfits it for active
leadership and energetic movement, and by
dividing it into classes, cliques and sects,
destroy the unity of its opposition. This
will inevitably follow, for when the system
shall have been fully initiated, we will oat
, urally gravitate toward large districts in
which the principle has fuller play. Mr.
1 tare, who may be culled the father of the
idea, now advocates the preferential sys
I teat, and proposes to elect the entire repre
sentation in Parliament upon a general
ticket, in a single district. his proposi
; Lion is in effect this: If there be six hun
dred and tifty•eight thousand persons en
titled to vote for members of Parliament,
and there be six hundred and Illty•eight to
I elect, one thousand votes choose a member.
The voter may lint upon his ticket as many
names its lie pleases; the first-naine 1 is
deemed his first choice; the second, his sec
ond choice, etc. 1 number one have one
thousand votes, without the vote or A, his
vote is counted for number ten, and Lillis
down the list in the order of preference of
the vote, until the whole six hundred acid
fifty-eight have each received the quota of
one Wonsan(' votes from the Whole body of
the votes cast. This complicated and widely
diffused system is the legitimate deduction
of Mr. 'tare's theories, which are presented
with force and
Ire of the dangers to be feared is that it
we Anal apply it to the election of Con
gressmen, Senators, Legislators in large
districts, that earnest watchfulness, result-
ing from au organized opposition, without
which we cannot expect fidelity in the ad- I
ministration of the government, will no
longer exist. Look at it practically. Cp
on a ratio of 1-10,000 population, l'ennsyl- !
vania will be entitled to twenty-live men, !
hers of Congress. 'Phis is equal to about
35,000 taxables for each member, and any
party clique or set that can command that
number of votes can obtain a member. In
such a condition of things, how many
members of Congress would we have elect.
ed front. this State upon specific issues en-' '
tirely distinct from questions growing out
of the general theory of govermuent
odic i n istration ? M ust not the most
prejudiced 'ninth admit that many
would be elected upon purely sec
tarian grits rids:' Would not the votaries
of the rival sects be most earnest in
their efforts to obtain representation, for
'imposes that are probably commend
able in Inclusel vas yet necessarily an
tagonistic to the well-being and harmo
nious working of our former government?
I can conceive of nothing better calculated
to arouse sectarian bitterneSs and engender
religious strife than an opportunity such as
would be afforded by this system to stator
! innate all other ideas to the single one of
power, Mr the purpose of an idolized
Christian organization. The represents
tire elected under such circumstances
would be the possessor of a single idea, and
everything would he compelled to yield to
the advancement thereof. Like begets like,
and year by year more and more of the
! people would be drawn into the vortex
created by the most MIKIS° passion that
humanity is possessed tit', and party issues
and govern mental doctrines would speedily
be lost sight of in the absorbing struggle
between religious theories. The same re
sults to a smaller extent would tollow
from any other special interests obtaining
representation upon subjects, and with
ideas entirely distinct from their legitimate
purposes of government ; and these, neg
lectful of all else, would combine with
others only Mr the advancement of their
own object. In such combinations its
would inevitably follow, the interests of
the public would La; the last objetas pro•
I tested.
In this co n dition of affairs all ilfganiZed
opposition, or a utinerity party bused upon
leading doctrines of government and ad
ministration, cannot exist, and one of our
most valuable safeguards will be gone. It
is a necessity in the State and government
that political parties based upon broad com
prehensive political theories should exist,
and not only' inconvenience but danger
will follow from the non-existence of well
organized and cohered opposition, or from
the existence, of lesser parties missed upon
special, sectarian or local ideas, and often in
a position to coerce obedience to their de -
mands. Of course by the term parties 1
mean an " organized body of men who agree
on certain leading principles Lt administra
tion in opposition to others, and who act in
unison for their support." It has been well
said that "freedom of thought and action
produces ffontention in all spheres, and
where great tasks are to be performed and
When important interests are at stake, those
who agree on the most important prin ci pies
will unite, and must do so in order to be
sufficiently strong to do their work. With
out party administration and party action,
it is impossible that the majority,should rule
or that a vigorous opposition can rise to a
majority and rule in turn. Liberty requires
a parliamentary government and no truly
parliamentarygovernment can beconceived
of without the principle of party administra
tion. It became fully developed under Sir
Robt. Walpole. tinder the previous govern
ments mixed cabinets of Whigsand Tories
were common, when court intrigues and
individual royal likings and dislikes had
necessarily often a greater effect than na
tional views and interests to which it is
the object of party administration to give
the sway." It may be said that partisan
rancor has swept away the value of party
organization, and that their destruction
will be a benefit. Ido not think so.—
Many evils necessarily result from them
as administered in our country, but
they are vitally necessary for a much
greater good. They are essential to civil
liberty, and their destruction would
speedily result in the downfall of Repub
lican institutions. One is ever the watch
upon the actions of the other. The "outs"
jealously guard the people from the mis
deeds of the "ins," and even the slight
est deviation from the true interest of the
people is seized and commented upon by
party leaders and a party press, and any
departure from the path of duty to the pub
lie is quickly occupied as the avenue to
power by the antagonist. Important lead
ing ideas can only be engrafted upon gov
ernment polity by unity of action through
