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A Story of Two Kisses.
I &m Bn old man; so old am I that,
looking back, life seems very long, and
yet so short tnat I do not know whether
many things did dot happen in a dream,
lam hale and hearty, and merry, for
the matter of that; and when I laugh,
my laugh rings out clearly and loud,
they say * so much so that it makes the
people around, especially my grand
children, and nephews, and nieces,
laugh too. Aud When I laugh, the old
times come back when others, who are
silent now, laughed with me,-jmd then
I um suddenly still, and the laugh dies
away ; aud when ■ I think of it, Its
empty echoes fill mj> brain just as if it
were sleep-laughter In a dream.
When I stop laughing so suddenly—
for the merriment and enjoyment, and,
for the matter of that, the grief and pain
of old.meu, are Bhort and audden, like
those of children—my grandchildren,
and nephews, and nieces, have a great
ditllcully to slopj too ; and they choke,
and nudge each other, and say, "Ah!
that is a good story, uncle; ulmost us
good uh the story you told us yesterday.”
Told yesterday; let me see what it
was that I told yesterday. How long
ago itseems ; it must bo longer ago than
the time 1 was twenty years old, a stal
wart, bravo fellow in yellow breeches,
black leggings, a heavy brass-bound
helmet, with a white plume tipped with
red, and a clanking sword which I now
could not lift with iny two hands. I waß
a royal volunteer then, prepared to re
sist the French, aud I and some of my
companions were encamped in white
tents on the east of Kent.
Yes; people think me very merry.
And so bless heaven ! I um ; for I try
to stand upright, four squares to the
world, us a man Bhould ; butofeging an
old man, { have blank plAeOTin my
heart now, where no lovefgrows ; bar
ren spots in my memory, and chill and
numbed parts in my feelings, whereto I
caunot look back, and whereon I dare
not tread aud touch lest sudden pain
should come back, like to the shooting
of an old, old wound.
Been in love? Yes, I Bhould think I
have ; how else could'l have grandchil
dren, those people who laugh so hearty
when i laugh, and make me say how
old I am a score of times, aud say how
well I am lookiug. ,
Been in love? I think I was talking
of that, was I not? Yes, been in love!
Well, we jTmt did love when I was a
young fellow', and 1 recollect my Alice,
and I recollect her as I loved her when
Hbe was very young, and as I love her
now. i think that she could do any
thing but and smoke, or tell an
untruth, or do a wrong action. Her
fueo was a swett oval face ; her hair a
very dark brown, nearly black; aud her
eyes a deep blue, full of merriment at
one moment, aye, at all moments, ex
cept when Hbe heard a sad story or was
touched with pain for any one else, and
then lliey grew deeeper and deeper as
they lilleil with tears. Hot for herself.
fSne never cried for herself that I know
of, for she never had a day’s illness.
But she was terribly cut up when her
poor brother died, and that you see was
how r knew-her. Her brother was my
right-band man ~ln my company.
Many’s the time that he stood shoulder
to me, good at drill, good at song, good
at anything. He used to live near the
coast; ami, indeed, he joined us, and I
was one of liis tent-fellows, and his
chum:
Well, he knew people that I knew,
and we were soon friends ; and he took
me home to show me Alice. He was
always talking about her, and sbeabout
him ; and, when he was there, scarce a
look did she give me. Her brother—
his name was Joe, and mine too —could
do everything, aud was the be-all and
eud-all of the world, I used to think,
and bo one day X tried to run with Joe,
and Joe beat me, and Alice laughed ;
aud then I ’shot against Joe, and he
beat me too, aud she laughed the more,
and I wrestled with him and threw
him; and she didn’t laugh then, but
rail to see whether he was hurt, aud
-said, it wasn’t fair for Joe to tackle a big
fellow like me, although he was nigh
an inch taller. In short, I could not
please her anyhow. •
Well, it was one day when we heard
that the flat-bottomed boats of old Boney
were not coming over, and that the
army of Boulogne had melted bit by bit
away like a snow dritt, that we made a
night of it. Ay, it was a night, too !
