THE LANCASTER INTELLIGENCER,
Pußtu:dist, EVRIF.YWEDNESDAY DY
H. G. SMITH. & CO
A. J. STEINMAN
SMITH
TERMS—Two Dollars per annum payable
In all cases In advance.
TITS LANCASTER DAILY INTELLIGENCER le
publimhed every evening, Sunday excepted, at
3.3 per annum In advance.
OFFICE-SOUTIMFOT CORNER OF CENTRE
WARE,
Vortrp.
. .
Frlllll the New I Dully Lever, March 111,1
Al! HAIL THE GRANTEE STATE!
ME=
Enact your vile En force merit laws
Nor ask the reason why
The lightnings of the people's wrath
Gleam all around the sky;
Why their Indignant thunder, leap
every Is (n 1114.111 lilll,
Aunt 1 Wive ten 1110.011 , 1 anus al I. h.tri .1
'ro do the Nan ion's unlit.
Enact your vile Enforcement Ilia,
Ay, let Ilse mailmen ru 11 ;
The glorious Granite "Slily
(Janice I,ooiffing ti.M . // t i e1:11.11.
/11.1.1111.11i11re of this N4,11.111,r11 pulls',
Her ribs of Ilvnig oak,
Anil volleying thunders from her sides
forth In flame /1111 i
Ste! down she comes, lu•r `all: spread
Iter I'lll4m-fail< al,teeze,
As brave a (Tail lISI.Ver hide
Tne erect of Nirk hern
tier tam on hoard send up a nhout
To greet the slairy flag.
Whirl, Northern traitor:. darea to Pout
As liale'x polluted rag!"
Thrsc eh/118111011 of 1.14 e Northern hill.
Art. rallying In tluir w , ;141,
'1'1444144 gathering slogan 3 oil ;nay 11,11
Vronl (Jul 4 M0nit41144,4•104 14,011
The 11 :44141rIt's place" 441 I.lherly,
II) Fre“14,411'44. 4•141141ren 1 rod,
Whose cellars are t 11:111111W1,1 It
Allll 11111dlid,y It Idol:
Airanit. NVlisltlnglon In I h1111•14T
I‘ll , l :. • 1 , 11e , ;
The ••• I .'lnn Ilf Th, '
cenlllll.-.: '
Tlll.Bn..yrle 11 , nni..ni
I , :ret.l against 1111.,1,y,
And In 111.0I,In•
tn' 1111I:1111 1.01,1
All hail
nr,
With 1111'1111311i pi Incipli, I hal
1it.:1 , 11.11),ty 1.. II I,•!
!non cli
Swo,s w:lrd 11, pin.n.
A11 , 0.11 . 1•111/g 1111,1 . 11,Vaiti, th,ll
trorhit anLin.
All 1101 111.. !".I,
In I In. sliy,
Pmelalitl wizilo
As 1,.• that ,11:11111..t
All hall t . I 'I'IIIII 111 ~rrll I' 1,1
ninlllllll,l,ll,vr
I'./111, !Ink nlnin
Thal 1 / 1 . 11•tql 1110 )1 1 . 4•11 !
It,. then yol, sl.l 1 . 11
An duu utl., 1111 , 1 :1 •
And 11.'11k/110 y.lll'
1.1111,1 :
AIIII 1111 . 3' •11:111 tv.•l . I, h.,.
Alagnlll..ell I
And 1 reell,llll lint! :t 110111. m
ii 1011,• 15.1, !
i+Tiscrlancomi.
'falloriana; or Scintillations itoin llu
Shnp•buxrd
MIME=
I=l
lermil flow, I•• II 11 , 011 11,11, In
There are midiahly :1111.IIL! lone
present generation of tailors, \VIM 11:1't•
limy conception of 111110.1 . l or the
which form the stildect of this
paper. :11111Lll n fow 101 , 1 stagers,"
or retired " eroiMs," may have yll a
vivid rceollection ilic ancient elas,
which \vas designated I,y the name of
" " especially those who
rimy have condileteil business ill locali
ties remote from Ilia larger cities. In
deed, neiiher the moue nor the hin,ti.•ll
was notch known if at ntl in :my
large city, unless a 'Knowledge of them
was carried there ,line adventurer
from the country, and we ilaVe
klthlVlodg,” tlint. they wore ill 1151
outside of l'ennsylvania, if beyond the
lint its or Lancaster county.
A I Ott-whippe r, I lieu, wits a rural tai
lor—One or that a,ss from
lions,' lit 11011 w• in the rit cal distrii•ts,
during the early winter awl late autumn
months--say hunt the first of (tektite'.
to the first of January, sometimes pro
longed until the lint id' February- aril
then and then-, rut and itiaile the cloth
ing fur all the male members or o'er:tin
ily' front the grand-Gil her (town to little
jolt ti Sometime,. lie also hail a
month or six weeks iiet.upation in the
early Spring, making clothing
for the same families. 'Flo- introduction
of large nianufaid u ring establishments,
low-priced reail•-ititiile idothing, and
the advent of the sce,•i lig-to:whim-, have
now nearly, to• quite, ilissmalisi this of.-
cupatioii, but it was isimition in various
parts of Lancaster 4,111113', as late as
thirty Ye,"' ngii. Judy and liftY years
ago, and perhaps long anterior to those
periods, it WIIS iltlite .Pllllll./11, and inany
farmers wore uu clothing except those
"gotten up" on this plan. At that
period every farmer hail his Mad: of
sheep, :ml his liax Or bail.-patch, and
the females oectipied the hours not
otherwise employed in carding wool,
scutching hemp and flax, and spin
ning them into yan, It., the family
web of cloth, limey, or linen. Alter
the introduetion oI '"
this pai . t .1' domestic labor was obvia
ted. 'Phis yarn was taken Io the NV(.IIV
VI'S—ir 'lilt woven al hunt.'--anal fliere
converted into thi-faht.ies desired. Those
made oral!, or part wool, were then taken
to the "fulling-mill," anti Weill through
the process or tiy wiiii•ii the fi
bre became more (dose nod compact ; mid
those composed Mall linen, were either
striped or barred—often plant—and used
for outei•clothing. whilst the liner flaxen
l'abries were bletielti•il on the tut-allows
or lawns, and used for shins. \N'lleti
these webs were brought home, then
t-oininenceil the busy time for the nim
ble lingers Of the house-wives, and the
,nt-whipp, I'S and their imployees,ustial
ly apprentices, and often iheir own off
spring. 'limn- was a romance and good
cheer about this peculiar phase of tailor
ing which made it attractive to those en
gaged in it, and they till longed for a
return of the " season.
It also had a good 1 11.1111i,e1 side, for in
any event, it saved Ilse tailor the board
ing or himself tool upldrutires , and
his wife assistiat him, he could shut up
his house Mr tile time being, and save
the entire expense of house-keeping for
at least six (lays in the week. The 'lief
POMMICC, however, was in the abundant
and wholesome cheer id . his
who, while Schneider'' sojourned
with hint, " put down" his /1, sf; and
the antral visits of this functionary
happening in the pudding and sausage
season, he was usually crammed with
that kind Of "vegetable," to his heart's
content; so that if he left home in the
autumn with a lean and hungry look,
he was sure to returit «fier the
as 1)111111p mnl sleek a. :11l thin :ddc mutt],
and his pockiits hard with ea-h, with' a
sVeIACS provender Ibr,rvn into the bar
gain. II i s rue L m t th e wages a Imo
Cat-Whipper were low, WIWI! 0)11111a:1'd
with the tailor's wages of the town; but.
when it is considered that he paid it,.
boarding, and often :saved his
anti had no opportunity of spending his
tnoney, that lie eleared, perh;yis, as
much in the end as they did. The only
drawback to lids itinerating kind oi I
tailoring that weever hi-aril ally of them
complain of, was that it afforded no op
portunity to rvlATif , and at that early
period, this was a serious grievance
which was only i•iinipenstited by the
" inetzel-soup” and other gifts of th e
em player.
Doubtless some tinalytical reader, who
knows nothing about ' Pennsylvania
Dutch," may just be inquisitive enough
Mask 'aqua is im1.7.1-5.e...".\ s .11.1eS
ti011 is 110 i, foreign to the subject under
consideration, it may he well to answer
it here, and not in a foot •note. \Ve do
not propose to give the 1 . ,1,101vi l of the
word, but its hte (11011/I only, at tile per
iod of which we art' writing;
therefore,
the reader need not have before his
mental vision the weary tailor trudging
home, carrying a kettle of soup with
him, for aim /..vo ffy, WaSilosollp at all.
When the " butchering scason" com
menced; it was a ...mon practice
among farmers, and also tile inhabitants
of hamlets and villages, to send LO their
near neighbors and relatives, as much
oh' the puddings and sausages they made
as was necessary for one meal for the
family at least, and as this was sore to
li e reciprocated, the practice was usually
atteutic-i with no special sacrifice. Still,
there,wel . e occasions whet was not re
ciprocated, and was tot expected to be—
such cases, for 111SL:1110'2, tie their tailor,
shoemaker, or other employees. This
gift was called the titct.m/-soul; although
we think the term originated in a kind
of soup made out of the broth in which
the puddings were " boiled oil'." The
term pudding, perhaps, also needs some
explanation, tor it is not at all what at
11111 keo would undcrstand by that. term.
lu Cact it is a " liver-sausage," and in
Pennsylvania Dutch, is called frver
ww:f.'it, to distinguish it from brodt
loor,ht,which in is simply suu
su:/o. A real pudding, however, was
by stirring corn-meal, rye-liour,
or b.ickwheat-nleal, into thu " pudding
brut li,"and thoroughly boiling it. Alter
it became cold it was cut into slabs and
fried, similar to " fried-1111.1811." This
Me,S—and we confess a weakness to
wards it—was called pctun-boas, especi
ally by the sable sons of Africa, among
whom it was a great favorite. But some
of the names of these rustic dishes are
exceedingly local, sometimes differing
.4.1 y 3,l,attetiotte .slintetti4eltie
VOLUME 72
in different districts, and even In dif
ferent families. There is for Instance,
that popular jellied dish made out of
pig's feet, ears and snouts, which is var
iously called souse, golerich, isitserly,
and even oolerieh. The foregoing may
illustrate a portion of the " feed "—ln
addition to sauerkraut und speck—upon
which the cat-whipper thrived in
." Winter time."