party organization, and without it, failure
would inevitably result. Closeness of com
munication with the people and direct re
sponsibility to them enables them to govern
by force of public opinion, and the revolu
tion it produces is healthful and invigorat
ing to the body politic. Through it the
majority party of to day may be the minor
ity party of to-morrow. It is to be feared
that a change of the majority rule will give
us a majority continually ruling and a mi
nority stagnating, and that the political or
ganizations, whose annual, triennial and
quadrennial struggles cleanse and invigor- differs vastly from that which English the
ate the State will be heard of no more. orists may approve. Yet even there, differ-
Our institutions embody the theory or ences of opinion exist upon the value of the
equality of persons and of rights, as well new system, for John Bright has said with
as those of equality of intellect and educe- great force: "He asked his countrymen to
tion, and the power of the majority and reject this device of their opponents, because
obedience to its rule have their basis in It wane principle disastrously fatal to every
part upon the consequent idea that the ma- thing which we comprehended, and which
jority of the people have the major part , our forefathers had comprehended of the
of the intellect and education. Whether • true principleofpopular representation. He
this be true or not, it is unnecessary to in- • infinitely preferred the practice of the ro
quire • but it is Important for us to learn ' bust common-sense of those who had gone
whether ibis rule and theory is to he before us, to this new scheme, which was
changed, what its change implies, and what offered to us with so many professions for
its probable effect will be. The advocates our good. He regarded it as the offspring
of the new system all argue that a better and spawn of feeble minds. IL might have
class of men wilt be selected if the minority been, for aught he knew, born of eccentric
rule prevail, and that by the present rule genius; It [night have, and probably bad
those most intelligent and best qualified been, discovered in;nomeof those abysses In
are excluded. which the speculative mind oft delights to
Mr. Hare, in the preface to his last edi• plunge; but lie preferred, he said honestly,
thou. thus puts it: that Which our forefathers understood of
"Everything which, in political lite. Its- freedom. of popular representation, of the
erates and increases the scope and toile- mode of manulacturinga great Parliament.
elite of enlightened judgment and cultiva to any of these new-1 1 / 1 1ilied and miserable
ted reason, is of inestimable service nine to schemes w Melt have come to light In our
those who occupy thchigher places in sm,al day.
rank, and possess, in the greatest inea.sure, Ido not quote this language to endorse
the advantages of education and leisure. it, but simply to demonstrate the differ
" Rank and wealth set out with the most elites of opinion among statesmen and
favorable auspices, and stand upon the theorists as to the value of the new theory.
vantage ground of competition. They Let us glance now at the practical work
will more certainly retain their position in Ingo or the system, so far as we rosy be able
the race, as they themselves eschew and to forces them, or can judge the future by
endeavor to purge political life of all that the pant.
Is vile and base • put forward their highest 'rite tyranny of the majority rule Is ono
order of mintin for public duties and pub- of the arguments in favor of the new pro.
lie honors, anddo their utmost to prevent taus., and it Is earnestly assumed that it Is
seals in Parliament, or great °Miles or most arbitrary in Its character and in pray•
f enc ti nns , front b e i ng made the e pp l u t euge tics. Ido not think IL pOSSII,IO
of triflers or weak men." this charge, either by examples from his-
So In chapter 5: "In forming the repro- torsi or by our own t•tc porience, We have •
tentative body to which Is committed the suffered from the tyranny of minorities,
power of government and legislation, It k who, wresting the power of the State from
undeniable that It would Ito wise to Invite the majority, have governed its through
by every multable Inducement, and to guilt- the forms of law. 'filo very provisions of
or with every possible diligence mid care, our form or government, designed to pro-
Knelt minds lie are by eonstittillon, raper' test the minority, have, through the th
ence of study, the best fitted to deal with skills of the majority, been made most
the subjects which at this day come within potent agencies In the }nimbi of a tyranni
the range of political action.'' cal :unto! ity. A minority possessed or
So in chapter II "The Stale cannot all . •rd great energy nosh vigor of thes .o-
to reject the services °Tony class, espeelaily • ted to a single Idea, hy the concentration of
°Tony highly Instrneted class, unsung Its their power and the divinionn of their an-
eons. It should be a fundamental prima- tattooists, have compelled obedience to
pie that all possible facilities should Is, their dogma anti by skillful manipulation
given to persons of every class to suffer of the machinery of government, which
themselves as vandidates.h they have used with unnerupuloun hand,
John Stuart Mill, In hie "Representative even to the ilinfranehisement of the major
evernment," chapter 7, affirms [Litt "The ity, have maintained andtiorputuatod th eir
natural tendency of representative govern- power. 'The Mar of Mr. Hare seems to lie I
went, ate of modern civilization, le toward that through the reformatory tendencies of
eolleetire mediocrity; and this tendency is the English people, representation 111051 he
increased by all reductions and extensions given to the mass of the people, and that ,
of the franchise, their effect being to plutuas . when they do obtain it they will tyrannize
the principal power lit the hands of °losses over the intelligent, educated and wealthy •
more and more below the highest level or classy., and his anxiety is to protect these
Instruction In the community. But though ' latter, WllOlllllO always places among the
the superior intellects and clutractm, will minorities. In urging his doctrines he re
necessarily be outnumbered,it mak es a great fors to our institutions, and quotes Mr.
