MEOW=
gluritoter
WEDNESDAY, MAY 20. 108.
FOR AUDITOR OIIEN/MAL
CHARLES E. BOYLE, of. Fayette county:
,FOR ETRVEYOR GENERAL:'
Gen. WILLVGTONI I . ENT, of Columbia co
Acquittal of the President.
As will be seen by the telegraphic dis
patches, the Court of Impeachment took
a vote on Saturday on the 11th Article
of Impeachment, which was conceded
by the iladicals to be the one which
would receive the largest number of
votes In its support and on which the
President would be found guilty if on
any.
The voto was 95 for conviction and 19
for acquittal, not two thirds, therefore
the charge falls and impeachment with
it.
Messrs. Fowler, Fessenden, Grimes,
Henderson, Van Winkle, Trumbull,
and Ross, Republicans voted with the
twelve Democratic Senators for acquit
al. All honer to them ! The radical
majority in the Senate, knowing that
the vote on the other ten articles would
result in a still larger number of Sena
tors declaring for acquital than on the
Eeventh, and unwilling to confess
t,'e entire defeat of their pet project,
would not permit a vote to be taken on
the other articles, but adjourned the
Court until Tuesday, May 26th, hoping
perhlips that after they had drawn in
spiration from the Chicago Conven
tion, their efforts would result in better
success.
The news will send a thrill of joy
throughout the whole country ; which
will yet shudder at the knowledge of
the narrow escape which it has had
from having its history blotted with the
record of the commission of a great
crime. One more vote for conviction and
the black deed would have been done.
On last Sabbath, heartfelt expres
sions of praise and thankgiving
rose up to the Great Giver of good
that he has preserved our country in its
great peril, and has defeated an attempt
which would have resulted in its last
ing disgrace.
Complication at Chicago
There will be trouble at the Chicago
Convention. The Radicals have so long
had control of the Republican party
that they have come to regard it as solely
In their keeping, and they will not let
go their hold of It without a desperate
struggle to maintain their supremacy.
They have committed themselves to the
impeachment of the President, and they
will demand an endorsement of their
conduct by the Convention, and a decla
ration d3nunelatory of those Senators
who voted for acquittal. This will meet
with fierce opposition from the Conser
vative members of the Convention, who
will have at heir bark many influential
Republican Aurnals, among others the
Chicago Tribune, the leading Republi
can organ of the Northwest, and pub
lished where the Convention is sitting.
Conservative Republicans feel that
they must take a decided stand on this
question, unless they intend to allow
themselves to be entirely ignored and
stamped out. The New York Tin
says:
'The entire course of events since the
war closed, has been colored and shaped by
the attempt of the Radical leaders to obtain
control of the Republican Party, and to en
graft upon it their own principles, and
baud it wholly and entirely to the accom
plishment 01 tneir purposes. Universal ne
gro sutfrage,—the OXCillHioll of the Southern
States until this could be forced and fasten
ed upon them.—the disfranchis. wont
'enough of the Southern whites to make this
possible, and the retention of power In their
own hands by these Ille:111 , 1, were the main
objects at which they aimed. And they
have pursued them with a degree of mt
. scrupulous vigor, and an adroit audit
' city, which has brought them, so far as
control of the Republican party is concern
ed, to the verge' of complete and victorious
success. The removal of the President, and
the Inauguration of Senator Wade in his
place, would have given them absolute con
trol of the Republican Party and of the
Presidential canvass. Bow they would
have used their power they have not left us
to conjecture. Tao AVvass would have
been bitter, intolermit had relentless,—not
only against the Doniocratic Party and the
former rebels of the South, but against every
member of the Republican Party who hesi
tated to accept any principle, however rush,
of the many extreme measures and princi
ples which enter into the Radical pro
gratnme.
If therefore the Chicago Convention
is induced to denounce the Republican
Senators who voted on the eleventh
article against their party friends, the
result will be a disastrous split In the
Republican party ; for these Senators
thus ejected from the party will have
the sympathy of all conservative and
right-thinking Republicans, who will
adhere to their cause and follow their
banner; and the defection may be suf
ficiently great to cause the formation of
a third party in the comingcontest with
Judge Chase as Its candidate.
The Chicago Convention is acknowl
edged to be under the control of the
Radical Republicans, who will be able
to adopt just such a policy us is pleasing
to them, although it is possible that
prudence may dictate to them to give
way on this Impeachthent question to
the conservatives ; uud yet it meets at
a time when Its leaders are smarting
under the defeat which they have ex
perienced in the Senate, and when tha
dictates of passion and revenge are more
likely to be heeded than those of wisdom
and prudence.
It seems evident, however, that Im
peachment must be dropped or the Chi.
cago Convention must be committed to
it; either of which results will be pro.
ductive of good to the country; for, if
the first occurs, the Radicals will be dis
armed and defeated ; if the last, they
will likewise be defeated, since the Con
servative Rer.ubilcans will not longer
consent to be dragged at their chariot
wheels, but will unite with Ile, or, if
strong enough, launch a boat of their
own.
Who Killed Abraham ',Moll
The favorable manner in which J,
Wilkes Booth was spoken of, and the
high esteem in which he seemed to be
hell at the Radicarmecting at the Court
House on Wednesday evening, gives
strong confirmation to the opinion
which has been for some lime gaining
ground, that the Radicals were the real
instigators of the killing of Abraham
Lincoln. We have observed in reports
of other Radical meetings held through
out the country, that there was a strong
effort being made to elevate the name
and memory of Booth. The outcrop-
Ing of this feeling of admiration for him
was marked with peculiar distinctness
In the proceedings of the meeting In
this city; not only did the resolutions
speak of him In highly eulogistic terms,
but some of the speakers seemed to be
quite deeply penetrated with admira
tion for his character. He even ranked
higher in their esteem than those dis
tinguished Republicans Senators Trum
bull and Feesenden.
The reason why the Radicals may
have wished to got rid of Lincoln, are
very easily seen; it is the same reason
as that which - inspires them now to get
rid of President JOhnson. It Is well
known that the plan of reconstruction
which the latter carried out, was the one
marked out and prepared by President
Lincoln; it is also well known that this
plan !every distasteful to the Radicals.
Lincoln was removed by murder, ; but
as that created a disagreeable sensation
and tumult, impeachment is the agency
adopted to remove Johnson. The sus
picion of Radical connection with the
tate of the " martyr" President, afford
•ed by these circumstances hi strong, al
.though It may prove on investigation
Ito be - ,unfounded; but the matter ought
(to be looked into .and the truth devel
-40,1;
Gxte , MpnEk.—The great Commoner.
He lies seen those ",reerennt k3ersators”
whOMfie was, so anxious to behold ;
seven of, thein*,‘7l'm wonldn't 1 , Airolv
• bcifiseleneito the devll. l, •
THE LANCASTER WEEKLY - INTEWGI7ENCER, WEDNESDAY, MAY 2p,,,1868.
The Chicago toeveotton.i
It looks as 111401 there,,ruid t he
trouble at the Chicago Cotliventlup.
The adjournmdnt Or the Conti of
peachment withoUt renderlik a vex'.
diet will throw the Impettc*entqUesL ,
tion into the' Convention ' 'which will
probably be called upon by the more
violent radicals to decide that no Sena
tor who votes for acquittal can remain
a member of the Republican party.
Such a suicidal course as this, will be
earnestly oppoied by the more sensible
members, who know the party cannot
afford to lose such men as TrUmbult
and Feesenden ; and also by the more
conservative members who believe that
no. Senator should be interfered with in
the conscientious exercise of his func
tions. If the question is introduced in
the Convention, let it be decided which
way it may, it will have an injurious
effect upon the party, among the peo
ple. A cotemporary says :
"The danger now is, in case of acquittal,
that Mr. Wade's friends, in their frenzy,
will rush to Chicago and rush through the
Convention some foolish and denuncia•
tory resolutions, and thus commit the party
to a position on which it cannot stand."
The conflicting interests of the nu
_
merous candidates for the Vice Presi
dency will also give a great deal of
trouble to the Convention, although
Wade is probably laid on the shelf by
his failure to get to the White House,
and the opposition to Curtin in his own
State, puts him out of the question.
But the greatest difficulty of all will
be, who to nominate for President. It
appears to us not at all certain that
Grant will be the man. The party never
- -
did care anything for him, and only
proposed to nominate him because of
his supposed strength. But recent events
have pretty clearly shown that he has
pot the strength with which he was
credited, and the shrewdest of the Rad
icals Seesit and would like to throw him
overboard.
Then again it Is not clear that Grant
either desires or will accept the nomi
nation, since the Impeachment scheme
has so grossly miscarried. His friend
Washburne, it is said, told Senator
Trumbull last week, that Grant would
decline the Chicago nomination, if the
President was not removed. Why he
should avow an Intention to decline
in this event, \i l / 4 is not easy to
see, unless he lieved that the
failure of linpeachm,nt would portend
the failure of the Republican party in
the fall. If he so reads it, he is wise
and shows more sagacity than he Is gen.
eraily credited with. A man enjoying
as splendid a position In the govern
ment as lie does, would be very foolish
to accept a nomination for the Presi
dency unless he felt very sure of suc
cess. But if Grant don't accept, the
Republicans are at sea. Who will they
take up? They have no one.