Cal-whipping was essentially a Winter
occupation, and many of the class only
claimed to be "Vilnder-schneiders ;"
during the Summer season turning their
attention to some other in-door or out
door occupation ; and those who served
an apprenticeship to this species of tail
oring, invariably stipulated for two
weeksof lield-work duringharvest time.
Of course, under these circumstances,
their lingers never acquired the supple
ness and nimbleness of those who were
oon.gfrinllg manipulating in the profes
sion ; and although they may not
have excelled in executing work "pretty
for nice," yet they were remarkable in
doing it "good for strong," and upon
this quality their reputation was chiefly
built, and acknowledged throughout
their special realm. The confidential
relations existing between these itiner
ant tailors and their patrons, exhibited
in a remarkable manner, that state of
continuity and adhesiveness, which is
becoming so exceedingly rare in these
latter days. Cases have been known,
where the same tailor has made all the
clouting of the father•, his suns, and his
grandsons—and even his great-grand-
SlAN—throughout their entire lives,
or until the tailor himself became
superannuated, or was "gathered to
his fathers," in another world. On
the whole, the cat-whipper was an
orderly, useful and peaceful citizen, and
was looked upon with a sort of
I, younger portion of his plain
initehdl patrons. As a general thing,
he was contented and free from care,
t—pecially during his winter peregrina
tions, for he had the consolation of
L„t,trLq/. that every farthing he earned,
lip• would M. .stvr to get, either' ill rttslt
i• 11 i And if inadvertent
ly he should have had a dubious debtor,
nothing was involved but is own - labor;
for his I.o:tilling, when ,111le
became a feter, as fixed as the sun
that. shines in the heaven*. Vet, he
was often H111.'01'1.211 at by those who
Nought themselves more favorably en
dowed, because ho 111:11".irilieli a labor
which they woethl nut, and perhaps
^ld not if they would. Itut now• their
occupntiva'sgonc”—and•perhapstherc
ue l i •w• Or Willi! ol • 011.111 in the land, for
the descendants of their former patrons
no longer dress in suits of neutral
" woolsey-linsey" (wool and linen) but
hanker after the I;erman, the Freneh,
awl the English foreign fabrics, of the
cities and towns.
The terms ~u-ichipiwp anti ~tt-wleivv
ial.q, were aflen facetiously and some
, times very irreverently applied to other
itinerating occupations and professions
than tailocing, and those among tailors
who practiced it, by 110 1110,00: recogniz
ed them as legitimate titles, notwith
standing the more liberal among them
took them good humouredly, and as a
!natter of course. Any occupation,
therefore, chat (ruts ilillVrary in its char
acter, was styled a species of eat-whip
ping, and it was sometimes even ap
plied to country " schoolmasters "
, there were no t/r/c/i. is forty years ago -
and especially to those who "boarded
round " :inning the parents of their
scholars—there were no papits then
either. Its use was however confined
to the initiates of the shop-board, and
they did not hesitate to apply it to itin
erating " preachers," for strictly speak
ing, (Ito term c1 , ./w,///m•ii, was not
I howl] to t he shop-board forty year ago.
NV° have often thought that the travel
ing "mercantile drummers," might be
appropriately included in the same
f ., lt• I 10tq. I lad they existed as persist
ently at that time, as they do 110W,We are
sore they would luau been so (wit virol,
We have known this class of operatives
to exist among shoemakers and tinkers,
awl among female dressmakers, it is
continued at the present day. \Vital
analogy there is between the and
the occupation, or When and where it
originated, are questions we confess our
selves totally unable to answer. Suffice
it to ray, that we found these terms in
the vocabulary- of the 'tuft, "long,, long
:Igo," and our object has merely been to
define their si,gnilicance. We do not
use them as terms of reproach or of de
rision, for We kiio//' that those who 1 . 01-
IWed this peculiar branch of the trade,
would favorably compare, in integrity
and general usefulness, with any others
belonging to it. Although, under the
now order of things which characterizes
the present age, there nay be no more
oat-whippers among tailors,yet in some
other occupations they are by no means
extinct yet, and may probably have a
long, lease to run, and in many eases
they are a convenicliee, and perform
uses which could not be performed in
any other way.
Gr..%
111 11111' hi,{ I I /101, ,Va,l gy111111,11.•
fld-,5V..///////, , ,0r I ill. 1 . 111,. 11'1111
lq•rhaps hel,vtlen II.• Carrie
:tlid act. us 1.11 , 1, I. I1,•I‘,.1.11 iI 1111.11111 11,1-
, 11111431101 /,•//ipi/ir//, lIIU 1•111 1111Irss
11111111, !nay lio• sup
post.4l It .
11l :111 "15,01,1
111 111:11 1111111.
Theodosla Burr—Historic Portrait
During the ii 4 unittorial term of Aaron
Burr—l TM and 1797—he was one day
driving along a lonely country road in
Ulster county, N - York, when his
'Muse cast a shoe, and he stopped at a
blacksmith shop to have it replaced.—
W title waiting the completion of the op
eration, he happened to glance at the
door of the rude building, and saw there
a truthful and vigorous drawing of his
vehicle and team done in charcoal,
which must have been executed in a
very few minutes. Ile inquired for the
artist, and a half-grown boy, dressed in
coarse ',garments, stepped forward and
said: "I did it, sir." Burr entered into
conversation with the lad, and soon as
certained that though wholly unedu
cated he was yet unusually bright and
intelligent ; that he was born and reared
in the neighborhood, and had hired
hinc , ,cllto the blacksmith for six months.
Writing a few lines on a slip of paper,
Burr handed it to Irur , :uol :
" My Loy, you are too smart a fellow to
stay here all your life. If you ever
wont to change your employment and
see something of tin. world, put a clean
shirt in your• pocket, go to NVW York
and vome straight to that address." His
innumerable schemes, and the cares
and duties of political life soon drove
the incident front the Senator's mind,
:Id he was surprised one morning some
months later, while sitting at breakfast
at his residence at Richmond hill, when
a servant entered and delivered him a
small bundle whieh had been brought
by a boy who was waiting outside.—
Opening the package he found within
a clumsily !mule clean shirt.
Thinking there toilet be it mistake, he
ordered the boy shown up, and in a mo
clout there entered the blacksmith's ap
prentice, with the slip of paper given
him as a guide and introduction. Burr
gave him a hearty welcome, took him
into his family, directed his education,
procured him instruction in the primary
principles of drawing and coloring, and
finally assisted hint to go to Europe,
where he spent live years. When tills
fortune and misdeeds hail driven the
patron a friendless,pennilessexileacross
the sea, the protege was exhibiting his
pictures at the Louvre, and gaining COM
!diluents and a gold medal front Napo
leon.
Ile did all he could to aid his benefac
tor when they met in Paris, but though
Vanderlyn had won fame, money was
almost as scarce with him as with Burr.
He came back to America, painted the
"Lauding of Columbus," now in the
rotunda of (the Capitol at Washington ;
the portrait of Jackson in the City Hall,
New York, and several other well
known works, and died not long since
near the spot where he received his first
encouragement to study the art his
achievements have adorned.
Previous to his tourabroad Vanderlyn
painted the portraits of Burr and his
daughter, which have been made famil
iar to all through the engravings attach
ed to the lives of the former, written by
Matthew L. Davis and James Parton.
This portrait of Theodosia, next to the
idolized original, Burr prized more than
all else the world contained. It hung
in his drawing-room at Richmond Hill,
and whenever Theodosia's birthday
came round, after her marriage to Gov
ernor Alston and removal to South Car
olina, it was always brought out for the
admiration and toasts of the assembled
guests.
Whim he went to Europe he carried
it with him, and whether visitinthe
houses of distinguished people in Eng
land, or hiding away in Parisian gar
ret, the sweet face looking out from the
dumb canvas, was ever near to•brighten
and to bless. He brought it back to
New York, and it was at his bedside
when he died. From the death-chamber
the portrait was transferred to the keep
ing of Miss Theodosia Prevost, daughter
of John B. Prevost, Burr's stepson.
There It remained for some time, and
was then carried to South America by
another member of the family.
Returning from thence it found tem
porary lodgment in the household of
Rev. Dr. Breckinridge of Pleasant Hill,
Missourd,whose wife was alsou daughter
of John B. Prevost. A few weeks since
it passed into the possession of Mrs. Lucy
Breckinridge of Alton, Illinois, and is
now in the studio of Mr. J. R. Stuart,
corner of Fifth and Olive streets, St.
Louis. The historic picture is on can
vas, rather under the ordinary size for
half-lengths, and still has the same
wooden frame, painted black and var
nished, which it probably wore seventy
years ago.
It shows evidence of age and travel,
but the accurate drawing and careful
coloring for which Vanderlyn was
noted, are yet plainly perceptible, and
the soft brown hair. I eyes, clear
cut nose and lips, cheeks blushing with
the palest tint of the rose, and exqui
sitely moulded neck and bust, recall in
lifelike reality, the face and furor of her
over whose unknown grave the ocean
rolls, and whose story is one of the sad•
est and the noblest recorded In Ameri
can annals.
The German Empire
.M arch 'lst, IS7I, may lie taken as the
ilate of the practical inauguration of the
modern Imperial sysfent of Germany.
On that day the Lerman Parliament
was opened at Berlin by the Emperor,
First, in'person, who delivered
a.speeelt from the mashie throne of his
❑rust illustrious p . c.!. cessor, Charle
magne, which had been brought from
Aix-la-Chapelle expressly Mr the occa
sion. Beyond this recurrence to mediie
val splendor there seems to have been
but little or no display—the ceremony
is deseri bed as having been "impressive
from its simplicity." The tall and im
posing figure of the Emperor, who on
that day completed the seventy-third
year of Ids age, conveyed to all present
the impression of the reality of the new
Empire, surrounded as he was by the
halo of success in war and diplomacy.
The national heart was gratified at
the accomplish men t of the grand scheme
of the unification of all the Lerman
States under one federal government,
even though it has been brought about
by war and violence, ant not in the
ntan tier, nor upon principles advocated
by the enlightened liberals of I iermany.
The Emperor announced a policy of
peace, but so did the. French Emperor,
Napoleon Ill , on his accession ; yet the
wars with Austria :mil Russia followed
very soon alter, and were supplemented
by those with China, Mexico and Prus
sia. "Independent Germany," said
'William I, " restiects the independence
of ~hers. This fiery ordeal of war,
through which we have passed, is a re
liable guarantee or European peace."