dilreionce whether or not. they are hoard. to Calhoun as his authority fur the charge ,
the falsedemocracy,which instead orgiving that what he fears is true of our govern- ,
representation to all, gives it only to the item; but Hr. Calhoun's theory was that ,
local majorities, the voice of the instructed of the minority representation of States,
minority may tiara no organs at all in the out of peon 0, and that doctrine, WO sill
representative body, 151 the American know, was carried to the verge of absurdi
, tienioeracy, whicht is constructed on this ty Ly giving to eneh One tile power or nen
, futility model, the highly cultivated ntentbcrs i tralizing ot• nullifying the action of the re•
•of the community except .11,11 or them. as i 111/tinder. In this Republic there is no
are willing to sacrifice their own opinions ' room tbr apprehension of 010 result that
and modes of judgment, and become the Mr. lI are fears. Thy minority of to-day
servile mouth-pieces of their inferiors in is the majority of to-morrow. Obedience
knowledge, do not even otter themselves to law and recognition itf binding. °Wiwi
, for Congress or the state Legislatures, so tines must over lie the duty of those in
certain is it that they would have no chance poWels, Or the verdict of I heir masters will
of being returned. The great difficulty of speedily oust them.
democratic government has hitherto seem- • lint the charge is made that the majority
ed to Ito how to provide in a democratic role is tyrannical, in that it compels the
I society asocial support, a point trupput 11111.1.1 who 1111E1 six votes to bestow for six
fur individual resistance to the tendencies places in the gift of the people to cast but
of the ruling power, a proteetionl, it rally- one vote ror each of the six, and does not
Mg point for opinions and interests which allitiv him to vote six votes Mr one man or
the ascendant public opinion clews trills dfs three for two, or two for three, or otherwise
i favor. The only quarter in which to look dispose of these votes as he pleases; and it
fora supplement or completing corrective is aSSlltned that this right to vote his six at
to the instincts of a democratic majority is ; pleasure is a plain and manifest right of the
the instructed minority, but in the ordinary Suter. Dues such a right. exist? Where dues
mode of constituting Democracy this nth it originatel"ro what authority can it be
; uority has no organ.. '
! traced? It cannot exist as a natural or ab-
And the Senator from Columbia, in his street right, for the elector only obtains his
report. to the Senate of the Uifited States, power by virtue of the governmental corn
in 1565, upon this subject, alli runs that the pact with him. It cannot be his right by
system of the free vote " will continue reason or his qualification as an elector, for
, Members of merit lon long periods of Inns that implies his aid and assistance in the
in the Ilouse, because it will relieve them maintenance of the government of which he
! and those who support them Inuit the is a part; and if six officers be necessary to
causes of change above-mentioned. They its prolonged existence, it is compulsory
can be re-elected with certainty so long as upon him to vote for all of them. It cannot
the party Whose representatives they are be based upon any analogy or fancied re
desire their continuance in service, and it semblance to his right as a member of a
' may reasonably he expected thatsome Well pure democracy : fur in such a form of
of distinction and intellectual power will government int single individual was al
always be found in the House, whose period lowed to east six votes fur one candidate,
,of service counts by twenty or thirty year,. When Six apices eery to be tilled. All
• They will be the great representatives of were equal, and each voted for one. In
party, and will give lustre and power :mild d ie id utility and I e , Wilily, separate per•
• usefulness to the House, while they Will 110 a majority' of voices, were the
the objects of profound attachment and of bases of that system anti its mode of ex
honest pride in the States they represent. pression. When there are six offices to be
Our present, system, admirably calculated tilled, the common critic idea of common
to rep?ess merit and lift mediocrity, will sense people at once is, each voter may vote
Ibe supplanted by one which will produce one vote for six different people. Plump
, precisely the opposite results." ing wtas an undreamed of acquirement in
The extract's thusgiven from the writings the lays of the ancient Democracy. When
o f t h ree of the leading a d voca t es o f minor- the people met to enact laws and select
ity representation, when applied to the their rulers the man who had six ideas was
, workings of our institutions, necessarily considered an strong in intellect as he WllO
' iwpiy. was possessed of but a single idea, and it
First. That representative govern liana Was loft to the wisdom of modern English
under the rule of a majority is a failure. theorists to demonstrate that lie who is
Second, That the term of office of our leg wedded to one possibly impracticable doe
, islators is too shot t and should be extended. trine, and has no room in his brain for nth-
Third. That there is a necessity in our
government for an independent power,
based upon capacity and intelligence.
The perfect answer to the first of these in
ferences is found in the character of nntir in
stitutions, and in the rapid growth and con
tinued progress of the republic.
To the second the answer is that in a gov
ernment or the people, by the people, a Fre-
queut and direct responsibility by the rep
resentative to his constituents cannot be
dispensed with; that governments with
written constitutions do not need either
hereditary or life long officials; that in ac
tual practice men remain in office quite as
long as the good of the people requires;
than under a majority rule, if a represen
tative be found faithless or corrupt in but a
few things, he will not be rotated out;
whilst under the new system he may be
unfaithful in !natty things, yet if subservi- '
eat to the single idea upon which he came
to power, those who deem that idea the es
sential in government will continuo to re
elect him.