■and being hot and iu the summer time,
we must needs keep up the fun till the
sun came up over the seacoast, looking
red and angry at our folly. Well, Joe
and I—the two Joes, as they called us—
ran down on the beach and washed our
hot faces, and plunged in. the fresh, salt
waves, aud were in a lew moments as
fresh and merry as larks. .And, after
dressing, Joe must needs take a walk
with me —who was loth, you must know
—along the edge of the cliff. The seas
for centuries have been washing that
chalkbound coast, and at intervals there
stand up pillars of chalk, with seas
around them. The people call such a
place “ No Man’s Land,” and no man
can own it, truly. Well, Joe came to
one of these, within a few feet—say
twelve—from the cliff, and turning to
me, srfM “Joe, Junior,” said he—l
think 1 see bis bright face now—" I
challenge you to jump on ‘No Man’s
Land,’ 1 do.”
“ Joe,” said I, hurriedly, “ don’t be a
fool! It may be it would give way at
the top, and, if it did not, how could
you jump back without a run? You'd
be stuck on the top there like a mad
sentinel or a pillar saint. I’m not going
to jump it.” v
" But I am,” said he. And before I
could stop him, if indeed I had tried,
he took a run andjumped.
It was so sudden that I could only
stand aghast when I saw him there.
He stood, indeed, but for a moment,
and then be took a back step, and
would have jumped back, when I
heard a rumbling sound, and half the
top of the “ iNo Man's Land” parted
and the chalk aud earth, aud Joe, too,
fell down with a crash on the rocky
coast below.
I ran round the little creek to the
other side of a small bay, and throwing
myself down on the turf, stretched my
neck over, looked over and cried out,
"Joe I Are you hurt, Joe!”
A faint voice came up, and I could
Bee the poor fellow struggling under a
huge piece of chalk, which seemed to
hold him down in agony. He smiled
in a ghastly way with his whitened
face, and said, ''Run, Joe, run! the
tide’s comi/g in!”
Well;"I did run, and we got ropes
from the tents, and a few strong fellows
held these as I swung over the cliff, just
reaching poor Joe as the cold water was
lap, lap, lappingup to his mouth, taking
away his breath, and then running
back, crawling over him. and leaving
bubbles of salt foam, as if in sport. I
got him out, but ‘Tie could not stand.
Some bones were broken and he was
badly bruised, so that I was forced to
tie him to a rope, and they hauled him
up, and afterward pulled me up, and.
we took him home.
Well, well! to . make a long story
short, poor Joe died, with my praises
ou his lips, and Alice bowed her head
like a broken lily. It was a long time
before she got over it, and summer had
grown Into winter, and winter to sum
mer, to autumn, and to winter again.
The threatened invasion was all over;
our swords were getting rusty, our uni
forms dirty, and when the holidays
came I left the firm in which I had just
become a partner, and went to spend a
fortnight at my old friend's in Kent.
Alice was there, well and cheerful
now, amd reconciled to her loss, though
we often talked of poor Joe, and as the
days, wore on we grew close together,, j
and she called me by my' name ana'
seemed to have transferred her brother’s
love to me. She never told me so nor
let others see it till one merry Christ
mas night, when she rejected all her
cousins and her other friends, and
would only dance with me.
We had the mistletoe, too. At last
one mad-cap fellow proposed that the
’tadies should kiss the, gentlemen all
1 Mound when and hoW they could 1 ; and
) : Alibe Should play, too;' dhd ! she. In' a
BOl'etnn,' quiet way, smiling sadly and
VOLUME 67,
yet sweetly too,, took me beneath, the
Christmas bough and kissed me on the
Ups.
Ay, Its many years ago, but I feel it
now. My heart beat so fast that I hardly
dared return It; but I put my arm around
her and took her gently to the bay win
dow of the old hallt saying, as I pressed
her hand, " Alice, dear Alice, did you
mean that kiss?”