Their hurry Oyu]
The majority of the Senate, while the
trial was in progress, were in a very
great hurry to conclude it, and appeared
to be very much afraid lest the Presi
dent's counsel should succeed in pro.
tracting it. They refused to allow them
a reasonable time to prepare their case,
and forced every stage of the trial
through with the utmost expedition,—
Their hurry seems now, however, to
have left them ; when it would have ta
ken but an hour or two to finally end
the case, they have postponed it for ten
days. The public interests which they
alleged demanded that the trial should
be quickly concluded, seem to have giv
en way to party interests, which in their
opinion require that the Chicago Con
vention Shall pass upon the guilt or in
nocence of the accused, before the High
Court of Impeachment shall be able to
vote intelligently on the question.
Bishop Simpson
Telegrams from Washington an•
nounce that Bishop Simpson of the
Methodist Episcopal Church, tele
graphed to Senator Willey, of West
Virginia, "a pro,ycrful roped that he
might find it his conscicntious duty to
rote foe conviction." Senator Willey so
found it his duty to vote; but what jus
tification can a Bishop offer, for sending
such a telegram; "a prayerful request,"
the Bishop made; does he" think it
proper that a request should influence a
man's conscience, or that prayer should
be addressed by bishop or layman to
any one but the Almighty. This
"prayerful request" was a very indecent
request, and Bishop Simpson should be
ungowned for making it.
A Change of Cabinet.
Telegrams from Washington contain
information purporting to be derived
from "a very reliable source," that the
President proposes to entirely change
his Cabinet, the present ministers being
willing to offer their resignations. His
object, it is intimated, iv doing this is
to get more into harmony with Con
gress, and he is said to be ready to agree
that the Southern States may be admit
ted In any practicable way, so that
Southern interests may be cared for 011
the floor of Congress. Ho is reported to
have for some time contemplated taking
these steps, should the result of im-
peachment be favorable to him and will
probably carry his intention into effect
after the the 26th last. The newspaper
correspondents make his Cabinet up for
him as follows :
Secretary of Slale—Wm. M. Everts.
Secretary (.1' the Treaaury—M r. (trees
beck.
Secretary of Wor—Ex-flovernor Cox
Secretary of the Interior—Mr. ratron, o
Illinois.
Atiorney-“eneral—Mr. Steubery.
It seems to U 6 rather late in the day
for the President either to change his
Cabinet, or to attempt to conciliate
Congress, and we doubt whether the
information on which these statements
as to his intentions are sent to us, is as
entirely "reliable" as it is represented
to be.
Try Another
With great diffidence, we take the
liberty of suggesting to our Republican
friends, the propriety of their calling
another meeting in the Court House.
Their last was such an eminent success
and had so great an effect on Senators,
that another should be tried by all
means. They only lacked one vote, and
another meeting might fetch them. Try
it, friends.
How THEI" JUDGE ONE ANOTIIER. —
Every Radical politician you meet says
the seven Republican Senators were
bought. They Judge them by them
selves. They know that, had they been
Senators, they would only have been
anxious to have their virtue tested.—
Like Byron's ladles, their first question
would have been, "When does the rav
ishing commence?"
ON EXHIBITIoN,With his skinny
finger upraised, Stevens exclaimed,
"Let me see the recreant that dares to
go back on the House." There were
seven on exhibition on Saturday after
noon.
The Christian Radical
A new and handsome quarto religious
sheet bearing this title has commenced
publication in this city. We gather
from its columns that it was formerly
published in Denver, Colorado, but its
lieu() has been suspended for a year. D.
Schindler &G. P. Weaver, editors and
proprietors.
SINGULAR, VERY I—There were seven
managers of impeachment and seven
Republican Senators voted for acquit
tal; each manager disgusted one decent
Senator. Had the House Bent but six
blackguards the President might have
been. convicted.
TO YOUR HOLES, 0 ISRAEL ! The SODS
of Israel (?) who met in• the tent on
Tuesday last are sick and troubled in
the flesh. The tent has failed, let thein
nowt:tire to, their holes. Root bo,is,
DEAD—The Republican party
Intimidating Jarqrs,-41 I mbracery.
e
titter bamness a4lnfamy of the
le rrlef the'Beilubli* ptiliy as 'al
del:iced 'by their conduct in reference to
IMpeachment, is absol tiMly astennding.
The Radicals taking advan$ e of the
excitement caused by 4 theremoval of
Stanton dragooned the more conserva
tive Republicans into supporting the
articles of impeachment, and taking
into their own hands the control of the
business, have persistently endeavored
to treat and to compel others to treat,
what Is really a most solemn judicial
trial of our Chief'agistrate; as a parti
san inquisition' into the propriety of al
lowing a political opponent to continue
to be the President of the United States.
One.would think that they would have
been amply satisfied to try the case
which they presented against the Pres
ident with the utmost fairness, and
would have deemed it sate, as well as
proper, if they had any valid founda
tion for their charges, to have omitted
everything resembling a partisan appeal
to the Senators who were sitting as
judges ; inasmuch as forty-two out of
the fifty-four Senators were themselves
Republicans, and their prejudices and
inclinations would naturally induce
them to render a verdict of guilty if the
evidence would at all justify it.
It was manifest, however, frcim the
outset, that the Managers placed no re
liafice upon the merits of their case, but
expected only to succeed through the
partisanship of the judges. To this end
they devoted themselves to the denun
ciation of the President and to the in
culcation of the idea that his removal
was essential to the success of their par
ty. Notwithstanding the indecency of
saying to judges, that they had already
expressed an unalterable opinion on the
case, they reminded them of the resolu
tion which they had passed, declaring
.that the President had exceeded his au
thority in removing Stanton, and ar
gued that they dare not change that
opinion even should their views be dif
ferent under the testimony and the law,
presented to them in a judicial capacity.
Thaddeus Stevens, in the-House, on the
2nd of March, when impeachment was
Introduced, cried, (raising his finger and
pointing toward the Senate,) "let me
see the recreant who dares to tread back
upon his steps and vote upon the other
side. Point me out one who dares do
It, and you show me one who dares to
be regarded as infamous by posterity."
The old man has now seen not only one
such, but several, and they the most
distinguished members of his party in
the Senate. The view was apparently
not satisfactory to him, for upon the
strength of it he has taken to his bed.
Nearly the entire Republican press of
the country took up this cue, and strove
to intimidate such of their party friends
in the Senate as might be disposed to
decide conscientiously. Their leading
organ the f&ibutic, was daily filled with
the most violent appeals to Senators to
convict the President; they were told
again and again that they could not find
him guiltless of crime, without ap
proving of all he had done, and here•
after placing themselves outside of the
pale of their party. So intense was the
pressure and so unanimous appeared to
be the desire of the Republican party
for conviction, that the leaders became
confident that no Senator would dare to
satisfy his conscience rather than his
party and even proceeded to construct a
Cabinet fur Wade. Their disappoint
ment was great then, when on Monday
four of the most learned and influential
Republican Senators declared that they
would vote to acquit the President, and
it was only exceeded by the gratifica
tion of the country at finding that there
was such noble material still left in the
Senate. On Tuesday, knowing that Im
peachment would be defeated if a vote
was then taken, the Court adjourn
ed to Saturday ; the intention being
meanwhile to use desperate efforts to
compel hesitating Republicans to vote
for conviction. To this end the whole
pack of Radical newspapers opened out
in full chorus in denunciation of Fes
senden, Trumbull, Grimes and Hender
son, villifying them in every possible
way, finding no epithet too low for their
use, nor any language too violent; nay,
even accusing these Senators of having
sold their votes for money; charging
this upon Fessenden and Trumbull,
against whose honesty and integrity,no
political opponent even, had ever utter
ed a word. All this being done to affect
the votes of judges who are deliberating
upon their verdict.
Orders have gone out from the Radi
cal camps in Washington to call Re
publican meetings everywhere to adopt
resolutions, announcing to Senators the
demands of the party. Did ever any
one hear of a more infamous procedure
than this upon the part of public men?
Were public meetings ever before pro
posed to be held to adopt resolutions to
he forwarded to a jury, enjoining them
to find a verdict of guilty In a case which
was before them? No, for this would
be a crime. Endeavoring to influence
a jury is a criminal offence. It iscalied
embracery. We beg to call the atten•
tion of the District Attorney to the fact
that this crime was on Wednesday eve
ning last, committed in this town by
divers persons, in the very Court House
whence justice is dispensed.
Orders arrived here on Wednesday
from Thaddeus the Great and Butler the
Beast, and Logan, General of the G. A.
It., that a mass meeting of the Republi
cans herein resident should be immedi
ately hell, at which resolutions should
be passed denouncing those who voted
to acquit the President. Willing tools
were found who obeyed the behests ; a
flaming call was issued, a small number
of persons were got together, and the
disgraceful proceedings were enacted
which we fully describe on our outside.