To the third, which is in effect an argu
ment for the necessity of ant aristocracy of
capacity rind intelligence, the words of
Madison, in the tiffyffirst number of the
Fen/er a / I .r/, is a better answer than I Van
make. lie says: "In the extended repu it-
I lie of the United States, and among the
great variety of interests, parties and sects
which it embraces, a coalition of a majority
of the Whole society could seldom take place
upon any other principles than those ofjus
tiee and of the general good ; whilst there
being thus less danger to a minor front the
will of a major party, there must be less
pretext also to provide for the security of
I the former by introducing into the govern
! ment a will not dependent on the latter; or,
in other words, a will independent of the
society itself."
It will thee be seen that the theory of in
tellectual equality is to be changed, and a
new mite of capacity to he introduced ; that
the change implies a failure of our institu
lions, by reason of the exclusion of those
more cultivated and intelligent, and that a
will Independent of society (or majority ,
I ased upon capacity and intellectual worth,
is to lie herealter a component part of our
institutions.
In the actual practice, all recognize the
propriety of selecting the best fitted, most
intelligent and capable candidate, and
it is by no means against this salutary
practice I urge my opposition, but it is
against the almost direct charge made by
these writers that the majority are tin fitted
to select this class of men, and the plain
implication that the ininohly are superior
in capacity anti intelligence. Why is not
the majority as well fitted to do this as the
minority? Is the implication just referred
to a truthful one? If it be not so, why shall
we make them a ppwer and a will indepen
dent of the society itself? I would have
inure respect for the eloquent and learned
theories of Mr. Mill, if he were more prac
tical than his recent Quixotic arguments
in support of women's rights prove hint to
be. Abstract theories and isolated propo
sitions may be handled with great logic
and learning, yet he who argues may be
utterly incompetent to reduce his doctrines
to practice, or to discern their evil conse
quences, when applied to a governmental
structure framed as ours is, and hence I
view with great suspicion his theory of an
instructed minority.
In a monarchy in which an hereditary
aristocracy exists, and where there are dis
tinct classes and divided social interests,
such a theory as this latter one may well be
advocated, for it is of the very life of their
institutions to preserve and perpetuate
those classes and interests, as the checks
and balances necessary to prolong exist
ence. In the elections for the popular
branch of Parliament, in which the creative
power of their government exists untram
meled by written forms, it can easily be
understood that it is necessary to yield the
fullest measure of representation, for the
antagonism of those very classes and social
interests can only be subdued by the power
of the representative body granting con
cessions or enacting reforms. Their Con
stitution is plastic, to be moulded by Par
'lament in the light of constantly occurring
events4or of the actual necessity of thepo
litical situation. Our representative bodies
have no such power, and the questions for
them to determine are solely those of ad
ministration, in which the ruling power is
held to rigid accountability by the watchful
vigilance of the minority. We have classes,
sects and special interests in multitudes;
their rights are equal and all are subject to
the terms of a written organic law, anti both
in theory and in fact they prove a source of
strength and power, but if we give to each
a separate representation they may prove a
source of weakness and of danger.
I very much fear that it will not do to
condemn our young Republic to the monot
ony consequent upon the adoption of the
minority rule, but I believe that we must
preserve the corrective power of the people,
acting in their immediate and direct capac
ity. What will serve us and our institutions
or necessities of a great government, was
entitled to twice as Innen representation
as he, who felt that there wero two ideas
requiring the attention of the representa
tives of the people. Such a proposition
negatives the idea of the equality of intel
lect. It is not based upon any original 1
right of men entering into society, for in ;
that agreement the sphere of action of one 1
being is controlled by the sphere of :moth- 1
et% and two men are not equal if by voting
six times for One candidate One of
them can compel the other to forego his
desire to give two of his votes to a eandi
date representing an entirely different idea.
It is argued that both men have six votes,
and are free to vote :them in antagonism,
and thus to equalize themselves; but if
this right is not an inherent one, or does
nut exist by virtue of the theory Of a pure
democracy, is it not a tyrannical and arbi
trary exercise of power to require them thus
to vote to equalize themselves? The right to
cast six votes for six candidates, ire() many
are to be elected, is a plain and manifest
privilege, may, it is a duty, and any sys
tem that constrains the will to vote for a
fewer number, or tends to deprive men of
the equality that naturally exists, in order
to prevent the success of a mischevous 1 1 1
theory, may much more justly be called
tyrannical titan that doctrine which makes
all men equal, and perpetuates and perfects
the original rule: of our government, that
the lesser part shall be controlled by the
greater.
The news.heme assumes that the elected
candidate under the present system is not
the actual representative of all of his 'con
; stiluents, and that those who vote against
him are entirely unrepresented. Outside of
I the theory of the majority rule, this may
1 be true as to political questions, bub it is
incorrect as to local and special issues.—
Parties divide upon governmental ques
tions, and Men are voted for or against as
representing those ideas, while if it were a
question of representation upon a local or
' " "
special subject they might cast a vote pre
cisely the reverse of that Which their party
predilections and ideas of governmental
policy require. Very many men of one
political party recognize in the candidate
of the opposition the most powerful repre
sentative 01 their local interests. The per
son elected combines In himself both the
political and the local representative. His
status as to political questions Is definitely
settled by the vote at the polls upon the de
fined issues of the canvass. The people have
there settled those questions for him, and
determined his lif.e of action, and it is
his duty to obey. Yet upon the multitude
of other questions in which his people are
interested, no Issue has been made up, no
policy is settled ; he has not been voted for
or against as their embodiment, and he is
upon those the representative of the whole
people, and free to act as the best interests
of his people demand. In actual practice
we recognize this fact every day. No man
worthy of the name of representative can
take any other view of his duty. Change
the rule, and instead of being the represen
tative of the whole'lpeoplo upon the vast
majority of questions alfecting this locali
ty, he will represent special, local and sec
tarian ideas, and his people will be divided
upon those issues instead of upon the few
leading ideas of governmental polity.—
Which is better, to have six men represent
ing the whole people upon all issues save
those of general interest, or to have six
men, two of whom represent this church,
one that and another the other, whilst the
remaining two are equally divided upon
the question of whiskey or no whiskey,
and no one of them with any defined idea
as to his duty in regard to the leading ques
tions of governmental administrations.