Well, I need not tell you what she
answered. ’Tis fifty years ago, fifty
years ago! and I am surrounded by
Alice’s dear grandchildren, and there is
one, a little thing with light and golden
hair that will deepen into brown, who
plays around my knees and tells me her
little stories, her sorrows and her joys;
so quick, so hurried in their coming apd
their going that they are like my own,
and, os we lift, we grow quite friends
and companions, as my Alice was to
m ßless you, she understands it all!
She is a woman in her pretty ways; her
poutings, pettings, and quarrelings.
She manages her household of one wax
doll and two wooden ones, and tells me,
for the wax doll Is the lady and th 6 two
wooden ones ar.e the servants in the
mob-caps and stufT gowns, when they
gossip with a wooden policeman, who
belongs to her brother, little Joe.
So we are fast friends, little Alice and
I; and to-night, on Christmas night, I
noticed that she would not dance nor
play with the pink and shiny-faced
little boys who were unnaturally tidy
and clean and their new knicker
bockers, with red stockings; but
she came and sat by me and
talked softly in the firelight, as Alice
did, and made me think of fifty years
ago. And only think how old times
came baok and new tlmeß like the old;
only just think that when her mother
told her she should. choose a sweetheart,
she got a little bit of mistletoe, aud
climbing slyly on my knee, and hold
ing me in talk as If to hide her purpose
—though I guessed it soon, I'll tell you
—she put hei doll-like arm around my
neok, aud holding the mistletoe above
my head, she klßßed me again and again,
and said I was her sweetheart.
Ho this child sweetheart brought the
old times back —the old times that are
still so distant and so near—and the
sweet kiss ’neath the rustling leaves
made me think of my dead Alice in the
grave.
A Fortunate Kiss,
The following pretty little story is
narrated by Frederlka Bremer, who
vouches for its truthfulness: .
In the University of Upsala, In Swe
den, lived a young student, a noble
youth, with great love for studies, but
without means for pursuing them. He
was poor, without connections. Still he
studied, lived in great poverty, butkeep
Ing a cheerful heart, and trying to look
at the future, which looked so grim to
him. His good humor and excellent
qualities made him beloved by his com
rades. One day he was standing at the
square with some of them, prattling
away an hour of leisure, when the at
tention of the young men beoame ar
rested by a young and elegant lady who,
by the side of an older one, was slowly
walking over the place. It was the
daughter of the Governor of Upsala,
living in the city, and the lady was her
governess. She was generally known
for her goodness and gentleness of char
acter, and looked at with admiration by
the students. As the young men stood
gazing at her as she passed, like a grace
ful vision, one of them suddenly ex
claimed :
“ Well, it would be worth something
to have a kiss from such a mouth.”
The poor student, the hero of our
story, who looked on that pure, angelic
face, exclaimed, as If by inspiration :
" Well, I think I could have it.”
" Well,” cried his friendsin a chorus.
" are you crazy ? Do you know her?’
"Not at all,” he answered; " but I
think she wouldkissme if laskedher.”
" What! in this place—and before all
our eyeß?”
I4V PQ J
“Freely?”
“Yes, freely.”
“ Well, If she will give you a kiss m
that manner, I will give you a thousand
dollars!” exclaimed one of the party.
“ And I,” “ and I,” exclaimed three
or four others, for it happened that sev*
eral rich men were in the group, and
the bets ran high on so improbable an
event. The challenge was made and
received in IeBS time than we take to
tell it. „
Our hero (my authority tells not
whether he was plain or handsome ; I
have my peculiar reasons for believing
that he was rather plain, but singularly
good-looking at the same tftne,) imme
diately walked up to the young lady
and said:
“ Mine fraulein, my fortune is now in
your hands.”
She looked at him with astonishment,
but arrested her steps. He proceeded
to state his name anil condition, his as
piration, and related simply what hkd
just now passed between him and his
comrades.
The young lady listened attentively,
and at his ceasing to speak, she said,
blushingly, but with great sweetness:
“If by so little a thing, so much
good can be effected, it would be foolish
for me to refuse your request;” and
publicly, in the open square, she kissed
him.
The next day the student was sent for
by the Governor. He wanted to see the
man who dared to seek a kiss from his
daughter in that way, and whom she
consented to kiss. . .