We have given them at length, because
we want our people to see to what ex
tent those whom they know in ordi
nary life as respectable fellow-citizens,
will degrade themselves and what base
acts they will du when the orders coins
to them from their party chiefs. It is
true that very few of the most respecta
ble anti thoughtful members of the Re•
publican party hi our city were present
last night; and they staid away, as we
know, because they believed the meet
ing was improper in itself, and would
fall, moreover, to accomplish the object
of its promoters. The list of officers of
the meeting shows the prominent men
who attended it, but a great many of
these even were not present.
We sincerely regret fur the sake of
our city that it has been disgraced by
this meeting. The callers of it have
distinguished themselves by theirfolly ;
they surely did not need to call it to
stiffen up Mr. Stevens; and do they
really suppose that they have any men
in the United States Senate, who are
so utterly undecided, timorous and
weak in character as to be influenced in
a solemn judicial trial by the clamor of
Lancaster or any other town? They
have covered themselves with disgrace,
for they have made an attempt to influ
ence the most exalted body of men in
the United States, to convict the Presi
dent who is being tried by them
.for high crimes and misdemeanors,
under the forms prescribed by the
Constitution. The most distinguished
tribunal in the country has been sworn
to justly try the most distinguished
officer in it, and these miserable little
sand-snipes here in Lancaster presume
to meet and resolve that if this high
court acquits the President, it will have
perjured itself,ihavesold itself, and have
damned itself forever. Faugh ! it real
ly was disgusting -to see these very
little men the Court House on
Wednesday night last, casting out
their spume upon • • men who are
• ite high above them, intellectually and
morally, as Heaven is above the earth;
who ate to•them in mentaAtrength and
moralbeauty.as.HYPOMl to a Ida.VF.
These men haVe cast a edgmauponour
clO. Their conduct.,v4it not only ab- -
surd and uneetanly fli-,Avaa „Om
Aniaxabiax; an :attempt to ';"in
duenee a jury corruptly to one etle,by
promises; persuasions, entreaties, =Melt ,
entertainments,or the Ore.—Blackstone.
It is a crime which is greatly frowned
upon and severely punished by the law;
for it is justly considered that trial by
jury is the "palladium of our liberties,'
and if corruption or intimidation should
ever creep into the jury
: box, its value .
would be 'forever gone. The slightest
suspicion of tampering or talking with
a juror about a case on trial outside of
Court, is sufficient to set aside the ver
dict rendered, in every Court in Chris
tendom. How criminal then are these
men who-ftleavor in every possible
way which their ingenuity can devise,
to intimidate the Court which is sit
ting at Washington. Should not
the law take hold of them and
punish' them ? Should not their
conduct be frowned upon by every in
telligent and law abiding citizen. How
shameful is it, at any rate, that these
distinguished Republican Senators who
have been honored and revered so high
ly throughout the whole country should
now become the target of the lowest
and vilest abuse by every pot-house Re
publican politician, simply because they
conscientiously believe that the law and
the evidence will not justify the convic
tiod of Andrew Johnson of high crimes
and misdemeanors. How noble is the
conduct of these accomplished Sena
tors in regarding the injunctions of
their conscience as above those of their
party. Or, has the country adopted the
creed of Thaddeus Stevens, that legisla
tors should "throw conscience to the
devil" when party interests are at stake.
This sentiment of the old man is appa
rently believed In by his disciples in
Lancaster, but we trust it does not find
holding ground all over the country,
We doubt whether, as evil minded Re
publicans live elsewhere as here; and
we wondered greatly last night when the
lightning was flashing around the Court
House, that the Pandemonium within
•was preserved from its avenging and
purifying might.
The Registry Law
Legal steps are about being taken to
test the constitutionality of the Regis
try act, passed by the last Legislature.
Mr. Chalfant, of the House of Repre
sentatives, from Columbia county, de
clares that the journal of the House
shows that the act as passed, contained
but three Sections, while as printed In
the Legislative Record and in the
Pamphlet Laws, it contains twcntyone
Sections. He charged in the House that
it had been tampered with after it was
passed, and asked that a Committee of
investigation be ordered, which, how
ever, was refused by the Radical mem
bers,
Tho statement is a startling one, and
we are glad that it is going to be Inves
tigated. The constitutionality of the
law will be tested at the same time. Its
sole object is to injure the Democratic
party, by throwing obstacles tu the way
of the exercise of the right of suffrage
by the poor men, the mass of whom are
Democrats, and is In perfect consistency
with the Radical policy of restricting in
every way the influence of white men
ln the control of our government, and
extending that of black men.
Alabama
Alabama was admitted into the Union
ou Thursday by the House.of Repre
sentatives, notwithstanding elle had
not complied with the enabling act of
Congress which, as it will be recollect
ed, required a majority of the whole
registered vote of the State to be cast in
favor of the constitution submitted to
the people. The Conservatives, to defeat
its adoption, staid away from the polls
and did not vote at all ; the consequence
being that although the Constitution
received a majority of the vote which
was cast, it did not have a majority of
the registerod vote of the State. The
Radicals, however, anxious to greet
their negro brethren upon the floor of
Congress, have disregarded the law
passed by themselves and have admit.
ted the State. In to doing they have
paid their legislation as much respect as
it is entitled to ; but if they take this
liberty themselves with some of their
laws, they should not desire to impeach
the President because they think he has
taken an equal freedom with others. If
the law-makers break their own laws
it does not lie 117 their mouths to preach
to others of the Inviolability of their
statutes.
A Charge Which liecolle
A silly editorial appears In the New
York Tribune of Saturday, charging
that the reported Illness of several Re
publican Senators at Washington, was
caused by their being poisoned by the
friends of the President. It asserts that
poison is a familiar weapon with the
Democracy at Washington, and one
which they use whenever there areany
Republicans to be got out of power; cit
ing the following Illustration as proof
thereof:
"In 1856, Mr. Buchanan was raised to
the Executive Chair, and under his admin
istration—as in that of his predecessor—
Washington was rice from malaria—that is
for Democrats ; but when the Republican
party began to gain strength,and it was pos
sible that theymight become the rulingpow
or in Congress, the water of Washington
suddenly grew dangerous, the hotels, [par
ticularly the National.] became pest.hous
es, and dozens of heretics from the Demo
cratic faith grew sick almost unto death."
Unfortunately for this blockhead's ar
gument, the "National Hotel disease"
broke out at President Buchanan's in
auguration, instead of when the Re
publicans became the ruling power,"
and Mr. Buchanan himself was attack
ed by it, while one of his nephews died
from its effects. Therefore, as the Tri
bune thinks that disease had a sinister
origin, and was designed to kill ofl
those in authority, it must be of the
opinion that it was caused by Republi
cans with the intention of destroying
Democrats ; a suspicion which was en-
ertained by many at the time, bat wo
were not prepared to find the Tribune
willing to acknowledge that it was jus
tified by thefuet.
Ton. New York Sun (Bad.) gives a
brief statement why the income tax is
unconstitutional. It says the Constitu
tion provides that all direct taxes shall
be levied upon the States In proportion
to their population. Congress has no
power to levy any direct tax upon indi
vidual citizens, and must Impose such
taxes upon the States and upon them
only. The income tax is a direct' tax ;
it is levied not upon the States but upon
Individuals, and therefore It is unconsti
tutional, and cannot rightfully be col
lected of any man.
k' orney'fi Resignation a Sham.
This was shown by the proceedings
in the Senate on Wednesday. His re
signation was presented to the Senate
by :the presiding officer, and Senator
Cameron's motion to accept it was re
jected. Also, one of Senator Hendrick's
that it be accepted, and the chief Clerk
McDonald act as Secretary. The obey
eller was doubtless aware that his Rad
ical friends would refuse to accept his
offer to resign, so that it did not require
much courage to offer it. Forney Is not
in the habit of releasing his hold on the
loaves and fishes until he must.
HORRIBLE Rizcsiort.—On dit, that
there are seven men in Washington
who are greater criminals than Wilkes
Booth.
AN Ism/awns Acm.—Senator Wade
it will be noticed, voted for the convic
tion of the President. 0 ! Shame
Where is thy blush?
LACONIC CORRESPONDENCE—Sum
ner to Stanton—"Stlck." Stanton to
Sumner and other impeaehtre.—
"Stuck."
DEAD DUCKS—lmpeachment, For
ney, Stevens and Stanton,
Eknywo Enabled to Work Intelligently.
Whey:degree to whioh the;ltadicals
,i*nri,it , proper to tabsper , 4itit the
Gotabt Impeachment, andthe"worit?
'hich has been done to , prevent a vote
being given, which would represent the
unbiased opinion of the individual
Senators, is broadly and plainly indica
ted in the following extract from For
ty's Press:
It is thought that if the defectors bad been
allowed to file their opinions on Monday,,
mid a vote IMd been taken on Tuesday, Our
cause would have been lost; but by allow:
ing them to read their arguments we drew
their tlre:and developed the detection in all
its hideous enormity. Subsequently, with
reliable information regarding the status of
the case, we have been enabled to work in
telligently, and , consequently with great
effect. •
If, after the case had been closed on
both sides, the Court had been allowed
to vote at the time which bad been fix
ed "our" (the Impeachers) "cause
would have been lost." The President
would have been acquitted. But by ob
taining the opinions of some of the
judges, " we drew their fire," and pos
sessed of this information "have been
enabled to work intelligently and con
sequently with great effect." Who are
" we?" The Radicals, a political party
which desired a different verdict from
that which was about to be rendered.