It is argued that the free vote will banish
corruption from our elective system. I
very much fear the opposite result. I can
conceive of no device by which the wiles of
corrupt politicians and designing partisans
will be more advanced than by a system
that will give to the nominating convention
the absolute control of the election. To be
successful a minority must have a compact
organization; their candidate must be
agreed upon with unanimity, and all must
be harmonious in his support. Undersuch
circumstances his nomination is equivalent
to an election. Is it not inevitable that the
struggle will be for the nomination? Will
not every influence that now besets the voter
_
at the polls be transferred to the delegate to
the nominating convention? At the former
the law interposes its strong arm and pun
ishes the corrupt and vile; at the latter the
pander may pursue his nefarious game with
impunity. Instead of separating elections
from partisan influences it tends directly in
the opposite direction, and professional of
fice-seekers will have valuable aid in attain
ing their object, No independent voting can
be permitted, or the candidate will be 'uteri
deed. The secret ballot will exist only in
name, for the certain result of concentration
of votes, as tail system will necessarily com
pel, will destroy the secrecy of every man's
vote. Organization of party forces must be
carried much more completely into:detall,
NUMBER 1S
ifs minority in a six constituency (Usti'', t
are but little over one-third, or they may
lose one of those it is assumed the scheme
assures to them, and to perfect such organ
ization, management and drill are vitally
uecessary. There can be no secrecy exer
cised ; noses must be counted, and the poll
lists made, and all the machinery by which
partisans now control elections will be
used more effectually, and will be indis
pensable.
Direct corruption will certainly not de.
crease by reason of this new form. It ex
ists in the person and Will crop out in the
organization, and so longs. it does exist we
will have it to contend with in politics.
That system which will purge the body
politic from this growing rive as the best
ono, and we should sacrifice much to ob
tain it; but we must take society as we find
it,and contending with human aeprav itydt
is plain that we cannot. decrease the vice, or
get rid of Its effects, by inereasi fig the temp
tations to its perpetration. Can there be
any question that such temptations are in
creased, If a man now corrupt be given
NIX times the strength he has under the
majority rule 7 lie could o , llllllllnd a
higher price, because his power was in
creased, and he would be more sought
for, for the same reason. Would not the
circle of corrupt influences be widened by
the ability of the purchaser to pay a larger
price, and the natural cupidity of men be
excited to action by such ollYrs, who nmv
reject them because too trilling in amount?
Bud It Is argued "d e ft the corruption of
voters will not ,tango the result of an 010.-
0011; that it will strict no caalidaic and de
feat no candidate in wettest,' distriets, -
and that, therefore, It will cease to exist
IsthisemrroctlTßkoliMiX 00Ilatitilelley111,1
Viet for Congress, with two hundred anti tell
thousand electors, divided upon part y Is
sues In the proportion Monti hundred ail
ten 11101/11111111 to One 111111111,d
party lines be maintained, and no local cite
diditte, Or candidate for a 11,0eilli. Idea be
put In the field, ender the new role, the
majority would elect three, the miniirity
three. A change of live thousaild and env
reverses the result, if sloclms cast but II
single ballot, or each votes two yetis. In
such a COnditiOn Of things would the mi
nority content themselves with represen
tation and make no struggle? All our tix-
Nahum, proves the It aiwi...tiles. of such
a pOilitiOn. Suppose lha elector be vested
with the power of "plumping - six votes,
and corrupt Inttuonees seek the elect lee of
One Mall to whom the minority have ne
claim by right, party lines being smelly
drawn and all voting two votes each for
the canilitlstes regularly nominated, how
many votes are necessary to change the 11.•
suit and accomplish the purposes of the
corrupt faction? instead of live thousand
anti one being required eight hundred and
thirty-four plumpers two all that are need
ed. l'ut the contested field in a dild,irent
posution; üblitonte party lines 111,011 gen•
oral issues, and give to each clique or lac.
lion the opportunity to elect its bowl by the
use of money, and I greatly fear t ha t our
past experience Open corrupt
has been purify 0011tra,1•
out with the disgraceful sense ty r world
it! ens.
The application or thin theory to our in
and Calf 0101•LIO system as now
constituted, soconit to mu Ito lie premature
and complicated. A vast, inns of voters
have lately been added to 1.110 electoral )
force, a large proportion of whom dl, not
understand the simplest application of the
majority rule; a very large number or our
people are untitled by education to under
stand the workings of a new system, com
plicated as this must necessarily be. who,
nevertheless, are thoroughly competent to
understand the clearly defined issues of a
general canvass, when embodied in oppos
ing candidates tinder the majority rule.