He received him with a scrutinizing
bow, but after an hour’s conversation
was so pleased with him that he ordered
him to dine at his table during his
studies at Upsala.
Our young friend pursued his studies
in such a manner that it/ soon made
him regarded as the most promising
student in the University.
Three years were now passed since the
first kiss, when the young man was
allowed to give a second kiss to the
daughter of the Governor as his wife.
He became, later, one of the most
noted scholars in Sweden, and was
much respected for his character. His
works will endure while time lasts,
among the works of science; and from
this happy union sprang a family, well
known in Sweden at the present time,
whose health and high position in
society are regarded as trifles in com
parison with its goodness and love.
An Eloquent lawyer Touches His Own
The Baton Rouge Advocate tells the
following: ~
Last week a case came up before the
jury, and the District Attorney had ex
hausted all his eloquence in the attempt,
to convict a darkey for stealing a goose.
The judge was tired, the jury wearied,
and the bar officials and spectators, all
hoped the case wouldbespeedily closed,
but they weredoomed to disappointment.
Up rose the old Major, the hero of a
thousand contests at the bar, and fort\yo
hours a flow of eloquence poured forth
upon the ears of the jury, evidently
convincing them of the prisoner's inno
cence. Shrugs and gestures denoted
that all they wanted was a chance to
get out of the jury corner, and the goose,
darkey,.prosecutor and all concerned
might go to Guinea if they could be re
leased. The Major piled it on thick ;
he showed them law after law, read
-Supreme Court condensed decisions,
referred to everything relative to geese,
from'the Roman time down to the
E resent, and closed his brilliant appeal
y calling their attention to the honest
countenance of his client; “could such
a man steal —the Heavens forbid ; look
at his face, youperceivesterlinghonesty
in every lineament—could you steal,
prisoner at the bar, could you steal a—
goose?” “Yes, sir, I did Bteal um, but
I didn’t eat um,” was the unexpected
response, qnd the gallant Major, thun
derstruck and exhausted, caved.
The Pall Elections.
The first election this fall takeß place
in Kentucky, but not for members of
Congress. Vermont and Maine follow
in.the. early, part of September, with
Rennsylvania, Qhio, and other Western
Slktes in Octouerj the elfectioris- ending
with New York and Massachusetts, in
ike Radicals In Congress Preparing for
Another Crnet War.
Startling Development*—Not Enough
BlooOiLetting Yet.
We print the principal part of the
editorial .letter of Mr. Raymond, Chair
man of the National Executive Com
mittee of the Republican party, and
member also of the House of Represen
tatives, published in the New York
limes of Tuesday:
Washington, Sunday, July 15.
Political panics are quite as mischiev
ous in their way as panics in an army.
Parties are demoralized, and sometimes
routed, by the apprehension of dangers
that prove to have been wholly Imagin
ary. Sometimes, too, the fears create
the dangers they dread, and thuß fulfill
their own predictions. The Union
Party in Congress is Just now experi
encing a panic of more than usual
severity, and its action under the cir
cumstances does more credit to its zeal
than to its discretion.
You may have noticed the passage in
the House, a few days since, of aresolu
tion offered by Gen. Paine, of Wiscon
sin, called on the Slates to organize,
discipline and equip their militia, and
directing that two-thirds of the arms,
ordnance and ammunition now under
custody of the General Government be
distHbuted among the States , —the dis
tribution among the loyal States to take
glace immediately, and that among the
tates lately in rebellion to be postponed
until further orders. The resolution
came up from the Committee on Mili
tary Affairs and was pushed to a vote,
without debate or delay, under the pre
vious question. It attracted as little
attention in Congress as it has in the
country : and the public will doubtless
receive with incredulity the assurance
that it was Intended, by those who
secured its passage, as the first step to
ward preparation for another civil war.