And at what, pray, were they to
" work ?" They were to work to at
tempt to obtain a different verdict ; to
endeavor to influence the votes of indi
vidual members of the Court, by in-
timidation, persuasion and entreaty ; by
appealing to their party prejudices and
threatening them with party vengeance;
by bearing them down with resolutions
of conventions, legislatures and town
meetings, telegrams of Governors and
letters of politicians. The Radicals
have done many infamous things, but
If this " work" of theirs in striving to
affect the verdict after the case has been
closed and given to the Court, does not
cap the climax of their infamy, then,
we confess, we do not properly under
stand the proprieties which should be
observed in the conduct of a judicial in
vestigation.
If it is proper that public opinion
should decide the result of this trial,
then it is proper that the question
whether or not President Johnson shall
be deposed, should be submitted to the
vote of the entire people; and this is the
position which the Conservatives have
always held. We declared that the
offenses charged upon the President
were of a political nature ; and this was
clearly shown to be the case by the fact
that one great party held that he had
done wrong, while the other held that
he had done right. It was therefore not
proper that the President should be
impeached for crime before the Senate;
the impeachment should have been at
the bar of public opinion; and as the
two great parties of the country were
arranged on different sides of the ques
tion of his guilt or Innocence, the issu e
was made up and the verdict would
have been rendered by the people at
the November elections.
But the Radicals thinking they had
"a sure thing" of convicting the Presi
dent before a Republican Senate, would
not carry their cause before the people;
yet now, finding their case is in jeopardy,
they unblushingly demand that the
voice of the people—the radical portion
of them—shall be heard, to bolster it up.
Effrontery could no farther go.
Substantial Law• Makers
The Columbia (South Carolina) Plar
nix gives the following statement of the
pecuniary responsibility of the members
of the late Convention, and of the lately
elected Legislature of South Carolina.
It seems that 120 members of the Con
vention received for GO days' labor at
State Law, making $70,200 and mile
age ; the taxes paid by these 120 respon
sible citizens to the State in a year
amount altogether to 554.24. Providence
has evidently not favored that dusky
congregation with a large amount of this
world's goods :
It may be of some little interest to the
people of our State to know what propor
tion of the burden of taxation is bornu by
their " so-called " representatives in the
lute Convention and the recently elected
Legislature. It will certainly go far to
soothe the feelings of the outraged tax
payers, that these gentlemen have contrib
uted so liberally to the funds of our im
poverished State, which their late labors in
the Convention compelled them to deplete
with such patriotic spirit.
The following statement exhibits an
analysis of the taxes paid by the members
of the Convention and of the Legislature
recently elected, according to the tax re
turns in the Comptroller's office: The total
amount paid by the members of the Legis
lature, $700.63; of this amount, six mem
bers pay, $301.62; leaving balance paid by
all other members, $300.01. Executions for
$140.76 of this balance have been issued, and
we have not been able to ascertain whether
or not they are paid. The total amount
paid by the members of the Constitu
tional Convention, $870.54 ; of this amount
one member (a Conservative) paid
8508.65 ; and three members paid
$210.50-4719.35 ; balance paid by all
other members, 8160.10. Executions for
$77.75 of this balance have been lodged,
and we are unable to say whether they are
paid or not. Allowing that these execu
tions are unpaid, and It is reasonable thus
to suppose, the amount of taxes paid by 120
men of the Convention for ono year is $84.-
23. These 120 received for sixty days' ear
, vice at the Convention, $70,200. Estimating
their contributions to the public treasury
by this return, it will take them 955 years
to repay the State the sum they abstracted
from her for sixty days' service! This is
exclusive of mileage—which would increase
the amount paid to the Conventionites to
more than $lOO,OOO.
A Nasty Radical Plot
The action of the House on the 16th,
under Bingham, means that on infor
mation furnished by the Managers, the
Senate is to try those of its members
against whom the fury of the impeachers
is now hot, under the acts of Feb. 26,
1853, and June 11, 1864, as well as by
general powers :
"By a two-thirds vote the Senate may
expel any member for cause to be judged
of by itself. On this two-thirds the accused
cannot vote, and If the thirty-five Senators
who voted to convict Mr. Johnson see fit so
to do,they can on the information furnished
by the Managers put on summary trial any
or all of the seven Republicans who voted
"not guilty ;" and us these cannot vote in
their owu case, can expel them at once by
the two-thirds. Ross and Fowler are par
ticularly obnoxious, and it is understood
that against them the chief effort will be
made.
Thlsis so desperate a game, and wit
so recoil upon its authors, that we pre
diet Its failure.—N. Y. Express.
Stevens as a Barometer.
The New York Hcrald thus irrever
eutly speaks of our extinguished (po
litleally), and nearly snuffed out (phys
Wally) Congressman:
Already on Monday the barometer of
radical sentiment Indicated that all was not
right. Contingencies were apparent even
than—the certainty was gone. Old Stevens
wan In a bad humor, too. He indulged
that sneering style that is so charming a
part of the dignity of the House, and on
Tuesday morning no was desperately down
in that dying dodge that has figured all
through this impeachment story. There Is
no piece of news comes from Washington
of such good augury for the country as
that announcement that Stevens is down
again ; while if it declare that there is not
the slightest hope of his recovery it is a
reason for universal delight. Not that we
wish to see the shortening of any, man's
days, for indeed this despatch has no rela
tion to death or burial. It merely means
that something has happened to cross and
excite the most violent spirit of the radical
circle ; that things do not go exactly to suit
that narrow, savage and tyrannicial tem
per; and therefore the traunical temper is
ready to snuff itself out with its own fury,
as the small boy swore he would starve
himself to death if his granny did not give
him all the gingerbread he could cram.
Death Won't Sava Ton
It has been decided that dying won't save
man or woman from the payment of taxes.
Assessors are instructed that " incomes of
persons who died after the 31st of Decem
ber, are taxable, and should be returned by
executors, and also incomeB which accrued
in 1867, to persons who died within that'
year. Incomes accruing after decease should
be returned by heirs. Thus it is seen that
the insatiate tax-gatherer follows a man in
his coffin, site at the portals of the tomb,
plants himself by the side of the grave
digger, as he dips the clods upon the mor
tal remains, andidter dogging the carriages
of the mourners, stalks home like a spectre,
and enters upon his books the expected
income the Treasury is to deiivetherefrom.
What a blessing is a public debt I—Blooms
.
burg Democrat...
Hugh Pitcairn, Esq., Superintendent of
the Susquehanna Division of the Northern
Central railroad, has resigned that position.
Mr. P. has been in charge of the Division
. for two years past, and been in active rail
road service for many yoars, during which
lie won and retained the respect and confi
dence of all with whom he was associated.
IMPEAcHME.NT• ,
.- • z .
H ARTICLE VOTED OIL
The President Acquitted.
WAsruNerroN, May 16.
Soon after 11 o'clock four men approached
the Capitol, bearing Senator Howard on a
litter or a strecher, covered with a white
spread.
At 12 o'clock Chief Justice Chase brought
down the gavel, and called the Court to
order. As the hour for voting on the arti
cles approached, anxiety could be seen pic
tured on tho faces of the spectators.
The first business in order was the con
sideration of the order to take the vote on
the 11th article first. On this Mr. Hendricks
demanded the yeas and nays, and it was
carried.
Mr. Fessenden then demanded the yeas
and nays on the adoption of the order.
The vote resulted 34 yeas to 19 nays, Sen
ator Wiley voting nay.
While this vote was being taken, Senator
Howard was carried in, put in his seat, and
wrapped up in a great shawl. He arose and
asked if it would be in orderto file his opin
ion. The Chief Justice said it was. Mr.
Grimes came in jest aftertho vote was taken,
and created quite a sensation, he sat upon
the Democrauo side. The Chief Justice ad
monished the galleries in advance that per
fect order must be maintained. It would be
a subject of regret if he was compelled to
clear the galleries. The Chief Justice then
directed the Clerk to read the Eleventh Ar
ticle,which he clid amid profound silence.
Aer the reading of the article, the Secre
tary called the roll.
Mr. Anthony was first called upon. He
stood up amid breathless silence, while the
Chief Justice put the usual form to him, and
he replied "Guilty!" Then came Bayard
and Buckalow. Mr. Cameron was then
called. Before the last words of the ques
tion were out of the Chief Justice's mouth,
Simon, with his thumbs wiggle-wagging
against his trowsers, cried guilty, whereat
I the solemnity of the occasion was broken
by a derisive laugh from all parts of the
High Court Room, which would have con
fused anybody but the sharp-faced juror
himself. Cattell and Chandler voted suc
cessively for conviction, and when Mr.