'rho new system does not come 10 11.1 en
dorsed and recommended by practical ex
perience and thorough tests of its value.—
It is a leap In the 'dark, and its results
are inappreciable. Possi lily or some
good, probably for much evil. While
I admit and recognize the lusthat of
the theory of actual personal representa
tion for all, I ant compelled to believe
that our institutions and our surround
ings are twt now fitted to its application
in the higter fields thereof; that the rule
of a majority is the fundamental law of
every society of individuals of equal
rights ; that under its workings wo have
prospered and made progress; that it is
necessary for the decisive results indis
pensable in a government of the people ;
that the new rule will obliterate parties,
destroy a watchful opposition and substi
tute therefor factions, cliques and sectarian
interests; that it would uproot the (loctriim
of the equality of individuals in all their
attributes, now an essential theory of the
government, and give us in its room if
theory of all intellectual aristocracy ; that
it would in this weaken the checks and
balances of our system, and organize
within the society a will independen
of the mast or the people; that the new
rule is based upon no abstract or Ma
yonuisual right of the indi yid sal, but
will coerce leen to refrain from the
exercise of their manifest privileges as
members of the State ; that instead of
banishingeorruption it will tend to increase
and extend it; that it will give to
I clans in the nominating conventions the
power now possessed by the people ; that it
banishes independent voting and tends to
destroy the secret ballot; that it is pi-villa
tore, untried and possibly dangerous moor
I institutions; and for these reasons, with
my present convictions, I should be un
willing to introduce it into the machinery
of governmental administration ; yet in the
local field to which the bill confines the
principle, and for the purpose of testing its
!value and the actual benefit-4 to be derived
from it, I am content to enact it and from
experience learn its w urkingn.
The Supreme Court of the Unill.4l Slat PM.
It is asserted by several Washington cor
respondents that the Judges of the Su-I'
panne Court of the United States have
already met and voted upon the question
submitted to thorn on argument last Tut•s•
day, whether the Legal tender act of Issi_
is valid under the Constitution in its ap
plication to debts contracted before its pas
sage; and that the result was a majority ol
one for sustaining the act, Justices
Swayne, Davis, Bradley and Strong voting
in the affirmative, and I notices Chase, Nil
son, Clifford and Field, in the negative.
The report seems to be true, howe, et' re
luctant citizens who have been proud of
our highest court and the legal
in general may be to believe it.
The decision immensely strengthens that
growing faction which advocates the grad
ual centralization in the General Govern
ment or the powers which were jealously
withhold from it by its !minders. It iiitro
(tures, for the first time, into the pro, is's'
of our highest judiciary, the theory of In •
terpretation by which all powers not ex
pressly forbidden us Congress by the Con
stitution are regarded as belonging to Jr ;
and by which, therefore, Congress is to iin•
made as supreme as the Parliament is in
Great Britain over the local laws nod rights
or the people. kitchen°, the one great bar
! Her to the usurpations of the Federal Gov
' eminent has been the Supreme Court,
which has refused tO fin fOron areas not au
thorized by the fundamental law. 'lasts
barrier now, iu the moat important case in
which it has ever been tested, is with
drawn; and tho people have no security
whatever that Whenever it political party
may' be found reckless enough to attack
their local liberties to any extent, under
the forma of the General Government, a
political court will not be found subservi
ent enough to enrolee its decrees.
The centralizing faction in Washington
began to boast, before the two new judges
took their seats, that they would reverse
the former judgment, and sustain the
claims or Congress to ex traord in stry power.
From the time they took their seats there
has been a notorious and unconcealed want
of harmony in the court upon this q tiestion,
and a constant pressure of the new-made
numerical majority to compel a re-hearing
of the MVO). Having secured a re-argu
ment, they have at once, and with scarcely
time to read the briefs presented, forced a
vote upon it, and if the positive assertions
of well-informed men are believed, they
have whispered the results before its
public announcement, with the humili
ating details of the nearly equal divisions
of the court; and with the extraordinary
purpose of declaring the decision at once,
before there is time so much as to write an
opinion upon it. In short the whole his
tory of the case attracts the attention of the
public to the personal constitution of the
bench for the time, and the judgment is
necessarily regarded, not as the decision of
the law upon a question of interpretation,
but as the personal opinion of Justices
Bradley and Strong, who happen now to be
members of the court. Many observers go
further, and freely assert that these gentle
men, who were well-known long before
their appointment to have formed and ex
pressed similar opinions in the service of
the great corporations to which they be
longed, are on the bench for the purpose of
changing its judgment; so that the decis
ion of the court is really nothing more or
lees than the will of the appointing power.
We shall not, however, without more con
clusive evidence, believe that the judiciary
of this country has Rank to the degradation
of seeing iLself packed by the General Gov
ernment in order to overcome constitu.
tional barriers to its will.—N. Y. Ecesiati
Post.
" How much did he leave inquired
a gentleman of a wag on learning the
death of a wealthy citizen. "Every
thing," responded the wag; " he didn't
take a dollar with him."
The Rochester Democrat wants Vin
nie Ream to make a statue of Ben.
Wade, as he appeared in San Domingo
mounted on a bull, making a journey
into the interior.
An old Connecticut lady who was
very much troubled by the prospect ot
the introduction of gas in her village,
and the consequent disuse of whale-oil,
asked with much earnestness: " What
is to become of the poor whales;?"
RATE OF ADVERTIMINO
BUSINESS A OVERTISEMENTS, $l2 a year per
equare of tell linen; $2 per year for each addi
tional square.