Although no debate was had upon it,
members were urged to vote for it by
direct conversational appeals on the
floor on the part of the few who were
privy to its introduction. Some were
told that it was necessary to enable the
South loyalists to protect themselves :
others that it was simply a matter of
detail in the War Department:—others
that the arms must .bc.iahen out of the
hands of the President: and othere that
it was proposed at the instance of the
Secretary of War. An appeal was
made by Mr. Kasson, of lowa, to allow
debate upon it, as it seemed to be a
matter of importance—but this was re
fused.
Most of the leading aud reflecting Ra
dicals in Congress take this view of the
political future: If the Fall elections
result in the choice of Northern Demo
crats enough to constitute, when added
to the members from the Southern
States, a majority of the House, they
assume that this majority, thus consti
tuted, will claim to be the Congress,
and will act accordingly, and that they
will be recognized by the President as
the body to which he will send his mes
sage, and whose sessions he will, if the
necessity should arise, protect by mili
tary force. They assert, on the other
hand, that the Union members from
the loyal States—if they constitute a
majority from those States —will claim
to be the only legal Congress, and will, if
necessary, invoke an insurrection of
the people to maintain them in that po
sition. They do not in the least con
ceal their purpose, in the event of such
a collision, to appeal to force, and to
“drive the rival Congress, with the
President and his Cabinet and support
ers, into the Patomac,” to use the lan
guage of one of the ablest and most
sincere of their number. If you will
recall the remarks of Mr. Boutwell, of
Massachusetts, in last week's first cau
cus, you will see this movement clearly
foreshadowed—indeed avowed. He de
clared his belief that an issue of force
was rapidly approaching, and that we
must be prepared to meet it. His acts,
and all who co-operate with him in these
measures profess to act under the ap
prehension that the President intends
to resort to force—that he means to dis
perse the present Congress on its re
assembling in December if it refuses to
admit the Southern members ; and Mr.
Farnsworth ascribed to Mr. Seward the
declaration, that this Congress should
never reassemble unless the Southern
members were admitted —in support of
this belief. I- need scarcely sqy that
Mr. Seward never made any remark of
the kind, nor that the project ascribed
to the President is purely an invention,
or at best the orazy dream of a political
nightmare. But in either case it serves
the same purpose. It covers, and is held
to justify, the determination to arouse
the North, and prepare for a resort
to force upon the assembling of the
Fortieth Congress in extra or in regular
session; and thisdeterminationisavowed.
And the resolution to which I have re
ferred, for an organization of the militia
anda distribution of arms in the North
ern States, is theinitial step toitsexeou
tion.
I do ntf propose to comment upon the
result of such a movement. It is obvi
ous that if any such contingency should
arise, the war would not be sectioned , as
was the last. It would be a war of po
litical parties and of neighborhoods.
Not only have the great body of the
Union party in Congress no sympathy
with these views and purposes, but they
are in the main ignorant and incredu
lous of their existence. That the ex
treme Radicals entertain them, how
ever, there is not the slightest doubt,
and we know, from the experience of
Secession in 1861, how few men it some
times requires to plunge a great party
or a great nation into war.
The Philadelphia Convention is an
other source of panic to the Union
Party. The Union Party must not for
get, however, that the Philadelphia
Convention is due entirely to its own
failure to comprehend and meet the
necessities of the hour. When the war
was over and the rebellion suppressed,
a powerful public sentiment, pervading
all parties, demanded the prompt
restoration of national action under the
Constitution and in accordance with the
fundamental principles of the Govern
ment. If the Union Party had responded
to that sentiment, which was very
powerful in its own ranks—if it had co
operated with the President, who did
comprehend and sympathize with
ite-and had made the restoration
of union, peace and concord the
first object of its endeavors, it would
have broadened its own foundations
and left neither motive nor excuse for
any such movement as that which is
now on foot. If Congress had, two
months ago, admitted to their seats
loyal members from Southern States,
who could take the oath prescribed by
l aw _in other wordß, if they had admit
ted the members from Tennessee and
Arkansas, the only States which have
3 ent such men, the Philadelphia Con
vention would never have been heard
of Unfortunately the Union Party,
contrary to the judgment of very many
of its own members, surrendered itself
to the guidance of men with whom
other things were more important than
the peace and harmony of the country.