Let us hope that it is so . , but history too
plainly teaches that one success inspires
the desire for another, and, to use
Shakspeare's words, " increase of appe
tite loth grow with what it feeds on."
And when, as now is the case with Ger
many, the power is not wanting to back
the will, the temptation to co further
may one day prove too strong for the
successors of William, if not for William
himself, and " lis I I ighness, the
Prince" Bismarck.
The assumption of the title of Emper
or by the King of Prussia may be justi
fied ,or historical grounds ; but it should
be understood that he has not assumed
to be Emperor of ( ;erman v, but Emperor
in Clermany ; Kaiser in Deutschland,
not Kaiser coo Deutschland ; which two
dignities are not the same, as was well
pointed out some time ago hr 1111 article
on the subject in Appl , 1011., Journal.
On the extinction of the Western Bo
man Empire, A. 11., 470, by ( bloacer,
King of the Heruli, the title of Emperor
became extinct in Europe, except in the
portions of what is now 'turkey in Eu
rope, Which were under the sway of the
Byzantine or Eastern Roman Emperors.
The title was revived when Pope Leo
111 crowned Charlemagne "Emperor
of the \Vest," at !tome, on the .2:lth
December, son. From the sanctity
which the new Empire acquired in
consequence of its solemn con
secration by the Church, it was also
styled " the holy Roman Empire."
Charlemagne selected Aix-la-Chapelle,
on the Rhine, as his Capital, and he rec
ognized Germany as the principal divi
sion of his Empire ; hut though he be
queathed the whole of his Eniwre to his
sou Louis, the children of thal Prince
came to blows about their respective
portions, and the result was that the
Empire was divided between them, Lo
thaire taking I taly with the title of Em
peror ; Char les,the Bahl, taking France,
and Louis, (lermany. Constant disputes
between them caused the Empire to
change owners more than once. In SSI
it fell to Charles, the Fat, ~t' France,
who, next year, by the death of Iris
brother, Louis, of ,-;:txony, became King
of all Germany. But the (lermans de
posed Charles, and elected Arnulf, of
Bavaria, hr his stead. 'rile latter was
crowned Emperor of the West at Emilie,
in s9O. p to the year 90:2 the title was
borne by whoever happened to be King
of Italy monfinally or otherwise); but in
that year Otho ; the (treat, of liermany,
having made himself master o f I taly, was
crowned Emperor of the West, at Rome,
and the title was borne by all of Ids suc
cessors down to the accession of Maxi
milian I, in 149:1, The last named Prince
was the first orllo reek the title of Em
peror or (lermany and without being
crowned at Rome. But it should be re
membered that this imperial dignity
could only be worn in Germany by the
Prince upon whom the choice of the
Electors fell, the throve being elective
and not hereditary during the middle
ages. It will thus be seen that though
any one of the successors of Otho, the
Great, might be King of Italy and Em
peror of the West, he would only be Em
peror in l;erniany, until he was duly
elected Emperor of Germany, In other
words, he merely held an imperial posi
tion in that country without a territorial
empire, :and it is this po.ition
William, of Prussia, now 11S,U11112S. The
family of Ilapsburg, descendants of
Rudolf of I I ap,burg, elected Eniper.r
in 127:1, held the [Woof Emperor of Ger
many until 1504, when Francis Ii an
nulled the elective title and assumed
that of Emperor of A•tstria, declaring
the latter to be hereditary in his family;
he also changed his name of Francis II
to Francis I. The new title has de
scended to its present holder, Francis o
seph of Austria ; and the King of Prussia
now revives in his 01V11 person the old
title discarded by Francis II ; but not
the more ancient Roman one of impc
rator. By the voice of the llerman peo
ple, as of old, it now resumes its vitality.
By virtue of his (lernmn election he be
comes Emperor int Germany, but hav
ing no connection with Home, old or
new, he is not Emperor of the West :
nor is he Emperor of Germany in the
sense in which Francis Joseph is Em
peror of Austria, or Napoleon was Em
peror of the French. lie is, hr fact, a
royal president for life of the Germanic
Confederation, with the title of Empe•
Mr hereditary in his family.—Phir , t
Ledyrr.
!low liltro-lilyeerlne Is Made
This wonderful explosive was discov
ered in 1047, by an Indian named filo
hero, but its practical application was
made by Alfred Noble, a Swedish en
gineer. The process by which it is
made is thus described: }very one
i knows what glycerine is—a clear syrup
py liquid, sweet to the taste and some
what greasy to the touch. Its scope of
employment ranges from the surgeon's
disp&sary to the lady's boudoir. Chem
ists term it traitomic alcohol, and it
may be derived from fat or tallow by
action of lime and sulphuric acid. Its
properties are many and various, but as
they have no bearing upon the present
subject we shall abstain from noticing
them. If a quantity of nitric acid be
added to twice its weight of sulphuric
acid, glycerine be poured into this, and
stirred carefully, the whole being sur
rounded by freezing mixture, we obtain
that wonderful substance known as ni
tro-glycerine, which has more than ten
times the explosive force of gunpowder
It forms on the surface as an oil of a
pale yellow color, is perfectly inodorous,
and has a sweet aromatic taste. It is
poisonous whether taken internally or
absorbed through the skin, and small
doses of it produce distresssing head
aches. It does not explode when brought
in contact with fire, and remains un
changed even when raised to a tempera
ture of boiling water ; but at about forty
degrees Fahrenheit it becomes convert
ed into an icy mass, which merely re
quires friction to develop:all its explo
sive qualities.
LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY-MORNING APRIL 5, 1871
SAN DOMINGO.
Speech of Ron. Charles ' umnerr
tigurnatlon of Law and of the War
WASH INtiTON, March 27.—A fter the read
ing of Mr. Sumner's resolutions in regard
to the action of the United States Govern
ment towards Hayti during the Santo
Domingo negotiations, he submitted an
additional resolution ( found under our
regular Congress report,) and then spoke
as follows :
Mr. Sumner—Mr. President: Entering
again upon this discussion, I perform a
duty which cannot be avoided. I wish it
were otherwise, but duty is a task-master
to be obeyed. On evidence now before the
Senate, it is plain that the Navy of the
United States, acting under orders from
Washington, has been engaged in measures
of violence and of belligerent intervention,
being war without the authority of Con
gross. An act of war without the authori
ty of Congress, is no common event. This
is the simplest statement of the case. The
whole business is aggravated when it is
considered that the declared object of this
violence is the acquisition of foreign terri
tory, being half an island in the Carrib
bean sea; and still further, that this vio
lence has been employed, first, to prop and
maintain a weak ruler, himself a usurper,
upholding him in power that lie might sell
his country; secondly, it has been em
ployed to menace the black Republic
of Hayti. Such a case cannot pass without
innuiry. It is too grave fur silence.
The question which 1 present is very
simple. It is not whether the acquisition
of the island of San Domingo, in whole or
part, with a population foreign in origin,
ianguage and he,th. UtkalS is desirable, but
whether We are justified in the imams
employed to accomplish this acqui
sition. This question is essentially pre
liminary in Character and entirely imie
pendent of the main question. On the
main question, there may be difference of
opinion—some thinking the acquisition de
sirable and others not desirable; sonic
all X jell,. for empire or at least a sanitarium
in the tropics, and others more anxious for
a black Republic, where the African race
shall show ;in example of self.government
by which the whole race may be uplifted;
some thinking of gold mines, salt moun
tain,,, hogsheads of sugar, bags of coffee,
and boxes of cigars; others thinking more
of What we owe tEI the African race. But
Whatever the difference of opinion on the
Wain question, the evidence now before us
shows too clearly that means have been
employed which cannot lie justified. And
this is the question to which I miff' ask the
attention of the Senate.
REASON Felt INTEREsT IN THE 41 . 1iSTION.
II ere, sir. I venture to relate how and at
what time I became specially aroused on
this question. The treaty for the annexion
of the Dominican people was pending be
fore tine Senate, and I Was °Celli/kid in Cell
sintering it, asking two questions: First—
! Is it good for us? and, secondly—ls it good
I for them? The more I meditated these two
iluestions, I found myself forgetting the
limner and considering the latter, or, rath
er, tine tiormer was absorbed in the latter.
Thinkingot our giantstrength. myanxiety
increased or the weaker party ,
. and I
thought more nut what was good Mr them
than for Ins. Is annexion good for them?
This was the question on any mind when I
was honored by a visit from the Assistant
Secretary of State, bringing with him a
hand Intl of despatches from Santo Domingo.
Among these were despatches from our
rnnsnn an agent there, who signed the treaty
of annex ion, from which it distinctly ap
pears that Baez, while engaged in selling
his country, was maintained in power by
the Navy of the United States. 'flint such
was One official report of our consular agent,
• who signed the treaty, there can be no
question, and this official report was sus
tained by at least one other consular des
patch. I confess now my emotion as I read
this painful revelation. Until then I had
supposed the proceeding blameless. al
though precipitate. I had not imagined any
such terrible and indefensible irregularity.
These despatches became more import
ant as testimony when it appeared that the
Writers were personally in favor of annex-
Minn. Thus, then, it stench that, on the of
ficial report of our own agents, we were
engaged inn forcing upon a weak people the
sacrifice or Weir country. To mo it was
apparent at once, that the acquisition of
this foreign territory would not he respect
ed or even tolerated, unless by the censect
of the people there, without force On our
part. The treaty was a contract, whiinh, ac
cording to our own witnesses, was obtain
ed through a ruler owing power to our
War vessels. As such it was, beyond all
question, a contract obtained under du
ress, and, therefore, void, while the duress
was an interference with the internal af- •
fairs of a foreign country, and, therefore,
contrary .to the principle of tun-interven
tion, which is now a rule of international
law. As this question presented itself, I
lost no time in visiting the Navy Depart
ment, inn order to examine the instructions
under which our naval officers were acting,
and also their reports. Unhappily these
instructions and reports were too much inn
harmony with tine other testimony, so that
the State Department and Navy Depart
ment each contained the record of the de
plorable proceedings, and still they pressed
the consummation. I could not have be•
lievcil it, had not the evidence been expli
cit. The story of Nabothis Vineyard teas
revived.
Violence begets violence, and that in St.