REAL ESTATE ADVERTISING, 10 cants a for
tho,flrst, and 5 cents for each subsequent In-
Insertion.
UENEILAL AD - ERTISING, 7 cents a line for the
and, and 4 cents for ouch aubsequent Iron ,
lion.
SPECIAL. NOTICES Inserted In Local Columns
15 cents per line.
SPECIAL NOTICKS preeeding marriages and
deaths, JO cents per line fur first insertion,
and 5 cents fur every subsequent insertion.
LEGAL AND OTTI ER Noncla—
Executors' [tattoos =3ll
Administrators' notice 2 5 , 1
Assignees' notices 2 50
Auditors' notices 2 0 1 1
Ot her" Notices," ten lines, or less,
throe times 1 50
I'O4T•)IO6TFYI MILLINEItY
.% Fifteen Hundred Dollar Funernl
M rs. Margaret Kit died in this city
in I fibber, IStin, leaving over a quarter in a
million of dollars, the most of which she
hal accumulated in the peddling business.
She employed several men with loans to
travel through the country selling dry
goods. She invited six tenement-houses
in this city, in one of which she occupied
apartments. In her last illness, she sent
for an undertaker, Mr. John Thorn*, to
hour she gave minute directions In refer
ence to her funeral. After her death, 'Mr.
James .1. Poinitilly, the executor named in
her will, told Mr. Therry to follow Mrs.
I:elloren's instructions as to the manner
her burial, Inn when Mr. Therry shortly
thereafter presented a bill for about sl,ilno,
he refused to pay it. Mr.Therry sued, and
the case was tried yesterday before J outgo
Sutherland.
Si Its. ERA I. EX
The following is the bill in detail on
which >I r. 'Terry's claim is founded -
To one extra size casket, looks and
binges, manufactured to order
expressly
Two silver-plated platen engraved.
Mack cloth encoring
Silver Mimi mounting, plated
Silver-plated diamond mounting . 121 ell
Satin upholstering nut trimmings 1)0 no
Eight silver-plated linildle4 :22 :ill
One load camket l+l/ tilt
nn, French plate, oral hoot. Intl
len nth glassLllll,opecially to order
Mourning decorations for house
Preserving body on ice
lan la ly's robe
Ono wreath and loose natural
flowers
N ii.tiara no vv fn
Ptltcnu pair 111A1 k kill gli.ven
St.rving T 11011•., M• hind
Intonitent
Sealitig vault .... ......
Vffitr•lptp.o 11N :k1 ItrnrMr, 1,111111 t..
F.11.."11t volwhes.
Use of,v w." 011 teeth 1111,,1 laud eaNkt , l.
Nos en 'wrier., to eonugor)• ..
I . llr porter.,
Box vantile.,
Ferriage -oil',
itlllll , vo‘vlll4 , .. • •
(1111 , 111:111 (11NtIIIIIT liki cif real: rl
T. , tal amount II
Tilt. lirNt ,vi.. ti pWiulill'
\I r. .I.llm TliviTY, ‘v I, 111111 OM eirelllll
- 6,11, , ,v14 :
Question What instruotlons did Nl,s.
Morel, give yon shout 1110 funeral ? ,%14-
swer --She told too that she had sent for ine
to make arrangements for llitr funeral, that
silo could not depend till any of her 4nvit
family o, carry them 11111. 11111 , 1 . her 111111111;
She \4lllllO l l it arranged lonl carried out a.,
cording 01 her ewewishes OM/ 14110 warn
leaving ellotigh behind for her relatives.
she sant " you buried my ',cm 111111 husband
and I inn not a hit iirritid hill what yell Will
carry out lily own wishes." Silo then to'd
ine to get her a vyuure built ru 11111 Whit
plenty of i,olll 111 it I laughter!, a 111lt fr/11111 ,
on top, 111111 111.111 this frame It round lid to
he put on ,vith hinges and leeks; in this
round lid %vas to 44444144.4 an oval French plate
glass, and over this glass another round lid
to rover it, and also hi be tilted in will, looks
and hinges, I told tier this Freliell plate
glass was a thing impossible, I thought, ill
110 got ready, d• ir I conk] get It ready the
W111)10 thing would hoot nit benefit., I asked
her if she would have it !tat; ahu maid "no,"
she wanted this affair all round, no nuttier
what it east ur \dial, titian it took: she
would not be buried in anything else.
I,aughter. She said also that if she died
fiche,, this teas ready they would
have to keep her until it teas ready,
and the expression she used was to
have it triiiiiiiell ill pplailditi
inside, and havesiiell a eollin got tip as was
never Seen 111 New York before, and pro
bably never would be again ; and witness
added. " bat knows I think Hilo got
it." [1 ;neat laughter.) She said many
tittles to spare no expense whatever; that
every cent she wade was her awn. 1 made
the retnitrk that her children would oppose
the idea. She said they dare nut 410 it.