It followed the lead of men who insisted
upon “reconstructing” the Govern
ment from its foundations, instead of
restoring the Union which the rebellion
had for the time destroyed, and repair
ing the breaches which the war had
made. It listened to tales of the pro
vinces it had conquered, the new rights
it had acquired, the absolute, unchecked
power it now enjoyed; and while it was
indulging its dreams of subjugation, ot
confiscation, of universal suffrage and
the elevation of the negro race, the
enemy quietly stepped in and tookpos
sesßion of the stronghold of the Union
and Constitution where all its victories
had been won, but which for the mo
ment it seems to have deserted'.
These defaults of its own have given
the Philadelphia Convention a degree
of strength which it-is not wifl© f° r
leaders of the Union Party to ignore or
underrate.. By judicious counsels at
the Outset they might have prevented
it: at alater stagethey might controlled
it :it la not yet'too late to save them
selves from bejng ruined by it. But
LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST, 1, 1866.
they will make a fatal mistake if they
content themselves with ignoring; or
denouncing it, Xf it should happen to
be under the guidance of wise and
patrioticcounsels —if the Southern dele
gatee who may participate in its dellb
erationa should proffer, .in. their words
and theiraction, unmistakable evidence
of the sincerity with which.they accept
the adverse result of the war they waged,
and of their readiness to adopt their
laws, their habits and their wljble po
litical action to the necessities which
that result Has created—if the Northern
Democrats, who Bhare its action, should
cut loose from the men and the meas
ures which v made them so justly
obnoxious to public censure during the
war, and should pledge themselves to
the honor of the nation and to a liberal
policy worthy alike qf its history and its
destiny—if the platform of principles
which the Convention may adopt, and
theactionitmay recom m end, shall prove
thus responsive to the enlarged and
lofty aspirations of Ane national heart,
it may be found that no party organiza
tion, however compact ft may seem to
be, and however stfopgly fortified by
the memory of past services, can with
stand its influence upon the sentiments
and the action of thegreat body-of the
American people, It is a mistake to
deem a party organization solid and un
assailable merely because it looks so. A
political party, like the Ice of a frozen
lake, melts away from beneath, and
while at evening its surface may seem
to be perfectly Bolid and untouched by
rift or seam, the breeze of a single night
may perfect the, work which weeks of
silent, unseen decay have been prepar
ing. Doubts sb to the continued neces
sity or usefulness of a party never begin
with Its leaders or active workers. But
always with the silent masses who
merely watch and think, while others
act, and whose action, in a season of com
motion, can never be predicted two
weeks ahead. Nor must it be forgotten
that the position of the Union Party to
day is one which It has never held be
fore. The issue to which it will stand
committed are new to its organization
and to the public mind. The people
have never yet been called to vote upon
them, and while they may seem to their
zealous advocates and authors to be
very strong, others may prove to be still
stronger than they.
The Italian army suffered a sad re
verse the other day because, trusting in
the goodness of its cause, it marched
boldly upon fortresses whose strength
it despised. The Union Party will con
sult its own safety and the good of the
country, by not throwing itself against
the Philadelphia Convention until it
knows a little more of the nature and
strength of its armament.
A Conversation with President Johnson.
We find the following article in the
Boston Commercial. It contains some
facts for serious consideration among
thinking men:
A gentleman who had a free conver
sation with President Johnson, a short
time since, informs ub that he found
him hopeful, in good spirits and unhesi
tating in the expression of his views.
He does not anticipate anything like a
democratic majority in the next House
of Representatives, though the number
of representatives of that party will
doubtless be considerably increased.
But he does count confidently on the
return of a majority of moderate men,
who will be prepared to deal with the
people of the South as all honorable and
high mined nations deal with their an
tagonists after having beaten and dis
armed them. And in district and
States where the republican party fail to
nominate such men he thinks demo
cratic candidates will be likely in a
majority of oases to be elected over radi
cals.