Domingo naturally extended. It is with
nations as with individuals—once stepped
in they gin forward. The harsh menace by
which the imlepenilefice of the black Re
public of Hayti Was rudely assailed canine
next. It Mealier stage in belliger
ent intervention. As these things were
unfolded, I felt that I could not hesitate.
here was a shocking wrong. It must be
:arrested; and to this end I hare Insured F
inn good faith.
I.:0.11I 01,1% \ N.
VI r. Sumner vontended th:,raii contracts
17ir cession of territory must be without the
presence of superior force. Ile said :
Hero the example of Spain furnishes a
beacon-light. Yielding to an invitation
not unlike that of It- $0 the United States,
this ancient mon trtffiy lcus indneed by San
tana, President of Dominica, to entertain
the proposition of re•annexation to the
Crown. Here let it be remarked, that San
tana was legitimate President, while liaez
is a usurping dictator. And now mark the
contrast between the Ancient Monarchy
and our Republic, painful as it is to us.—
Spain boasted in official papers, that in the
act of re-annexion the Dominicans were
spontaneous, free and unanimous—that no
Spanish emissaries were in the territory to
influence its people; nor was there a Span
ish bottom in its waters, or a Spanish sol
dier on its land. No such boast tall be
made now. American emissaries are ill the
territory, with Ca/!eau and Pabens as
leaders, while American war-vessels, in
cluding the Dictator, our most powerful
Monitor, properly !mined for service, were
in the waters with guns nointed at the peo
ple to be conquered, and American sol
diers with bayonets glancing in the sun,
were on the decks of these war-vessels, if
not on the land. The contrast is complete.
11l the ease of Spain the proeeeiling was an
:Let of peace in tile ease it is an act of war.
The two cases are as wide asunder as peace
and war.
After citing copiously from oflieial docu
ments to prove the peaceful character of
the :Spanish acqui,ition, and that it Was
done With the free will and consent of the
inhabitants, he said:
CONTRAST BETWEEN SPAIN AND UNITED
STAT ES.
Anil now mark the contrast between the
Uld Monarchy and the Great Repu biie.—
The reeent return of the Navy Department
to the Senate, in reply to a resolution in
troduced by me, shows how the whole is
land has been beleaguered by our navy,
sailing from port to port, and hugging the
land•with its guns.
Twelve mighty war-ships, including two
if not three powerful monitors, maintained
at the cost of millions of dollars, being part
of the price of the pending negotiation.—
tesides what we pay to Baez here are mil
lions down. Rarely have we had such a
Ileet in any waters—not in the Mediterra
nean, not in the Pacific, not in the East
Indies. It is in tile seaters of St. Domingo
that our Navy finds its chosen field. Here
is its tlag, and here also is its frown. And
why this array? If our purpose is peace,
why these engines of.war ? If see seek an
nexation by the declared will of the people,
spontaneous, free, and unanimous, as was
the boast of Spain, why these floating bat
teries to :overawe them? If we would do
good to the African race, why begin with
violence to the black Republic?
Before the Commissioners left our shores
there were already three Near-ships with
powerful armaments in these waters—the
Congress, with fourteen 9-inch guns and
two 00 grounder rifles ; the Nantasket, with
six 32-pounders, 4300 pounds, and one (iO.
pounder rifle, and the Yantic, with one 11-
inch gun and two U-inch. And then came
the Tennessee, with two 11-inch and two U
inch guns, two 100-poumlers and one 60-
pounder on its spar-deck, and sixteen fl
inch guns on its gun-deck ,to augment these
forces, already dlsproportioned to any prop
er object. The Commissioners are an
nounced as ministers of peace ; at all events
their declared duty is to ascertain the real
sentiments of the people. Why send them
in a war-ship? Why cram the dove in a
cannon's mouth ? There are good steamers
at New York, safe and sea-worthy, whose
presence would not swell the array of war,
nor subject the Great Republic to the grave
imputation of seeking to accomplish its pur•
pose by violence.
END OP SPANISH RULE—THE ELECTION.
Mr. Sumner then spoke of the disastrous
result of Spanish occupation when the re
sistance of the people aided, by the unpar
alleled mortalityamong the Spanish troops,
forced a final surrender of the country. He
then cited the English law requiring that
all elections shall be absolutely freo from
the suspicion of military interference, and
applied It to the present case.
SEIZURE OF WAR FOWEM Wi" . OUR OoVERN
RENT.
All this is preliminary, although
.point
ing to a Just conclusion. It is only when
we enter into details and consider what has
been done by our Government, that we
recognize the magnitude of the question.
Unless the evidence supplied by the agents
of our government is at fault—unless the
reports of the State Department and Navy
Department are discredited, it is obvious
beyond: doubt, most painfully plain and
indisputable, that our Government has
seized the war powers carefully guarded
by the Constitution, and, without the
authority of Congress, has employed them
to trample on the independence and equal
rights of two nations, coequal with ours,
unless to carry out this project of territorial
acquisition you begin by setting at defiance
a first principle of International Law.
Mr. Sumner gave a graphic picture of the
career of the usurper Baez, and of the means
by which he obtained the control of the
country. He described the contest between
Baez and Cabral ; the exile of the former
and his residence in Washington; his tri
umph over Cabral and return to the coun
try; his inauguration in I.StiS as Grand
Citizen with unlimited powers, and his
subsequent difficulties, by which lie is now
forced to sell his country. Mr. Sumner
continued:
Cabral withdrew to the interior, keeping
up a menace of war, while the country wail
indignant with the unscrupulous usurper,
who for the second time, had obtained
power by violence. Power thus obtained
Willi naturally uncertain, and Baez S./1.1
found himself obliged to invoke foreign
assistance. "Help me, Cassius, or I sink!"
cried the Grand Citizen. European Pow
ers would not listen. None of them want
ed his half island—not Spain, not France,
not England. None would take it. lint
still the Cram, Citizen cried, when at last
he was relieved by an answering voice
from our Republic. A young officer, in
experienced in life, ignorant of the world,
untaught in the Spanish language, unversed
in international law, knowing absolutely
i nothing of the intercourse between nations,
and unconscious of the Constitution of his
country, was selected by the President to
answer the cry of the Grand Citizen. I
wish that I could say something better of
General Babcock; but ii I spoke according
to the evidence, much from his--own lips,
the portraiture would lie more painful and
his unfitness more manifest. In closest
association with Baez, and with profitable
concessions, not easy to measure, was the
American Cazneau.
By the side of Uazneau was Fabens, also
a speculator and life-long intriguer, after
wards Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of Baez in the great bus
iness." Sparing details, which would
make the picture more sombre, I come at
once to the conclusion. A treaty was signed
by which the usurper pretended to sell his
country to the United States in considera
tion of $1,500,000; also, another treaty leas
ing the Bay of Samana for an annual rent
of $llO,OOO. The latter sum was paid down
by the young Plenipotentiary, or $lOO,OOO
in cash and Pl,OOO in muskets and in a
battery. No longer able to pocket the
doubloons of Spain, the usurper thought
to pocket our eagles, and not content with
muskets and a battery to be used against
his indignant fellow-countrymen, obtained
the Navy of Om United States to main lain
him in his treason. It was a plot worthy
of the hardened conspirator mid his wvil
tried confederates.
==l
The case was aggravated by the open in
fraction of the Constitution of Dominic:l
with which it proceeded. By that Con.di
tutien, adopted 27th September, 1•431 l, :t copy
of which is now before me, it is solein:tly
declared that "neither the whole nor any
part of the territory of the Republic can
ever be alienated," while the President
takes the following oath of °like "1 swear
by God and the Holy Evangelists to keep,
and cause to be kept, the Constitutintl
the Law of the Dominican People,. tic re
spect their rights and to maintain the Na
tional Independence." 'Previous Constitu
tions had said simply, "so port of the ter
ritory of the Republic shail ho alienate,':"
but now, as if anticipating recent event-, it
was declared "neither the vhofr nor :tny
part," thus explicitly excluding the [ewer
exercised. All this was set aside while the
plot went on. Even if Baez defied the con
stitution of his country, our tlovernincot,
in dealing with hint, multi not do so. In
negotiation with another power, the 1 lreat
Republic, which is an example to nat lens,
cannot he insensible to the restriction, im
posed by the Constitution of the contracting.
party. and this duty becomes stronger from
the very weakness of the other side.
Mr. Sumner, after elaborating this point,
repeated the allegations in his former speech
that the usurper Baez was maintained in
power by our Navy to enable him to carry
out the sale of his eountry, anti secondly,
that further to assure this sale, the neigat•
bor Republic of I was violently men
aced by au Admiral of our fleet, both acts
being unquestionable breaches of I blip
law, constitutional [lnd international.
Mr. S. supported his assertions by .I -eu.
mentary evidence, which he obtains bath
from tine State and Navy I tepartnien -. 4 , 11
this [Mint ice said:
In the strange report of the Secret u r r of
State, responsive to a resolution nu, e• I by
Senate, the dependence of
upon olirVy is C 011108512,1 in various
Nobody can read this docuilient
without noting the eonfOssion, front
the reluctant Secretary, and then fridi his
agent.
nelerring to trio correspondence
of ILty - -
nnotd H. Perry, our Consular Au.• , it at.
St. Donlingo, win) signed the Create -. the
Secretary presents u stiMinary, ...ch,
though o6nuxlolls to list criticism,
CollieStiioll. According to him the c rres
piondence "fonds to show that the pre - cs ce
of a United States man-of-war in the port
was supposed to haven
(Senate Ex. Doe. No. 17, Forty-firs; f'•in
gross, third session, page 12.1 The !emu
"peaceful influence" is the pleonasm »I the
Secretary confessing the maintenani• of
Baez in his usurpation. There is its such
thing as stealing; "convey the wise c.tll it;"
and so with the Secretary, the maintes sire
of a usurper by our war-ships is onlj ex
erting "a peaceful influence." A4lis. , ,k)•ry
of the Secretary! But, in the levity se his
statement, the Secretary forgets that a i
sit
ed 'States man-of-war has nothing bi L/
within a foreign jurisdiction, and e isnot
exert influence there without, unlawfs. in
tervention.
THE HATcII Ut PIUSONMI.:NT.
. . .
Ile alluded in forcible language t the
imprisonment of Davis Hatch, an
can citizen, by tho usurper Baez. im ac
count or letters exposing the char:iier of
Baez, while in exile; to his forcibie deten
tion in prison, even after his formal pardon
—at the special instance of t'azneau anti
with the connivance of Babcock. in order
to prevent his influence against the treaty
of annexion.
THE: MENACES TO HAYTI.