" NVlntt right have they , to oppose," she
said, "they are simply to 000 that lily
wishes lire carried out; go to work and
carry thew out." She was to be Ina Into
tile leaden casket, and butt Was to he Hoid
en'. lit regard to her funeral folio, she
told !no that she had four ladies who elllllo
up there Icl see her and talk will' her
about her idea cut a habit, and that they
hubsd tic tonlerdatel her, they were such
stupid things. She asked nie if 1 mold
get ,1 , 11111. W..teoll 1.11 leak 111.111 , 1 habit novortl
my to her idea. 1 said I could ; that I know
it hilly in this city that Wits Collipotent to
lake any order. She asked Me to get her.
lady cattle and w4t.s present at the giving
or a part of these orders,
Q.—What was the 44441110 made of t' A. -
Clad: walnut
t.—l ie feu knew what the aetual veal
the lilaek walnut wits? Ai — it is nut the
actual expeieui el' getting the thing; It is
the nieeliankin, the rerun ; the convolving
the idea; it is not the hit of wood itself.
14.—W hat were the expenses of her hits
band's and ,1111 . 1 fin morals A do trot
remember, they worn altogether different.
funerals from what she fuel. I Laughter.'
1./. —lnd you about that time bury any
other person living in it houseof about that.
character;' A.—lf they %yore living I did
not want to bury them. In: rout laughter.]
In having the plate glass tirade I hat! tin hake
the risk their breaking it,. I hail direr
lions to wait till oun was uuuls it it took it
month. The o,llln and glass worn undo r
way, and the ladies' robe before she diem].
AIM,. NI Id I igan testified thatmial wow Malt
by her friend M ro. h illeron to Mr. 'Merry
to tell hint to come immediately, so that
she 1,11111 give instruitliOns 11 to !tor burial,
as her chrldreir would trot do it after her
death; she told NI r. 'l•horry that It wits no
twiner hey halt( it t.ttnk ; tin was to keep
her until he was [ - miry, and to spare ten ex
pense; she also saint sire was sorry she had
not buried her Inislianil differently; ?OW
(nid thin to luny better material for trim
tiring the lonise than was insert at her bus
-11;1.1'4 funeral, :es it would be of mane use
to MO tatorwartls; this Was turn, weeks be
fore her death.
Amelia Itrondhent testified that shu was
rm played by 'I r. Therry to make the robe.
She went to the house of
about three weeks before her death.
The or, Mr was peculiar nun the witness
did not Want to undertake it. Mrs.
rem saint if witness would only make It
she did not ware what it runt. Witness told
her she couhl lint make it in a week. Mrs.
1:illoren said " will have plenty of
time for I might lieu three or lOur weeks
vet. You are the first one that would un
dertake to make it." The robe WILY made
of brawn eloth trimmed with grom grain
silk ; Mrs. Nino., furnished samples Of
OW riot!, and told to get IL. She
said to Therry, "Now. John, I know
sou will do it right; just according to my
lustrecti,,..... , she betrayed a deal of
anslety. she wanted 1110, the witno,,,
s.ni, to bring the robe up and let her Cecil.
I took it lip the following Monday and told
her I should want more silk. She liked
what I had done and said it was just what
she wanted.
Augustus Martin, a wholesale under
taker, testified that he manufactured the
casket, whirl, was an odd ono. Never made
one Isifore ur sinru like it. In the first,
place It was Iwo feet two inches wide, rather
a small wornan, and about six feet four
inches long. It was an expensive one,
more so than usual. The cost of the glass
plate was $12:,, and witness did 110( think
there Wits more percentage of profit in the
other news of the bill than there wan in
that,- With reference to length of collies,
witness said Iliat 110 had sent then, to
tleorgia seven feet six inches long; they
run Irian twenty inches to six feet four
inches, two inches apart all the way up;
the width is from Dille to thirty Inches;
thought he got e.:',00 far the coffin, and did
not think would be touch of a profit.
The wittiest was unwilling to tell the profits
of his business.
The defendants relied on the losti irony of
Undertakers 10 AIWA' that the charges wore
unreasmiable. Judge Sutherland, In his
charge to the jury, said' he thought the
plaintiff was entitle:lto a verdict, and they,
without leaving their seats, gave the plain
tiff his full claim, with interest, amounting
in all to I . e.—New York 8/01..
Scharnyl is dead. Ile was the leader of
the Caucasians in their frequent revolts
against the Russians, and his followers
looked upon }dm as a man inspired by God.
From Isii4 to Is:t1 he isunnianded the Cau
casian army in a war against the Ittissians,
which here the character of a holy crusade;
but he was ii wally defeated, and at first re
ported killed. Ile subsequently organized
other revolts. and was for a Little successful,
his operations proving particularly annoy
ing to the Russians during the Crimean
war. In Ih5U, however, he was captured
and taken to St. Petersburg.
The Russian government thenceforth
held him as a prisoner, but supplied him
ample means to live in comfort and even in
luxury. Ile was recently allowed to go on
a pilgrimage to the holy places of the Mo
hammedan faith, and while ou the journey
died at Medina, in his seventy-third year.
Schartlyrs career has served as the theme
of a sensational play which had a long run
at one of the Paris theatres. His ex
perience strongly resembles that of Abd
el-Nader, the leader of the Algerian tribes,
who for many years after his downfall WIL4
I supported by the French government of
Napoleon 111.
In Philadelphia, a few days since,
Judge Woodward, while making his
way into the North Pennsylvania Rail
road Depot, was surrounded by pick
pockets, who quietly relieved hlm of a
pocket-book containing $6OO in cash and
a check for $1,700. The Judge soon atter
discovered his loss, but in the meantime
the thieves had jumped into a carriage
and were driven oil.