Cole's name was called curiosity was again
excited, because It had been reported that
he was ono of the doubtful ones upon some
of the articles. With a steady voice, how
ever, he voted "guilty." Conkling, Con
ness, Corbett, and Cragiu voted, as it was
expected they would, guilty. So,
on
the other side, Davis, Dixon and Doo
little voted successively for acquittal; the
latter responding in a tone of voice, loud
and clear. Drake was next called, and he
tried to throw in his voice a tone of uncon
cern, when every one knew that he had
long ago committed himself, and that he
was concerned for the result. Edmunds
and Ferry next voted successively for con
viction. The Secretary then called Mr. Fes
sondem The Senator rose and stretched
his tall form to its full length, and stood
erect. Ho placed his thumbs in his pants'
pockets, and thus listened to the reading of
the questions by the Chief Justice. Senator
Sumner, who sits behind him, leaned over
to catch a glimpse of Fessenden's face. The
latter was perfectly composed, and in the
clear voice of an honest, conscientious man
voted "not guilty."
The Clerk then called, " Mr. Fowler !"
The latter was from his seat to the left of
the Chief Justice. He placed his hands up
on his desk and listened to the reading of
the question. All eyes were directed to
ward him, for he was considered doubtful
and a tremendous pressure had been
brought to bear upon him. The question
having been rend, he made a response
which was not distinctly heard, and lie was
requested to repeat, when in a tremulous
voice he answered " not guilty." The
friends of the President breathed more free
ly, while Sumner, Chandler and Howard
made a desperate but unsuccessful effort to
conceal their disappointment. The vote
now stood 12 for conviction and 7 for acquit
tal, and both parties became nervous.
Senator Frelinghuyseu is next on the roll
to Fowler, and he voted guilty, although
he lies been claimed by both parties. Still,
lie was not positively counted. on.
The name of Senator Grimes was next
called. That gentleman occupied a chair
to the loft of the Chief Justice, and the latter,
alluding to his recent indisposition, sug
gested that he be permitted to retain his
seat while voting, and no objection was
made, and the lowa Senator voted for a:-
quittal. Senator Harlan followed with a
vow for conviction. Senator Henderson
was next called, and he rose nervously in
his place under a battery of Radical eyes
front the Radical side, while Conkling,
Thayer. and Patterson of New Hampshire,
leaned forward with anxiety. The Mis
souri Senator Ind not spoken against the
11th article, and although his vote was
claimed for acquittal, his Radical friends
still hoped. Hel was true to his principles,
however, and voted not guilty. Mr.
Hendricks followed with a vote upon
the same side. Senator Howard's
mane came next, and he placed his shawl
upon his desk in front of him. The Chief
Justice made the same suggestion in his
case as In that of Mr. Grimes, but the Michi
gan Senator preferred to stand, although
very weak, and he voted for conviction, and
was followed by Senator 'Lowe on the same
side. Johnson and MeCreery followed,
voting not guilty, and Morgan, 'Morrill of
Maine, Morrill of Vermont, and Morton
votedsuccessivelyfor conviction,making the
vote stand twenty for conviction and twelve
for acquittal. Norton increased the latter
to thirteen, and Nye and Patterson of New
Hampshire increased the votes for convic
tion to 22. Senator Patterson, of Tennes
see, voted for acquittal. Pomeroy and
Ramsey then voted for conviction.
At this point tte issue of the impeachment
conspiracy was about to be decided. They
were, to be sure, hundreds of men and
women in the galleries who were not aware
of the till Important significence of the next
vote. But they were admonished by the
sudden cessation of banter and half indif
ference around them and by the strained
attention of Senators on the floor, that
something extraordinary was expected to
occur. Everbody who had made it his or
her concern to inquire into the probabilities
of to-day feared or hoped that the President
would be convicted upon the eleventh or
test article, by 11 single, vote only. Up to
last night the vote that was to acquit the
President was presumed to be Mr.
Willey's. Late last night, after the Radi
cal Senatorial caucus, Mr. Willey's ex•
peeled vote for acquittal was discovered to
be in doubt by some, and was known by
his nearest friends to be lit last determined
for conviction. Mr. Willey's vote being
lost to the President there was only one
other vote In the Senate that could be ex
pected to save him. Only a very few peo
ple were confident of this vote. When the
name of Mr. Ross, of Kansas, smote upon
the ears of the assembly, a thrill was pro
duced by it that tingled through every vein.
Mr. Ross, who had occupied himself exact
ly as is his usual habit in tearing sheets of
paper in pieces and littering his lap, arose
with a remnant of Congressional foolscap
dangling front his fingers. Mr. Ross Is a
man of medium stature, of a light com
plexion, an unassuming demeanor, and, as
the event to-day proved, a strong will. He
is the successor of Jim Lane in the Senate,
and it was observed as he stood, that he was
as unlike Jim Lane in appearance as a colt
is unlike a tiger. Mt. Ross showed himself,
however, to be a colt who could not be
whipped in. He uttered in a quiet,
conversational tone the words ' not guilty.'
These syllables were as righteous a three as
were ever pronounced, yet the effect of
them was almost alarming. One might
have supposed that they embodied treason,
that they foreboded a breaking up of all
sacred institutions, that anarchy and ruin
were to result from them. Such furious
vindictive glances were surely never cast
upon a man before. Such pent-up fury
never refrained from manifesting itself in
the rise of knives-and pistols. Too many
policemen were at hand, or it might have
to lon hard with the Senator from Kansas
and the "High Court of Impeachment"
might have been disgraced. The Radicals
round about shut their teeth as closely as
they could, and muttered through them.
The Kansas delegation‘vent instantaneous
ly and got fairly maniacal, under the ne
cessity of not howling aloud. One Kansas
man was heard to say •
"There is no remedy for this but the
knife."
Another Kansas man said:
" There won't be any necessity for Ross
going back to Kansas to commit suicide."
Unscathed by these denunciations, Mr.
Ross resumed his stand and tore his scrap
of foolscap with his customary deliberation.
Mr. Saulsbury followed on the same side,
making the vote for acquittal 10. Sherman
voted for conviction, and Sprague followed
the lend of his colleague, Mr. Anthony, and
voted in thesarne direction. Stewart, Sum
ner, Thayer and Tipton followed on the
same side, and then Mr. Trumbull's name
was called, and rising In his seat, pro
nounced the words " not guilty ",with more
emphasis than any other Senator had given
' them. Jsext was called Mr. Van Winkle,
and the excitement now became in
tense. 'Seventeen votes only had thus
far been cast for acquittal. Mr. Vick
ers was, of course, certain, and the
only dependence now of the President's
friends was on Van Winkle and Wil
ley. The vast audience on the floor and
in the galleries held their breath as the
question was asked, and the West Virgin.
la Senator voted "not guilty." This secur
ed acquittal, for Vickers was certain,
and
.
he followed Van Winkle. Then the bum
of voices was again hushed, for Senator
Wade's name was now called. "Is he going
to vote?" was whispered about the galler
ies, but all curiosity was soon put at rest,
for he rose to the left of the Chief Justice
and voted guilty—this (with the exception
of the vote given upon the motion to take
the vote first on the eleventh article being
the first vote he bad cast since the
trial commeheel Now was heard the
name of another doubtful Senator, Willey
of West Virginia, and there was much cu
riosity to know how he would vote, although
it did not matter much, because acquittal
was already secured. Contrary to the best
expectations, however, he voted for convic
tion. Williams Wilson, and Yates closed
the roll-call, and the President was acquit
ted on the eleventh article—the test article
—two-thirds not having voted for convic
tion. The galleries breathed freer now that
the result was ascertained, and but for the
presence of so many policemen a cheer to
almost rend the roof from the Senate cham
ber would have been heard.
The following was the vote in detail:
Qualy.—Anthony, Cameron, Cattail, Chand.
ler, Cole, Conkling, Cooness. Corbett, Cran,
Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frellnghuysen. Her.
lan, Howard, Howe, Morsid4E: Morrill
of Mai,na_,Mondll of Vermollll, .tatterson
'of New *al PometW, Y, Sher.
marr,l3Magne, Stewart Butozde_,_Thayer, TIP.
to , n v . a .V.rade; ouitg r .B il ay liy ar , d 7 B l u ltliiiiili, tono. W. D l a go vti n: D lin x t g:
(t o
Doolittle, Fesseuden, Foglia:, Grimes. lien
(lonian, liendrleltiy, .7 haton,:aleCeeerE. tlior
lou, Patterson of Ten n .Rose, SamaharY,
Trumbull. Van .Wink le, ekers.
The-vote stood 30 for nvietion, and 19
for Requital. So Andrew Johnson was ac
quite& on that article.
Chief Justice Chase then announced that
on the llth article the vote stood—guilty t 35;
not guilty, 19. On this article the President
is acquitted.
After this vote had been taken, Mr. Wil
liams moved that the Court adjourn until
the 26th instant:
Mr. Henderson made a point that it could
not adjourn pending the calling of tho vote
on the question, nor until the result was
announced.
Tho Chair decided that it was not in order
to adjourn, whereupon an appeal was taken,
and the yeas and nays ordered.
On the question shall the decision of the
Chair stand as the judgment of the Senate,
the vote stood—yeas, 24; nays, 30; so the
Chair was not sustained.
Mr. BlcCreerymoved that when the Court
adjourn to-day it adjourn sine die. The
yeas and nays being ordered, the vote stood
—yeas e; nays, 47; so the motion was lost.
Mr. Henderson moved that the Court ad-
jonrn until the first day of July next.