Ire proved, from official document+, the
threats of intimidation made to Hayti by
the State Department, in order to maintain
Baez in power, and to further the schemes
of annexation, and even menaces amount
ing to nets nt war oft the part of the I Mited
States officials,
anconn or THE NAVY DEPARTMENT.
. . . .
If the report of the State Uepvuumit is
conlession, that of the Navy Department
is an authentic record or nets flagrant and
indefensible, unless we are ready to set
aside the Law of Nations and the Constitu
tion of the United States, two great safe
guards. Both of these are degraded in or
der to advance the scheme. If I called it
plot, I should not err, for this term is sug
gested by the machination. The record is
complete.
in the 17th July, 1869. General Babcock
sailed from New York for St. Domingo, as
special agent of the State Department. The
records of the Department, so far as com
municated to the Senate, show no authority
to open negotiations of any kind, much less
totreat Ler the acquisition of this half island.
His instructions, which are dated July 19,
1969, are simply to make certain inquiries;
but, under the same date, the Secretary of
the Navy addresses a letter to Commander
Owen, of the Seminole, with an armament
of one 11-inch gun and four 32-pounders, of
4200 pounds, in which he says:
You will remain at Samaria or on the coast
of SL. Domingo while General Babcock it there,
And oive /00i Me )nurul suppori of your guns
p.
The phrase of the Secretary is at least
curious. And who is General Babcock - ,
that on his visit the Navy is to be at his
back? Nothing on this head is said. All
that we know from the record is that he
was to make certain inquiries, and in this
business "guns" play a part. To be sure,
it was their "moral support" he was to
have ; but they were nevertheless " guns."
Thus in all times has lawless force sought
to disguise itself. Before any negotiation
was begun, while only a few interrogato
ries were ordered by the State Department,
under which he acted, "the moral support
of guns" was ordered by the Navy Depart
ment. Here, sir, permit me to say Is the
first sign of war, being an undoubted usur
pation, whether by President or Secretary.
`War is hostile force, and here it is ordered.
But this is only a squint, compared with
the open declaration which ensued. And
here again we witness the contrast with old
Spain.
He then referred to the sending of the
Tuscarora to the aid of Babcock, and the
placing of that iron clad at his sole dispos
al as "the earnestness of war itself." Ile
then said :
Returning to Washington with his pro
tocol, the plenipotentiary was now sent
back with instructions to negotiate two
treaties, one for the annexation of the half
island and the other for the lease of the bay
of Samana. How this business sped ap
pears from the State Department. The re
port of the Navy Department shows how
it was sustained by force.
After citing tho facts of the seizure of
Samana bay by the Unlted.States vessels, 1 absolute representative of the nation In all
and the orders given them to afford frodst- : loreigu transactions. lie can of his eleilsr
corct make treaties of peace, commerce, alli
ance to Baea, he said: ante, and Of every other description. It Is an
What is this but war, at the call of the established fact that the prerogative of mak
usurper Baez, against the enemies of his l ing treaties exists in the crown in Its utmost
I iovernment, whetbordomestic or foreign?nientitude: and that the compacts entered
'into by royal authority have the most corn-
Let the usurper cry out, and our flag is e it
be i d di ; ;t i e n iegti salidity and perfec tion, indeirvi
gaged. Our cannon must fire, it may r• y ”ther ,ruirtn,lt. —I. etlerallst, „No.
upon Dominicans, rising against the usurp- 1 La ix i
er, or it may be uponllaytiane warring ; Such was the well-known kingly prero
on the usurper fur their rights; or it may gative which our Constitution rejected.
be upon some other foreign Power clot ming Here the Federal/et speaks again:
rights. The order is peremptory, leaving i•There Is no Colliparl,on between the intend.
no discretion. The assistance lutist be c d power of the President and the actual pew
rendered. " You will not hesitate to give er of the British sovereign. The one can per
it to them ;" so says the order. On Whit.r.l term am
lie whet Te r e th er Cllll only do with
, the coneurr,nre of branch of the Leglhla-
I observe, this is 'war. t ere." /bet.,
BELLIGERENT INTERVENTIoN IN HAITI. „ .
' 1 hen again atter showing that a treaty is
The constant intervention in Dominica .
. a contraet with a foreign nation, having tlie
was supplemented by that other interven
t • 1•• •I • •
ors, 0. the t proiset
tion in Hayti, when an American Admiral
threatened war to the black Republic.
r..l7cl"t'ili‘iiLt't'i)•'2a.l2"ri"pl'illll'o'nn'r
Shame and indignation rise as we read thewhlrh
.would tusks Wke 111 a nation to naman
coin
record. Already 'We know it from the emit Interests of so del Irate and momentous a
State Department. Rear-Ailtoiral Poor, i kind, as those which concern Its Intercourse
under date of February 112. 1570, reports to rest "fll, l,
world , ;: , ;" , ~ i , 1 , : 2", " n b •, , , t i, ,- Y
eft ci
,
the Navy Department of his achieve uncut
of overawing the authorities of Hayti by Pn '
superior force, and preventing their assist- ,
fhlis does this contemporary authority
ante of the Dominican patriots, but not , testify against handing over to the "sole
their sympathies with them in their strug- disposal 'of the President the delicate and
LX X V.'
gle.
momentous question in the unratified San
Unmingu treaty.
Following the iv, i/e,irfist is the famous
• ooninientator already cited, who insists that
"it is too much to expect that a free people
would confide to a single magistrate, how
es er respeetable, the :foie author:l!, to act
conclusively, as well as exclusively, upon
the subject of treaties" iStory, Comment
:tries, see. 1,512 ; and that, however proper
it may lie in a monarchy, there ism , ' Allier-
Wan ~t atestuan but must feel that such a
prerogative in an American President
would be inexpedient and dangerous; that
it would be inconsistent with that whole
' some jealousy which all Repo birds ought to
cherish of all depositaries of power; and
then he adds that
- The cheek Whlelt ael , titt.et the Wind, it
Mal t, hal is done' Is but pre% bat
to I rg, ,nl.l require, the .-sent ot
I /9 yore it lint unmet « eery' vs, Is
:t now Whl4 . llllWaliells ca 111.101111111.1 colt,
pets t„ , liherationn. - , P,„/
The learned author then dwells with pride
on the requirements or the Constituti o n,
winch, While it comb los the power to the
Execoutive Department, guards it from se
rums abuse by placing it "soth.r Ihr Ulf /-
111/Itl • N1111( 1 1 . 1 . 11.11 1 11ritli, Of a ~:fret bury
!lb I.l, , trach . , and fish re.vpon,solultly,”
1 bolo 111,1 then, after remarking that the
President is " immediate author and finish
er of all treaties," he concludes in decisive
words that no treaty so formed become.,
'lllllll ' llll 11/11111 12 , 11(1111 . y, unless it receives
the deliberate assent of two-thirds of the
Senate." (Pelf., see. 1,513.1 Nothing can
be more positive Therefore, (Wen at the
eXpelise of repetition, I insist that, as the
I power to declare war is under the safe
guard of Congress, with the concurrence of
the President, so is the power to make a
treaty in the President with the concur
rence of l wed birds of the Senate; but the
act of neither becomes binding without this
concurrence. Thus, on grounds of author
its, as well as of reason, is It clear, that the
promise of the President to employ the war
powers without the authority of Congress
was void, and every employment of these
star powers in pursuance of this assinnp
thin was a usurpation.
if the l'resitient Were a king, with the
kingly prerogative either t o declare war or
to !mike treaties, he might do what he has
done; b u t being only President, with lim
ited powers established by the Constitu
tion, he cannot do it. The assumption in
I the St. Domingo treaty is exceptional and
abnormal, being absolutely without prece
dent. The treaty with France, in 1803, for
the cession of Louisiana, contained no such
assumption; nor did the treaty with Spain,
in lslii, for the cession of Florida nor did
; the treats- with Mexico, in 1840, by which the
title to " Texas and California Was lessor -
; nor did the treaty with Mexico, in
18.53, by which new territory was obtained;
nor did the treaty with Russia, in 1507, for
the cession of her possession in North
America. In none of these treaties was
there any such assumption of power. The
Louisiana treaty stipulated that possession
should be taken by the Uhited States "im
mediately after the ratification of the pres
ent treaty by the President of the United
States, and in case that of the First Consul
shall have been previously obtained."
I Statutes-at-Large, Vol. VIII. p. 202.. f
The Merida treaty stipulated "six months
idler the exchange of the ratitleation of the
I trinity, iir sooner if possible." 11LIIL , p.
BLit those ,tipulations by \Vidal pOs
session oil our part with corresponding re
sponsibilities was adjourned till after the
exchange Of ratifications, were simply ac
eon' ing to the dictate of reason, in harnAny
I with the requirement of our Constitution.
The case of Texas had two stages, first
under an unratilicsl treaty, and secondly,
under a joint resolution of Congress. What
was done under the latter had the concur
rence of Congressand the President, so that
the iiii•lioate title of the United States was
created by art of Congress ; in plain con
tradiction to the present. case, where the
title. whatever it may be, is under all un
ratified treaty, rem!erti
cnid by Ow I 're.ri
dent «lone. there is a manifest dilierence,
not to be forgotten.
1511 it is 11,L to lie disguised that during
the pendency of the treaty, and before its
ratification by the Senate, there was an at
tempt by .thlin Tyler, aided by the Seer,
tary of stat,, .teith ceiheue, to eotenth
the Enited States to the military support of
Texas. Stiliiee it to say, that there was 1111
1.1• 1.21111;01,111. 111t01 - Ve110011; but
only what Benton rally all "assilinfisit" by
Calhoun. On this "assumpsit" the veteran
senator, in the memoirsof his 'Thirty Years
in the senate, breaks forth in these indig
nant terms:
A. ~, I),,•
of the Enibilsiatis to light Mexten
Wllll,- We were at peat,. Wllll bee , It wan lii he a
crime ligalleit God and loan and oWli I 'on
sl I , r whirl, heads nhalit be Itrattglil
he Work, 21 .
like chtlol,ltit halal I:111,4+0.11d iiiineaers,siciiiiii
lie held r•qpila!ly 1 . . , p011 4 11.11 , - 1 , , rajalal
Crlales. - - - -1ie311,1, Thirty Years' View, Vol.
11.,1,1,12.