The yeas and nays were demanded, and
the vote resulted—yeas, 20; nays, 31; so the
Senate refused to adjourn until the first of
July.
The vote was then taken on Mr. Williams'
original motion to adjourn until the 26 inst.
It was carried by a vote of 32 to 21. Court
then adjourned.
The Senate, by a vote of 2-1 yeas to 25 nays
refused to concur in the Houso resolution
to take a recess from to-day until the 25th
inst.
It is generally conceded now that convic
Lion cannot be carried upon any of the arti
cles. The main object in adjourning is to
get an expression on the subject from the
Chicago. Convention, and also from the
masses of the people all over the country.
WAwErnrcroN, May 16.—1 n the House,
pending on the final vote on Bingham's
resolution; the scene was of extreme inter
est. At the first row of desks to the Speak
er's left eat Thad. Stevens, Senator Wilson
occupying the chair by his side, and Win
dom,Orth Shanks,Garfield, Van Horn, May
nard, Donnelly, and others clustered about
the two. while the old Anarch fiercely ges
ticulated with his half clenched hand and
wagged his head wrathfully about. He
seemed to bo denouncing the Senate, and
telling his henchman, who nodded assent,
what to do in language of which two phras
es reached the gallery, "Damn." and "Ride
over 'em." At the front of the Speaker's
desk stood Butler, talking to Julian, and
pretty soon as Stevens said something
which provoked a boisterous laugh, Gar
field and Maynard also came over and
spoke to the hangman of Mumford, who
placed his hand familiarly on Maynard's
shoulder. Washburn, Grant's particular
keeper, also had a crowd about him, and
front one to the other of these three repre
sentatives, the impeachers wandered alter
nately. Somebody brought in a dispatch,
and the crowd gathered about Stevens on
ly to find from appearances, that the news
was bad, since the old Anarch shook his
fist as if at some visible enemy ; as the tel
egram wont from hand to hand, the cloudy
brows grew still more troubled. Elsewhere
over the House, members gathered them
selves together in twos and threes; and in
and out, and here and: there, Mr. Mana
ger Bingham wandered like a lost soul.
After the members had returned from the
Senate Chamber, and the House was called
to order, Mr. Washburno, of Illinois, as
chairman of the Committee of the Whole
announced the result of the vote In the Sen
ate, but the dose Was a nauseous one, and
a petted child taking a dose of castor oil
could not manifest more disgust thou did
the Illinois member when he announced
the President's acquittal. It is needless to
say that the dose was equally nauseous to
nearly every Radical menber, and it would
not have been a matter of surprise to see
the Speaker faint as he directed the Clerk to
spread the report at large upon the
journal. Mr. Bingham, from the
Impeachment Managers, reported a pre
amble, stating that information has come
to them which seems to furnish them with
probable cause to believe that improper or
corrupt means have been used to influence
the determination of the Senate upon the
articles of impeachment ; therefore
Resolved, That the Managers be directed
and instructed to remain, and examine
witnesses and send for persons and papers,
and to take testimony on the subject.
The House. by a vote of 78 to 26, agreed
to receive the resolution reported by the
Managers, and Mr. Bingham proceeded to
state the reasons for it.
Views of Senator% Grime! and Edmunds.
On Monday Senator Grimes, of lowa, in
secret session of the Senate expressed his
views. His speech occupies over four col
umns of the New York Herald of yester
day. lie began with a consideration of the
President's power of removal of the heads
of departments under the Constitution,
quoting many authorities to show that it
was not denied or abridged up to the pas
sage of the Tenure of Office act. He did
not consider the Secretary of War either
within the first section of thoact or the pro
viso, and quoted the declarations of Mr.
Schenck and Mr. Sherman in the debate on
the passage of the bill in March, 1867, to
sustain the theory. He thought Mr. Stan
ton held office under the pleasure of the
President alone under the act of 1789, and
that the President alone could remove him.
qlo did not think there was any distinction
between the power of the President to re
move In recess, and his power to remove
during the session of the Senate, an officer
who held solely by his plepsure. Taking up
then the second article he said the tempo
rary designation of a person to dis•
charge the duties- of an office until the
office could befitted, was made legal by the
act of 1795, which, he Is satisfied, has not
been repealed by that of 1863. But even if
he thought otherwise, Mr. Grimes said he
should be unable to convict the President of
a crime in such a temporary appointment,
not doubting that the President said in good
faith and believed that he was acting within
the laws. Ho dismissed the conspiracy
articles very briefly, as hedid also the eighth
and ninth articles. He then took up the ques
tion of intent, saying he bad no doubt that
President thoroughly believed the Tenure
of-Office act unconstitutional, and said that
ho was advised of its unconstitutionality by
Mr. Stanton and other members of his Cab
inet, and Mr. Grimes thought It not strange
that under the circumstances the President
should doubt or question its scope. He held,
however, that Stanton's case was not includ
ed in the provisions of this act, and that,
therefore, question of intent need not be con
sidered as President had done no unlawful
net. But even if It were included the guilty
. intent was not such as warranted the judg
ment demanded by the House. The Sena
tor went on to say that if the President might
not in this way make a case for the Courts
to puss upon, file complete supremacy of
Congress over all other branches of Govern
ments was established, and he was no be
liever in such doctrine. Mr. Primes turned
off the remaining articles in few words, and
closed as follows:
" I have expressed no views upon any of
the questions upon which the President has
been arraigned at the bar of public opinion
outside of - the charges. I have no right to
travel out of the record. Mr. Johnson's
character as a statesman, his relations to
political parties, his conduct as a citizen,
his efforts at reconstruction, the exercise of
his pardoning power, the character of his
appointments and the influences under
which they were made; are not before us
on any charges. Nor can I suffer my judg
ment of the law governing this case to be
influenced by political considerations. I
cannot agree to destroy the harmonious
working of the Constitution for the sake of
getting rid of an unacceptable President.
Whatever my opinion of the incumbent, I
cannot consent to trifle with the high office
he holds. I diff3r widely with the Presi
dent respecting his political views and
measures, and deeply regretthe diftbrences
between him and Congress; but I cannot,
in my judicial capacity, record my vote that
he is guilty of high crimes and misde
meanors."
Senator Edmunds, of Vt., argued at length
that the President had violated the Tenure
of office act, and that he was guilty upon
the article charging him therewith. Ho
dismissed the fourth article with tip state
ment that it was not proven, and announced
the same opinion regarding the conspiracy
articles. He also dismissed the ninth arti
cle in the same manner. Regarding the
tenth and eleventh articles, ho expressed
the opinion that they did not come within
the constitutional meaning of high crimes
and misdemeanors.
Opinion of Senator k essondon
In secret session of the Senate on Monday
last Mr. Fessenden spoke at considerable
length against impeachment. Ho reviewed
the whole case, article by article, and con
eluded as follows:
The power of impeachment is conferred
by the constitution in terms so general as
to occasion great diversity of opinion with
regard to the nature of offences which may
be held to constitute crime or misdemeanor
within its intent and meaning.
upon Some con
tend, an
ncipp d with great force of
and authority, [
th at t,
only both
ri
such cr imes and misdemeanors are intend
ed as are subject to indictment and punish
ment as a violation of some known laws.
Others contend that anything is a crime or
misdemeanor within the meaning of the
constitution which the appointed judges
choose to consider so ; and they argue that
I the provision was left Indefinite from the
necessity of the case, as offences of public
officers injurious to the public interest and
for which the offender ought to be removed
cannot bo accurately defined beforehand;
that the remedy provided by impeach
ment is of a political character and
designed for the protection of the public
against unfaithful and corrupt officials.—
Granting, for the sake of the argument,
that this latter construction is the true one,
it must be conceded that the power thus
conferred might bo liable to very groat
abuse, especially in times of high party ex•
citement, when the passions of the people
are Inflamed against aperverse and obnox
inns public officer. If so, it is a power to
be exercised with extreme caution when
you once get beyond the line of, specific
criminal offences. Thu tenure of publie of
flee, except that of judges, is so limited in
this country and the ability to change it by
popular suffrage so great that it would
seem hardly worth while to resort to BO
harsh a remedy, except In extreme cases, and
then only upon clear and unquestion
able grounds. In the case of an
elective Chief Magistrate of a great
and powerful people living under
a written constituttion there is much
more at stake in audio proceeding than the
fate of the individual. The office of Presi-
dent is one of the gpikt t coo-ordinfte branches
of, the government, having its defined
powers, prieilegoot and duties as essential to
the very framewOrk of tho-govomment as
any otherand to he tenchedivith as careful a
hand. Anything, which conduces to weaken
its hold upon the respect of the people, to
break downthe barriers which surround it,
to make it the mere sport'of temporary ma
jorities, tends to the great injury of onr gov
ernment and inflicts a wound on constitu
tional liberty. It is evident, then, as it
seems to me, that offences for which a
Chief Magistrate is removed from office,
and the power entrusted to him by the
people, transferred to other hands, and
especially where the hands which receive
it are to be the sumo which take it
from him, should be of such a. character as
to commend itself at once to the minds of
all right thinking, as beyond question an
adequate cause. t should be free from the
taint of party, leave no reasonable grounds
of suspicion upon the motives of those who
inflict the penalty and address itself to tho
country and the civilized world as meas
ures justly called for by the gravity of the
crime and the necessity for its punishment;
anything leas than this, especially where
the offence is one not defended by any law,
would, in my judgment, not be justified by
a calm and considerate public opinion as a
cause for removal of a President of the
United States, and its inevitable tendency
would be to shake the faith of the friends of
constitutional liberty in the permanency
of our free institutions and the capacity of
man for self-government.