The indignant statesman, after exposing
the unconstitutional charlatanry the at
tempt, proceeds:
-And filar no eirctunstance of contradiction
hi' tol , y should he wanting Itt erown !Ida pl a t
at crline and 111111,1111y,11 n,, Ilappellell that 1,11
the Karat , clay that , all . new Surrvlary here was
giving Ids written ;, ,, uttip,lt to lend the army
alnd navy to rlglit 11-sle,, while we Were lit
pell4, Willl iler, the ag..,11, Nlorphy, was Coal
1111111C11111a4 to the Texan linverntnent,
TeX., /he r oil If Mr. 'l'l,l-c, 1 - m4,M Mr.
p.
Again 110 says:
Tie- tong:114.111,11 1,, 11,111 Sli•na . " 'resas,
who,. we ~..„,.„ will, to
st„ r with \ lexliat pier, of ba.shictor ti hada
1,, , I 1., r 'wow, 111111 511111.1111,1` b e en re
-1.,-rre.l 1 , 0 thew, an.l whi, - 11, on The 0,111 . 1,3%
1N •a1t . ,1 11,111 11” . 1,1, though In
and •
pre,ent." 1,1;1,3 ,
Such is the testiznony establishing lie
pond question the two propositions— first,
that the usurper Baez was Maintained in
power by our Navy, to enable him to carry
out the sale of his country ; and, secondly,
that further to assure this sale the neigh
bor Republic of Hayti was violently teen •
aced, all this being in breach of public law,
international and constitutional.
In considering how far this conduct is a
violation of international law and (a' the
Constitution of the United States, I bPgiit
with the fernier.
(MEAT PRINCIPLES " Etzl'ALITl 01 , N.%-
International law is to nations Win. the
National Constitution is to our co-equ a l
States : it is the rule by which they are
governed. As among us every State, and
also every citizen has an interest in lip
holding the National Constitution, so has
every nation, and also every citizen, am in
terest in upholding international law. As
well disobey the former as the latter. Yon
cannot do so in either case without disturb
ing the foundations of peace and tranquili
ty. To insist upon the recognition of in
ternational law is to uphold civilization
in one of its essential safeguards. To Vin
dicate International Law is a constant duty
which is most eminent aceording to the
rights in question.
Mr. Sumner argued at length in proof of
the great principle of equality of nations
and the infamy of acting towards a small
nation as we would not dare to do in the
case of more powerful ones. Ile made the
plea "that all nations are equal before the
law, without distinction of color." Heti:en
continued:
BELLIOERENT INTERVENTIoN NTRA It
TO IsTERNATiosA
From one violation of international law
I pays to another. 'file proceedings, as al
ready detailed, show belligerent ilaerVell-
Lion contrary to the international law. Ilero
my statement will be brief.
According to all the best authorities, in
harmony with reason, no nation has a right
to interfere. by belligerent intervention, in
the internal affairs of another, and espo•i
ally to take part ilk a civil fend, except un
der conditions which are wanting here ;
nor has it a right to interfere, by belliger
ent intervention, between two independent
nations.
Applying these principles to existing
facts already set forth, it is easy to sr, that
the belligerent intervention of the United
States in the internal affairs of Dominica,
maintaining the usurper Itarz in power,
especially against Cabral, was contrary to
acknowledged principles of international
lair, and, that the belligerent intervention
between Dominica and flayti was of the
same character. Imagine our navy play
ing the same fantastic tricks on the roast
of France, which it played tin the coasts of
Santo Domingo, and then still further,
imagine it entering the port, of Frantic, as
it entered the ports of Hayti, and you will
see how utterly indefensible, was its con
duct. In the Capital of Hayti it oommitted
an ant of war, hardly less flagrant than that
of England at the bombardment nt Copen
hagen. Happily blood was not shed, but
there was an 2tvi. of War. leer I refer to
the authorities already cited, and challenge
contradiction.
To vindicate these things, whether in Do
minica or in Llayti, you must discard all
aeknowledged principles of international
law, and join those who, regardless of
rights, rely 1111011 remind-,
us of Arcnil his, as described by I :
-"Eights he surns,
things gpt nitalg t at him, all he
anti he quotes Lugan alao, wit" , hows a
soldier exclaiming:
''Note Poace and Law, I bid ytte tenth f., reWell."
The old Antigen:ls, who, when besieginga
city, laughed at a man win - ) brought him a
dissertation on destice, and Pompey, who
exclaimed, ++Ate I, nahu till in ann . +, to
think of the laws ?"---theso 51.0111 10 be the
models for Our i:overnment on the coats
of St. Domingo.
usritrAdioN ov tt.tu i t ttiviilt , tic IN rItAltY
_do Tint cos,rrnfiox.
• The same spirit which set at defiance..
great principles of international law, in
! stalling three instead, is equally maninist
in disregard of the Constitution of the
United States, and hero ono of its mostdta
tiuctiye principles is struck clown. lie the
;Constitution it is solemnly announced, that
to Congress is given the power "to declare
war." This allotment of poorer was made
only alter much consideration, and in Mi-
Bence to those popular rights consecrated
by the American Revolution. In England
and in all other monarchies at 11113 time,
this power was the exclusive prerogative of
the crown, so that war was justly called the
last reason of Kings. The framers of ...it;
Constitution naturally refused to vest this
kingly prerogative In the President. Kings
were rejected in substance as in name. The
one-man-power was set aside, and this pre
rogative was placed under the safeguard of
the people, as represented in that highest
form of national lire, an act of Congress.—
No other provision in the Constitution is
more distinctive or more worthy of vener
ation. Ido not go too far when I call it an
essential element of Republican institu
tions, happily discovered by our fathers.
Our authoritative isinitnentator, Judge
Story, has explained the origin Mthis pro
vision, and his testimony confirms the
statement I have made. After remarking
that the power to declare war is " not only
the high , 4l asrerriyn pro,,:pait,, but that
it is in its own nature and effects 50
cal and calamitous that it requires the ut
most deli beration and the su ccessi ye review
of all the councils of the nation," the learn
ed author declares with singular point that
"it should be dillieult in a Republic to de
clare war," and that, therefore, "the co-op
oration of all the branches of the higisfahr.;
power ought, upon principle, to be required
in this, thc highcdt url of levi.slati , m," and
he even goes so far as to suggest still great
er restrictions "as by requiring a con
currence of two-thirds of both douses,"
I-tory, Commentaries on the Constitution,
see. 1171. See also see. 1. - .ls.t There is no
such conservative requirement; but war
can be declared only by a majority of loth
I louses with the approbation of the Presi
dent. There must be the embodied will of
the Legislative and the Executive, in other
words, of Congress and the President. Not
Congress alone without the President can
declare war; nor can the President alone
without Congress. Both must concur, and
here is the triumph of Republican institu
tions,
But this diNtillt.tiVe principle or slur Con
stitution and new-found safeguard of pop
ular rights has been set at naught by the
President, or rather, in rushing to the goal
of his desires, he has overleaped it, as if it
were stubble.
In harmony with the whole transaction,
is the apology, which insists that the Presi
dent may do indirectly what he cannot do
directly; that he may, according to old
Polonium, "Icy indirections find directions
ont ;" in short, that though he cannot de
clare war directly, he may indirectly. N•e
are reminded of the unratified treaty with
its futile promise "against foreign interpo•
sition," that is, with the promise of the War
Powers ot• our Government set in motion
Icy the President alone, without an act of
Congress. Hero are the precise terms of
this promise:
"The people of the Dominican Republic
In the shortest possible tone. express,
In a manner comfortable to their lutes, i heir
will concerning the cession herein provided
for; and the roiled States shall, ontll such
expression shall be had, protcel the Dominican
Republic aguiyud furcipn tulerpoxition, in order
that the national expression mac be free. - -
%Senate Ex. Doe. Na. 17, pp, El, ?arty-fl,t Con
gress, Third Session.)
Now, nothing can be clearer than that
this provision, introduced on the authority
of the President alone, was beyond his
powers, and, therefore brutent julmen, a
mere wooden gun, until after the ratifica
tion of the treaty. Otherwise the President
alone might declare war without an act of
Congress, doing indirectly what he cannot
do directly, and thus overturning that
special safeguard, placing what Story just
ly calls " this highest sovereign preroga
tive" under the guardianship of Congress.
Here we meet another distinctive princi
ple of our Constitution. As the power to
declare war is lodged in Congress, with
the concurrence or the President, so is the
power to make a treaty lodged in the Pres
ident, with the concurrence of two-thirds of
the Senate. War is declared only by Con
gress and the President; a treaty is made
only by the President and two-thirds of the
Senate. As the former safeguard was new,
so was the latter. In England and all other
monarchies at the time, the treaty-making
power was a kingly prerogative, like the
power to declare war. The provision in
our Constitution, requiring the participa
tion of the Senate, was another limitation
of the one-man power, and a new contribu
tion to republican institutions.
The Federalist, in an article written by
Alexander Hamilton, thus describes the
kingly prerogative:
"The King of Great. Brita Is the solo:aud
In the face of this indignant judgment,
written more than a decade after the at
tempt, arid being already the undying voice
of history, the "assumpsit" of John C. Cal
houn will not be accepted as a proper ex
ample for an Executive. But there is not
a word of that powerful utterance by which
this art is forever blasted that is not strictly
applicable to the "assumpsit" in the ease of
Dominica. As in the first there was an en
gagement to light Mexico for 'FOX., while
we were at peace with Mexico, which was
nothing less than war with Mexico, so the
pre-ent engagoment to tight Hayti inr Do
minica, while we are at peace with Hayti,
is nothing less then war with Hayti. Nor
is it any the less "a crime against tiod and
man and our own Constitution" in the case
of Ilayti than in the ease of Mexico.
President Polk, in his annual message°.
December, 1546, paid homage to the true
principles when he announced that"therno
ment the tern IS of annexation offered by the
United States were accepted by Texas, the
latter became so far a part of our country
as to make it our duty to afford protection
and defence." [Exec. I)oc. Rouse of Rep.,
No. 4, p. Twentieth Congress, second
session.] And accordingly herdirected those
m it itary and naval movements which end•
ed in war with Mexico. But it will be ob
served here that theso movements were
conditioned on the ]feceptance by Texas of
the terms of annExation definitely proposed
by the United States, while our title had
been created by act of Congress, and not by
the President alone,
Therefore, according to the precedents of
our history, re-enforced by reason and
authority, does the "assurnpsit - of the
treaty fail. I forbear from characterizing
it. My duty is perlormed if I exhibit it to
the Senate.
But this story of a violated Constitution
is not yet complete. Even admittingaome
remote infinitesimal semblance of excuse
or apology during the pendency- of the
treaty, all of which, I insist, is absurd be
yond question, though not entirely impos
sible in a quarter unused to constitutional
questions and heeding them little—conced
ing that the "assumpsit," inserted In the
treaty by the Jecretary of State, had de
ceived the President into the idea that he
possfmtsed the kingly prerogative of declar
ing war at his own mere motion—and wish
ing to deal most gently even with an un
doubted usurpation of the kingly preroga
tive so long as the Secretary of State, sworn
counsellor of the Prosident,supplied the for
mula for the usurpation (and you will bear
witness that I have done nothing but state
the case), it is hard to hold back when the
same usurpation is openly prolonged after
the Senate had rejected the treaty on which
the exercise of the kingly prerogative was
founded, and when the "assumpsit" de
vised by the Secretary of State has passed
into the limbo of things lost on earth. Hero
there Is no remote infinitesimal semblance
of excuse or apology —nothing—absolutely
nothing. The usurpation pivots ou nonen
tity, always excepting the kingly will of
the President, which constitutionally is a
nonentity. The great artist of Bologna, in
a much admired statue, sculptured Mercu
ry as standing on a puff of air. The Presi
dent has not even a puff of air to stand on.
Nor is there any question with regard to
the facts. Saying nothing of the lapse of
the treaty on the ; 29th March, 1870, being
the expiration . of the period for the ex-
NUMBER 14
change of ratifications, I refer to its formal
rejection by the Senate June 30, MO, which
was not unknown to the President. In the
order of business the rejection was commu
nicated to him, while it became at once a
matter of universal notoriety. Then, by
way of further fixing the President with
this notice, I refer to his own admission In
the annual message of December last, when
ho answers that "during the last session of
Congress a treaty for the annexation of the
Republic of St. Domingo filled to receive
the requisite two-thirds of the Senate," and
then, after denouncing the rejection as
"folly," he proceeded as follows:
My SUggl,tloll Is that by joint resolution of
the two Houses Of Congress, the Executive be
authurizeti to appoint it:1911111111,S1011
(o nogoti
o(e a rra I y with the a Whorl/ ie.. •y" Son /lott o
for the nequi.viiion of Mat Wand. and that an ap
propriation be liailde to atqray the r X penses of
snob commission. The question may then be
determined, richer by the aet ion of t tie Senate
Upon the treaty or the Joint ...Hon of the two
Houses of Congress upon a resolution of un
nexation, ass in the ease of the ..,11.11.1.1U11 Of
Texas."
Thus, by the open declaration of the
President was the treaty rejected, while
six months after the rejection, he asks'lfor
a Commission to negotiate a new treaty,
and an appropriation to defray the expenses
of the Commission; anti, not perceiving
the inapplicability of the Texas prevedent,
he proposes to do the deed by joint resolu
tion of Congress. And yet, during this
intermediate period, when there was no
unratified treaty extant, the same bel
ligerent intervention has been proceeding,
the same war-ships have berm girdling the
island with their gulls, and the satire naval
support has been l'Ohtlelleki to the usurper
Baez, all at. great Oest to the country and
by the diversion if 'tie naval forces from
other places of duty, while the Constitution
has been disini,ed out of sight, like a dis
charged soldier.
Already you have seen hone this bellig
erent intervention proceeded ; how on the
"Ist of July, IS7O, Commodore green
re
ported that "a withdrawal tithe protection
of the united states and of tin, prnspeet nt
allneXnainn at some future time, would in- .
shindy lead to a revolution headed by Ca
bral; how, on the nd. August, IS7e,
Commander Allen reported I:aez n "re
questing the pre,elice Or a vessel on the
north side of the island, en account nit an
intended invasion by Cabral; " how at the
same time the usurpersays that he'' deem.
the presence of a ship of , war in thin bay of
)lanzanillo of immediate importance;..
how, on the 3d of September, IS7O, Commo
dore Green reported that It:u•z feared un
outbreak," and appealed to the Commodore
" to bring some of his men which were at
.Izua," whirl, the obliging Commodore
did ; how• under date oft t,•tober S, 1870, the
usurper, after declaring the necessity of a
Mall of-war at the port ut St. Domingo,
says that "none would be more CMIVVII holt
than the Yantic, for the facility of entering
the river Ozaina, owing to j her size ; and
how again, on the same day, the usurper
writes still another letter " to reiterate the
necessity of the vessels now in that bay
Samana coming to the southern coast,"
All these clings you have SOOll, attesting
constantly out belligerent intervention and
the maintenance of Baez in power by ,air
Navy, which became his body-guard and
omnipresent upholder. I leave them to
your judgment without one wond of com
ment, reminding you only that 111, Presi
dent is entitled to set aside the Constitution
of our country.
Mr. President, as I draw h, a close, al
low me to repeat the very deep regret with
which I make this exposure. gladly
would I avoid it. Controversy, especially
at my time of life, has no attraction for me;
but I have been reared in the school of
duty, and now, as of old, I cannot see
wrung without trying to arrest it. I plead
now, as I have often pleaded before, Mr
Justice and Peace.
In the evidence adduced I have confined
myself carefully to public documents, not
traveling out of the record. I )espatches,
naval orders, naval reports—these are the
unimpeachable authorities. And all these
liayo been officially communicated to the
Senate, are now printed by its order, ac
cessible to all. On this unanswerable and
cumulative testimony, where each part
confirms the rest, and the whole has the
harmony of truth, I present this transgres
sion. And here it is not I who speak, but
the testimony.
Thus stands the ease. International law
has been violated iu two of its command
ing rules, one securing the equality or na
tions, and the other providing against bel
ligerent intervention, while a distinctive
fundamental principle of the Constitution,
by which the President is deprived of a
kingly prerogative, is disregarded, ;itch
this very kingly prerogative is asserted by
the President. This is the simplest state
ment. Looking still further at the facts,
we see that all this great disobedience
has for its object the acquisition or an
outlying tropical island, with large prom
ises of wealth, and that, in carry
ing out this scheme, our Republic has
forcibly maintained if usurper in power
that he might SOH his country, and has
dealt a blow to the independence of the
black Republic of I favti, which, besides
being a wrong to that Republic, was an in-
stilt to the African race. And all this has
been dune by prerogative alone, without
the authority of an alit of I ',ingress. 1 Couch
a transaction, many-lioadod tic wrong, Van
escape judgment., it is tilt to 000 what,
seen ritirs reuuci n. Wilal "tiler sacred rule
of international law may not be violated?
What other Pniiiign nation may not be
struck at? IVliat other belligerent menace
may not be hurled? What. other I,lhgly
prerogative !nay not be seined?
(in another °evasion I showed liciv; those
wrongful proceedings had been sustained
by the President beyond all example, but
in a corresponding spirit. Never before
has there been such Presidential interven
tion In the Senate as we have been COll
strained to witness. Presidential visits to
the Capitol, with appeals to Senators, have
,eon followed by leo.enildiem at the Execti
ti ve Mansion, also with appeals to :Sena
tors; and who eairmeasure the pressure or
all kinds by himself or agents, especially
through the lippointing power, all to se-
cure the consummation of this sellenie?—
In harmony with this effort was the Presi
dential message, where, while taxing, the
Senate with "folly" in rejecting the treaty,
we are gravely assured that by the pre
posed " our largo debt abroad
is to be ultimately extinguished," thus
making Santo Domingo the 1)11,k-horse of
our vast load, or, perhaps, I , pying Lou
Quixote when he imposed upon the should
ers of Sancho l'anza • the penitential stripes
which belonged to himself.
Then, responding to the belligerent men
ace of his Admiral, the President makes
a kindred menace Icy proposing nothing
less than the acquisition of the " Island of
SanteVEinningii,":thus adding the blciik
Republic to Ilk innocent
population there were startled. Their
Minister hero protested. Nor is it unna
tural that it should the
Queen of England, in her spore!, at the
opening of Parlialllellt, had proposed in
formal terms the acquisition of the Enited
States, or suppose Louis Napoleon, in his
speech at the opening of the Chambers dur
ing the Mexican War, while the French
forces « • ere hi Mexico, had coolly proposed
the acquisition of that portion of the United
Stales adjoining 'Mexico and stretching to
the Atlantic, and, itt support of his propo
sition, had set forth the productiveness of
the soil, the natural wcalur that abounded
there, and wound up by itellelleeilig that
nut of this might he paid the French debt
abroad, which was to be saddled upon the
coveted territory. Suppose sorb a propo
sition by Louis Napoleon or by the Eng
lish Queen, made in formal speech to
C ham hers or Parliament, what would have
been the feeling in 011 r country? Nor
would that feeling have been diminished
by too excuse that the offensive proposition
erept into the speech by accident. Whether
by accident or design, it would attest small
consideration for our national onisteneo.—
But the llaytians hove their country Its w e
love ours—especially are they resolute for
national independence. All this is shown
by the reports which reach us now, even
if their whole history did not attest it.
The language of the President in charging
the Senate with was not according
to approved precedents. Clearly, this is not
a proper term to be employed by one
branch of the iloverninent with regard to
another—least of all by the President with
regard to the Senate. Folly, sir! Was it
fully when the Senate refused to sanction
proceedings by which the equal rights of
the black Republic were assailed' Was It
folly not to sanction, hostilities against the
black Republic without the authority of
Congress? Was it folly not to sanction
belligerent Intervention in a foreign coun
try without the authority of Congress?
V\ as it fully not to sanction a usurpation of
the war powers under the ;Constitution?
According to the President all this was
folly in the Senate. Let the country judge.
Thus do we discern, whether on the coasts
of Santo Domingo, or hero at Washington,
the same determination with the saine ilis
regard of great principles, as also the same
recklessness toward the people of Hayti
who have never injured us.
Lei
In view of these things, the first subject
of inquiry is not soil, climate, productive
ness, and possibilities of wealth, but the
exceptional and abnormal proceedings of
our own government. This Inquiry is es
sentially preliminary in character. Before
considering the treaty or any question of
acquisition, we must at least put ourselves
right as a nation ; nor do I see how this
can be done without retracing our steps,
and consenting to act in subordination to
international law and the Constitution of
the United States.