It has been further intimated by the
Managers that public opinion calls with n
loud voice for conviction and removal of
the President. One Manager goes so far as
to threaten with infamy every Senator who
voted for the resolution passed by tho Sen
ate touching the removal of Mr. Stanton
and who shall now vote for the President's
acquittal. Omitting to comment upon the
propriety of this, it is sufficient to say with
regard to myself that I not only did not
vote for that resolution,
but opposed its
adoption. Had I voted, however, It would
afford no justiticatiou for convicting the
President. If I did not, on examining it
and ou reflection, believe him guilty, a do•
sire to be consistent would not excuse ad
violation of my oath to do impartial Justice.
A vote given in haste, with little opportu
nity for consideration, would bo a lame
apology for doing injustice to another
after a full examination and reflection. To
the suggestion that popular opinion de
mands the conviction of the President on
these charges, I reply that he is not now on
trial before the people, but before the Sen
ate. In the words of Lord Elder upon the
trial of the Queen, "I take no riotice of what
is passing out of doors, because I am sup
posed, constitutionally, not to bo acquainted
with it." And again, "it is the duty of
those on whom a judicial task is imposed to
meet reproach and hot court popularity"
The people have not heard the evidence as
we have heard it. The responsibility is not
upon them, but upon us. They have not
taken an oath to do impartial justice ac
cording to tho constitution and the laws. I
have taken that oath, I cannot render judg
ment upon their conviction, nor can they
transfer to themselves my punishment if
violate my oath. I should consider myself
undeserving thecontidonco that the Just and
intelligent people imposed upon me in this
great responsibility, and unworthy a place
among honorable men, if for any fear of
public reprobation and for the sake of se
curing popular favor I should disregard
the convictions of my Judgment and my
conscience. The consequences which mu
lollow, either front conviction or acquittal,
are not for me with my convictions to con
sider. The future is in the hands of Him
who mode and governs the universe, and
the fear that Ho will not govern it wisely
and well would not excuse me for a viola-
ton of his law.
Letter or Senator Henderson.
Senntor Henderson, of Missouri, has nd
dressed the following letter to the Mlssour
Congressional delegation
WASIIINIITON CITY, May 14, IStiS
Gentlemen an Interview with yo
on the day before yesterday, you suggested
that my position on the Impeachment ques
tion was against the almost unanimous
wish of the Union party of our State, and
that you feared violence and bloodshed
might follow the President's acquittal. In
asmuch as I owed my position hero to that
Part. and expected to support its mon and
measures in the coming canvass especially,
and as I deprecated the consequences you
thought might follow, although I did not
anticipate nor fear any such results, yet, in
order to place myself beyond the possible
censure of those whom I know to be my
best friends, I at once proposed to forward
to the Governor my resignantion as Sena
tor. To this you did not consent, and I then
requested you, as my friends, to consult to
gether a n a determine what you thought was
proper for me to do under the circum
stances.
You did so, and the result was, that, be
lieving that the safety of the country and
theinterostsof the loyal people of tho United
States demand the immediate removal of
Andrew Johnson, you asked me to with
hold my vote in any article of impeachment
upon which you say " I cannot vote atlirnm
lively." As soon ns I had time to read and
consider this paper, I found I could not
comply with the request without that degree
of humiliation and shame to which I was
satisfied you, as honorable men, would not
wish to subject me. I had already spoken
In the Senate and I:thought conclusively (at
least to my mind) against eight of the nrti•
Iles, and had informed you that I was no
less decided in my judgement against the
sufficiency of two others, leaving me In
doubt only as to one. If with these clear
convictions, expressed i n full Senate, I
should now sit silent, I would forfeit my
own self-respect mind stand defenceless be
fore the world.
You agreed to reconsider your opinion as
expressed, and although you at first re
solved to adhere to it, I am gratified that
upon further reflection, you agreed with
me that the request was quite unreasonable
and you still persisted, am your opinion that
my duty required my vote to be cast or
withheld as I might deem necessary on
some ono article, as to secure conviction.
I at once mentioned the difficulties attencl•
Mg this suggestion. Senators had been and
were still so reticent on the subject that I
could not ascertain their positions. I knew
them to be greatly divided on the several
articles, and they were oven liable to change
their minds at any moment before the tinel
vole should bo taken: but as you expressed
a desire that I should not resign, unless it
became absolutely necessary to have a suc
cessor in my place favorable to conviction,
I promised to give you the result of my
conclusions, so soon as I could ascertain the
probable result on ono or two of the articles.
I have endeavoaed to ascertain that result.
I cannot, and I now write to you to say,
and be assured that I say It In that spirit of
friendship and kindness, which you have
always extended to me, and which now
undiminished I have ever entertained for
you, that your request on this subject
placed me in the most difficult and delicate
possible position. I am satisfied you do
not realize it. I have given It the most ser
ious consideration, both on your and my
account, anti especially on account of the
gravity and importance of the subject pre
sented.
_ .
The result of that consideration is, that
having been compelled as a member of the
Senate to take an oath to try this case, and
to do Impartial justice according to the law
and the evidence, I cannot now honorably
escape theduties imposed by the obligation.
It was for the House of Representatives to
prefer the articles of Impeachment, it is for
the Senate to try them ; and the members of
the House bays no more right to dictate or
control the judgment of the Senate in the
premises than members of a grand jury pre
senting an indictment have to dictate or In
fluence the verdict of the petit jury on the
trial of crime. And Ido not thus speak for
the purpose of reflection on your action, for
I distinctly disclaim such purpose, knowing
ns I do that—what you have done and said
springs from the best of motives, as well us
the kindest of feelings. My duty In the
premises I cannot shirk, nor can I divide It
with others. If I resign before the conclu
sion of the trial, If strikes me that I make
sport of the obligations of my oath, and
unnecessarily subject myself to the invo
lution of weakness or something worse.
If I remain and do my duty, my consti
tuents at present may condemn me, but
will not when they hear my reasons, and
tho people of Missouri have no reason or
desire I hope, to strike me down, without a
hearing. If I stay and withhold may vote,
as you request, you are aware that the re
sult wonld be the same us if I voted ad
versely.
If I resign and a successor should come,
perhaps a proper sense of delicacy would
prevent hint from violating every precedent
on this subject by casting a vole atoll. If ho
sat silent, It would be the same in result as
if he voted adversely. If he voted affirma
tively and thus secured conviction, this
manner of obtaining conviction would be
likely to neutralize in the end every advan
tage to be derived from Impeachment.
Hence I have resolved to remain at my post
and discharge my duty as it Is given me to
know it, and appealing to Heaven for the
rectitudoof my intentions and the integrity
of my conduct, I Abell follow the dictates
of my conscience totbe end of this trial, and
throw myself upon the Judgment of a gen
erous people for my vindication. Your
friend,
J. B. HENnEnsort.
•
To Messrs. George W. Anderson, William
A. Pile, C. A. Newcomb, J. J. Gravely,
J. W.lsteClurg, ts. F. Loan and J. F. Ben
jamin.
The Impeachment Farce—How the News
was Seeetved in Philattetahla.
The news of the defeat of tne impeachers,
on the eleventh article '
was received in this
city on Saturday, with the most unbounded
enthusiasm.
It was amusing to witness the effect the
news had upon various temperaments. The
stock fobbing cauldron boiled and seethed,
for a while, with excitement. That portion
of the fraternity Mid had "bulled" the
question, were very much disappointed
over the result, and accepted, with. 111-con
cealed grace, the sympathy of their more
Jubilant mates, who had accepted impeach
ment as a humbug.
The streets, shortly after the good news
was received, were literally alive with peo
ple. .
The newspaper offices were the centre of
attraction, and around the bulletin boards
our citizens congregated and read, with in
terest, the glorious news of the fall of the
impeachers. The information, thus ob
tained, spread like wild fire, and not
many minutes elapsed before the tidings
had reached the extreme sections of our
city ; and on the strength of the news, many
of our manufacturers closed their places of.
business, and the employees Joined. in cele
brating the occasion. At election times,
Salt river tickets come in vogue; but yes.
terday, not many seconds after the recep
tion of the news, we saw issued " impeach
ment cards," which sold like "hot cakes,'
and our newsboys, no doubt, reaped
harvest from the sale of the same. These
cards were headed "Impeachment In a
Horn," with comical outs representing the
"Sergeant -at-Arms of the Senate clearing
the galleries of small boys ' " "Ben. Wade
weeping for the expected mistress of the
White House," "Forney, the bill-poster,"
"Thad. Stevens putting words In Miss
Anna Dickinson's mouth"—the latter, by
the way, being drooled in male attire ; and
other really funny delineations.