Therefore on the question of acquisition
I say nothing to-day, only alluding to cer
tain points involved. Sometimes it is in
sisted that emigrants will hurry in large
numbers to this tropical island when once
annexed, and thus swell its means; but,
this allegation forgets that, according to
the testimony of history, peaceful emigra
tion travels with the sun on parallels of
latitude, and not on parallels of longitude,
mainly following the isothermal line and
not turning off at right angles, whether
RATE OF ADVERTISING
Busrzcsas Airrkftrisiusairre,. $l2 a year pe
square of ten lines; Is per year for ench aOSI
Clonal square.
REAL Dm/ern ADVERTTSII(O, 10 cents a Rae fo
the first. and 6 can ta for each subsequent In
Insertion.
GENERAL ADVERTISING, 7 cents a lino for (1,
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LEGAL AND OTHER NOTICES—
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Other "Notices," ten lines, or less,
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North or South. Sometimes it is insisted
that it will be better for the people of I'd,
island if annexed to our Republic; but
this allegation forgets the transcendent
question whether it is better for them, bitt -
ter for the African race, better for civilize
don, that the black Republic should be at..
sorbed out of sight, instead of being
tns
tered into a successful example of sell' goy -
ernment for the redemption of the met.,
not only on the Caribbean Islands, but .ti t
the continent of Africa. 'non, again, arises
that other question, whether we will as
sumo the bloody hazards involved in this
business, as it has been pursued, with the
alternative of expenditures for war-ships
and troops, causing most 11:111111111111Nieti,,,
while the land of Toussaint 121Myerture
listens to the constant whisper of indepen
dence. And there is still that other tines
lion oldetits and obligations, acknowledged
and unacknowledged, with an immense
claim by ilayti and an unsettled boundary
which 1 have already called a bloody la, -
suit
These questions I state only. Meanwhile
to my mind there is something bettor than
belligerent intervention and acts of tsar,
cost of treasure. It is a sincervatol:humane
ellUrt on our part, in the spirit of 1/01W0,
rovoneile 11ity4 1 and Ituwinita, ilti.l til
tabliNh tranquility throughout Lilo iskitiL
Let IlliS bo attempted iind our Itopublic
Will 1.10,5/1110 nu examplo worthy or its
name and tic tho CirViliZ3Lit,ll wllieb it relit,.
While ItetillhliCall ilistitil hells %, ill
have lieW gl.Wy. The blesSilittS of
Well Ii Milli attend. tlell all Orel - I, 111, iVelllll
the ' , Mile lit I 103Vell br wanting.
Alit! 111:ly %Vl' net Justly expect the Pres
ident to unite• in such a measure of peaeo
and good-will? •• I It, that ruled' his Npirit
is greater Limn Ito that Laket.ll a city, - awl
so the President, ruling his spirit. 11l sub
jection to the humane principles 01 inter
national law anti the l'onstilittion of hiv
(unitary, will bo greater than it 11, , 11.1,1
taken all the i vlatuls of the sea.
Enlarging npun the declaration that tho
PreNident had pilll,l hilll4olllll the head
01 a more powerful soul costlylCu•l:luc
than those of the Month, r. Sumner pro
ceeded:
1 lad the l'resitlent been 00 inspired 114 It,
heStOW WI the 1 . 11h1111 , t,, while 1111,1 111:11'k,
0110411dr the 11111011.1111 7.011.1, \r ill, per4olutl
attention, personal effort, and personal in
tercession, which he has bestowed upon his
attempt to obtain half an I,tanil in the Car
ri bbean Sea, our Southern Ku-Klux \VIM hi
have exited in name only, while., lratninil
ily ‘vonl,l hone reigned every \slier° ‘vithii,
our border,. [General api,lau,t, in the
gallerie4 and hisse..l
he Alen President—Th., l'hair cannot
oonsont that there shall he manifestations
of approval or disapproval in the galleries,
and he reprehends the ono Its promptly ,
the other. It' they are repeated ho Must en
l'oreo the order of the Senate.
Mr. Stunner proceeded. Now, :is I de
sire the suppression or the Ku-Klux wher
ever it shows itself, and the elevation of
the African race, I insist that the l'resi
dential scheme whirl, installs the Ku-
Klux
on the coast of Santo Doming,
and achich at the till,. 111:11111,
the Afrii•llll rnce in 11111 black Republic,
shall be fitirly represented. I speak now
~f that ka-Flux of which the is
the declared head, and I .\ I
dean race, whom. the President has tram
pled down. Is there any Senator in earnest
against the K ? • I,et him arrest it on
the coast of Santo Doinitig,,,. Is there any
Senator ready at all limos to seek the ele
vation of the A fr'ean race? Ilereistheoc
casiou
for his best efforts.
After speaking for three 1001r4 anti a
quarter 11 r. Sumner, at 3.30 o'eloek,
eluded.
1:e...1141E14,11.0 of I Ile Natio I.•
nil Bank !II puurttn.
Correspondence N. V. Herald, .
IVAstrixoToN, arch
will never cease. l'hal old political arr.-
bat, I ton Butler, who two years ago did
nitich to expose the Iniquities or the nation
al hanks, has now turned a complete sum
mersault and introduced it bill ill
that is being used as an entering wedge to
give them an additional subsidy ers 3 .th" -
non per annum from the National Treasury,
anti other privileges greater in the aggre
gate than the lutist presumptuous itionopo
list.s have ever dared to demand.
The bill W. It. '2.s) provides for the iii
creaseof the interest-hearing National Delt
to the extent of *3:J101111/00, by authorising
the Secretaey or the Treasury to retire the
outstanding greenbacks issue instead
gOVerllllllill t. bonds bearing 3 0.1.10 n per
cent. interest annually.
This scheme converts the $3. - gi,el)o,oie non
interest-bearing greenbacks now outstand
ing into interest-bearing bowls, saddles nil
additional annual burden or about
MO upon the tax•payers, contracts the cur
rency otimlntlf,and gives the national ',mike
a monopoly or all the paper-money in
circulation. Thus timell as the Boller bill
now stands,
THE NATI,)sa NI:S
heartily' endorse the MCIIOIIIO and in
addithal, "that perinission be grarilisi to
iintimial banks to count said bonds in Ile
reserve required tin ha liept. 6y laW."
'rho pr,,,wit greenback. reserves or the
nat,onai tanks .o,ooot to abut tg100,000,-
000. 11 the Butler bill iiieeie.4 and the bald,
are Twinkled, as OW memorialists urge,
use. the !lore fonds kar the reserves !MN
by tem.', it will take something over
tfiree million dollars front the Treasury to
pay the interest to the banks, 'Phis how
ever, but 01mor the inlet important Features
of the job.
It retires the greenbacks and 'deers the
financial allairs of the country wholly un
der the control of the national banks. To
use the expressive language fd 11..1111.1:MI
ring. " It stamps nett the grewiliiiek
heresy."
(it all the schemes for driving the green
biteks out of existence and substituting ir
redeemable national hank notes thiS 111,1,
bantling of lien Butler's is absolutely the
most nefarious,
IT Is A
Ine of the pe c uliarities of the
bill is that while it is Made to appear very
like several three sixty-live interest hills
introduced in the Thirty-ninth and Fortied.
Congresses, it Is really exactly In opposi
tion to the principles of either of UMW.
The old bills referred to provide for the
reduction of our interest burden by retiring
the national securities bearing the
rate of interest and substituting a el,s
bearing a lower rate.
The pending bill of Butler's provides for
retiring our nominterest•hearingstieurities
and substituting others bearing a higher
rate. of course National Rant: Presidents
and their friends all endorse it.
The old hills were framed with a ninny of
reducing and making lighter our burden
of interest. The new bill is Intended to
increase it and make the burden heavier to
bear.
The National Banks opposed the old hill
and endorse the one now pending,
Let us look to the records firrengress and
see what this new national batik eliamiiion
said about his friends two or three years
ago. In his speech in Congress,
November 27, 1 , 07, Mr. Representative ,
F. Butler said:
It is said that the national bunks really
cost the United Slates nothing. Mr. .lay
Cooke has undertaken to tell its that the
' banks pay in taxes a large amount, and
therefore in equity we ought not Li disturb
them. sir, if mr. Jay coolie or any one
else will tell me of any business in this
country that is not taxed and does not pay
a large amount of taxes, then I will :WI,
that the banks are list favored. • • •
Lot rue state the way a national bank got
itself into existence in New England dur
ing the war, when gold was 200, and live
twenties were id par in eurrem-y, or nearly
that. A company of men got together $::00,-
W/0 in national bulk bills, and went to the
Register of the Treasury, with gold at tun,
and bought l'nited States five-twenty
bonds at par. They stepped into the °Mee
of the Comptroller of the Currency and ask
ed to be established as a national bank, and
received froin hint $270,000 in currency,
without interest, upon pledgingtheso bonds
of the United States they hail Just bought
with their $300,000 of the same kind of mon
ey. let us balance the books, :mil
how does the account stand ? Why, the
United States government receives $30,00,
in national bank bills more from the kink
than it gave them in bills; In other words'
it borrowed of the bank $30,000 in currency,
for winch, in fact, it paid slo,oeo a year m
gold interest, equal to 836,l)(10 in CUrfelipy,
for the use of this $30,00e. Let me repeat.
The difference between what the United
States received and paid out was only $30,-
000, and for the use of that the government
pay on the bonds deposited by the vompa
ny, bought with the same kind of money,
slo,oeo a year interest in gold, equal to ;fife,-
uOO, in currency.
But the thing did not stop here. Thu
gentlemen were shrewd financiers; their
bank was a good one; they wont to tin
Secretary of the Treasury and said, " Let
our bank be made a public depository,"
Very soon the bank found that they hail
a line of steady deposits belonging to the
government of about a million dollars, and
that the $270,000 they had received from the
Comptroller of the Currency would sub
stantially earry oat their daily business, and
as the gOVOrIIIIIOIIt gives three days on all
its drafts if the bank was pressed, it was
easy enough to go on the street if they had
good security. They took the million of
government money so deposited with them
and loaned it to the government for the
government's own bonds, and received
therefor $OO,OOO more interest in gold for
the loan to the government or its own
money, which in currency was equal to
$120,000. So that, when we come finally to
balance the books, the government is pay
ing $130,000 a year for the loan of $20,000.
And this is the system which is to be fns
tened forever on the country as a means of
furnishing a circulating medium.
This, only using round numbers for
the purpose of illustration, is an actual and
not a feigned occurrence.