Films were. displayed from almost every
building in commemoration of the vote that
acquitted the President and sustained the
Constitution of the land.-211creury.
In Now Tilt*
The excitement In the streets on Satur
day to learn the fesult of the veto on im
peachment was intense. Groups of people
gathered around the various newspaper
offices, and, with nervous impatience,
awaited some announcement. Suddenly
the cry was hoard from hundreds of boys,
declaring the result of the vote.
At tho Tribune ofilco a group was seen
around the bulletin board, on which was
placarded in large letters: "Tito Tratitofit
aro Fowler, Fessenden,;Grimos, Henderson,
Ross, Trumbull and Van Winkle."
On Wall street every man who know the
result asked every friend if ho had beard the
result, and then wont calmly about his bus!.
ness. At 3 o'clock everybody was quiet
and no excitement prevailed anywhere.
A call is being circulated to day in Wall
street and numerously signed by business
men for a mass meeting o the merchants of
the City of Now York, to congratulate the
•country upon the acquittal of President
Johnson. It is assorted that Senators Fes
senden, Trumbull, and Hendricks aro to be
invited to address the, meeting. It is sup
posed by those acquaited with the matter
that it portends the formation of a new
party.
What kienator Ross Mays
A correspondent of the New York Worid
has had a conversation since the vote, with
Senator Ross, in which the latter explained
his position ns follows:
"My object was and is," he said, " first
to do justice as my oath required, and.by
abiding by that oath to save the Republi
can party. I strove with my might, its did
the rest of the Republican Senators who
voted with me, to postpone this verdict. I
desired to have it put off If possible until
July. I hoped that if It should be put oil*
so long, the necessity for bringing in a ver
dict might be avoided. The President, by
exhibiting In the interval a proper (limiest
,
Lion to join with Congress in forwarding
reconstruction, by sending in the new con
stitutions of the Southern Slates with his
approval, and approving the admission by
I °ogress of these States to representation,
might overcome the existing animosity so
tar that vet y few men in the Senate
would think it lust or politic to pro
ceed against him. Thus the crisis
would bo avoided, the division between
the extreme and conservative wings of the
Republican party would be rendered less
inevitable or less violont,lnd the approach
ing Presidential CLIIIVUX4 would be conduct
ed with all our united strength." Anal'
this, which is not n literal transcript but the
substance or Mr. Ross's remarks, ho said
substantially: "The pressure brought to
bear upon Senators who have been sus
pected of an Intention to vote for the acquit
tal of the President was infamous In kind.
Tho denunciation heaped upon mo since
the vote, curiously proves how the senses
of mon can be obliterated In tho midst
of an excitement like this. Hero was a
vide upon a single article. I deemed It
my duty to vote "notguilty" upon that ar
ticle: That Is accepted as a text of what my
vote would have boon if the remaining aidi
eles had been submitted for the verdict of (he
Sennte." 1 nq). , said to Mr. Rosa, "1 am
then given to understand that although goo
voted 'not goat"( yesterday upon the eleventh
riptide, 710 person has any authority to allege
that you intended to rote 'not guilty' nponall
the other articles r- -That is precisely,"
responded the Senator, "what you are given
to understand." Before 1 left, !dr. Items
alluding again to - the present excitement,
exhibited a few samples of the telegrams
and letters which he had received from his
own State and elsewhere Millet) his vote was
in doubt, and since his vote on the eleventh
article hail been made known. Several of
these messages threatened assassination;
one of them, a marvel of billingsgate, tele
graphed froth Kansas, had not been paid
for by the writer. It cost the Senatorsome
thing over $-1 to peruse a missive in which
his eyes, ears, and everything else about
hint were damned to eternity. J. It. S.
Potting Screws upon Memnon..
liorom the Providence (It. I.) JouruaLMay.l3.l
Tho following telegram wee tent, }ulster.
day, to several gentlemen hl thin city who
are more or lens conspicuous in our local
politics
WASIIIINUMS, D. C., May 12, IStts.
Great danger to the peace of the country
and the Republican MINI, impeachment
falls. Send to your Senators before Satur
day public opinion by resolutions, hate!s
and delegations.
ROBERT C. SCHENCK, Chairman.
The might of such a telegram, coining
from such a source, awakened in many
❑rinds a profound leafing of surprise and
mortification. Some of our citizens, among
them some of the gentlemen lowborn it wan
sent, have been in Washington during the
Impeachment trial, anti though In daily In
tercourse with the Senators from this State,
they refrained from even speaking to them
about a question which {VIM before them in
their judicial capacity. This Is the instinc•
live sentiment of all high-minded men.
And yet, here in a telegram sent by a
member of the House of Representatives
from ()hio, calling upon gentlemen in po
litical posltiens in Rhode lslnnd, to bring
the pressure of public opinion to bear upon
our two Senators by means of "resolu
tions, letters and doiegations," anti that too
in the highest judicial proceeding known
to the Constitution and laws of the land !
The members of the Senate have been en
gaged for nearly nix weeks in the hearing
of this cause, and now, according to the de
mand of Gem Schenck, their decision is to
be dictated to them by constituents who
have given the subject no close attention
whatever. The very suggestion Is au lin •
pertinence and an outrage, offensive alike
to all decorum and all justice.
1110 Articles of Impeachment
Tho Now York Evening root prints a
summary of the articles of Impoachmont,
which at this time cannot full to prove In
teresting to Lilo gonoral romlor. They aro
as follows:
Article I. That the President Issued un
order to remove Secretary Stanton, with In
tent to violate the Tenure-of-Ofnce act.
. . .
Article 11. That he by latter authorized
Lorenzo Thomaa to act as Secretary of War
ad interim, when there was no vacancy In
that office, with intent to violate the saute
act.
Article 111. That he so authorized Thomas
to act as Secretar, with intent to violate
the Constitution 01 ' the United States.
Article IV. That he conspired with Lor •
onzo Thomas and others, by intimidation
and throats, to hinder Mr. Stanton from
holding his office as Secretary of War, thus
violating the Coostitution and the conspi
racy act of July 31st, 1861, thus committing
a high crime in office.
Article V. That be conspired with Lor
enzo Thomas, and other persons unknown.
to prevent the execution of the Tenure-of
Office act; and in pursuance or this coo ,
spiracy attempted to prevent Mr. Stanton
from holding his office of Secretary of War,
thus committing a high misdemeanor in
office.
Articio VI. That he conspired with Lor
enzo Thomas to seize by force the War De
partment, contrary to the Conspiracy Act,
and with Intent to violate the Tenure-M
-0111co act, thus committing a high crime in
Mao.
Article VII, That he conspired with Lu
reuw to selw by force the War Du •
partment, with intent to violate the Tenttro
of Office act; thus committing a high title•
demeanor In Oleo.
ArticloVlll. That he delivered to 'Lorenzo
Thomas a letter of authority to act as Sucre-
tary of War, ad interim, with intent unlaw
fully to control tho military appropriations,
in violation of the Constitution and 01 the
Tenure of Office net, and so committed
high misdemeanor In office.
Article IX. That on February 22f1 lust he
instructed Major Genoral Emory that that
part of the Appropriation act of March 2,
1867, which provides that all orders of the
President and War Department relating to
military operations shall be hewed through
the General of tho army, was unconstitu
tional, and tried to induce Emory to violate
it, by receiving orders directly from the
President; with the further intent to pro
vent the execution of the Tenure of Office
act, and to prevent Mr. Stanton froinhold
trig the Oleo of Secretary of War.
Article X. That hu delivered inflanuna
tory and scandalous harangues, at various
times, to bring contempt upon Congress.
In this charge, epecification first quotes a
speech at Washington, August 181 n, 1866,
about a body "hanging on the verge of the
government."
Specification second-: The Cleveland
epecch of September 3d, 1866—Your Con
gress that is trying to break up the govern
ment," etc.
Specification third: The St. Donis speech
of September 8,1865—" It I have played the
Judas, who has boon my Christ that I have
played the Judas with? Was it Thad, Ste
vens? Was it Wendell Phillips?" tw.
These speeches arc charged as a high miii•
demeanor in office.
Article Xl. That he declared in a public
speech in Washington, August 18, 1866,
that the Thirty-ninth Congress was apt a
constitutional Congress of the United States,
but a Congresif of part of the States; thus
denying the validity of their legislation,
except so far as ho chose to approve it ; and,
in pursuance of this declaration, attempted
to prevent the execution of the Tenure of
Office act, by unlawfully contriving means
of preventing Edwin M. Stanton from re
suming the office of Secretary of War, when
the Senate bad refused to concur in his sus
pension; arrtFalso attempted to prevent the
execution of the Appropriation act of March
2, 1867 (as in Article and also of the act
of March 2,1867, "for the more °trident
government of the rebel States ;" thus com
mitting a high misdemeanor in office. '
PERUVIAN SYRUP.—This valuable medi
cine hits been silently making its way into•
public favor by the numerous remarkable
cures it has performed. Its singular efficaoy
is owing to the pro Oxide of Iron, which re
mains unchanged in Ws propitiation
is the enlyform in.whichlthls vital cfclitine
of healthyy blood innt •be suppliedqt-Qom-
The Ohio Legislature.hae .UflUl
November 23d.