The President is unhesitatingly of the
opinion that the only Bafety of the
nation lies in a generous and expansive
plan of conciliation, and the longer this
is delayed the more difficult will it be to
bring the North and the South into har
mony. If the suspicious, tyrannical
policy is too long pursued, the popula
tion of the South will become as hostile
in time to the North as the people of
Ireland are towards England, adding
to this evil of hereditary and growing
animosity an ability for revenge a hun
dred fold greater than Ireland possesses.
In regard to the blacks, the President
says they w ill And work enough, and
for many years to come probably better
remuneration than any other class of
agricultural laborers in the country.
The competition of capitalists and land
owners will insure good treatment and
good pay from theplanters. Thatthere
will be much disorder is to be expected ;
but there will be no more than there
would be at the Northwere the number
of black laborers sufficiently numerous
to enter into serious rivalry with the
white laborers.
The Presidentiseonfident that nothing
can be safely and permanently done in
regard to restoring the currency, di
minishing taxation, and establishing
the prosperity of thecountryon asdund
and enduring basis until representatives
from all the States are present in Con
grese. The idea of legislating for one
third of the population of the country,
and passing constitutional amendments
without allowing them any voice in the
matter, or paying any attention to their
wishes, is full of danger to the future
peace and welfare of the nation. They
cannot be treated as a subjugated people
or as vassal colonies without a germ of
hatred being introduced, which will
some day or other, though the time nmy
be distant, develop mischief of the mbat
serious character. :
With regard to the Basis of represen
tation, he denounces this as a mere bug
bear. It cannot and it will not be per
manently settled until all the States are
represented, and no increase in the
number of representatives in conse
quence of the emancipation of theßlaves
tan in any event occur until the census
of 1870 is taken, until which time of
course the three-fifths provision is in
force under the last census. There is,
therefore, ample time to settle this mat
ter between now and 1870, and it is un
wise to agitate it until other matters
which cannot be delayed are settled.
The President does not admit that be
has been inconsistent He is as much
opposed to treason and traitors as ever
. he was, and for punishing them severe
ly. But there is no treason and no trai
tors now. The enemy has fully and
fairly surrendered and is powerless, and
a foe thus situated should be magnani
mously treated. A generous ana self
reliant warrior always restores his dis
armed enemy his sword and trusts his
parole of honor.
The idea of muzzling the press and
tying the tongues of the people of the
South, after the manner of the suspi
cious tyrants and the Holy Inquisition
of the Old World, he denounced as ab
surd. A people should be allowed to
grumble who have suffered so much,
and they would be unworthy the name
of men if they did not respect the brave
officers who have suffered' with them,
and honor the memory of their gallant
dead who sleep on a hundred battle
fields around their homes.
Practical and Studious Men.
Those who call themselves practical
men are too apt to undervalue the
thoughtful and studious men, and to
sneer at them as mere bookmen. The
practical navigator, with a little skill
in the use of instruments and a knowl->
edge of common arithmetic, by the help
of certain printed formulas and tables,
can guide his ship safely through the
perils of the pathless deep. But he
should at bookleaming, for
tliose charts and tables and Instruments
by which his observations and solves
his problems, were the result of deep
and profound study and thought. It is
wrong to class among the nonproducers
all who do not labor with their hands.
But for studious men what would be
the present condition of agriculture ?
It would indeed be blind ana toilsome.
To produce great results the brain and
arm move together—the ideal to be
wedded to the practical. The world
has as much reason, to bless the memo
ry of the inventor as that of him who
raduped the invention topraetlce. Those
only who live upon the profits of labor
without an (equivalent are to be regard
ed as stale and unprofitable.
The Monkeys In Congress, entT How
They Take Their Pood—Debate on the
Tariff Bill*
!Correspondence of the Obicago Tribtma] 1
t Washington; July 7.
Your readers, doubtless, remember
Fonblanque’s storY of the monkeys tn
the old Zoological (gardens of London,
which runs thus; “The monkeys in
Exeter 'Change used to be confined in a
row of narrow cages, each of which had
a pan in the center of its front for the
tenant’s food. When all the monkeys
were supplied with their messes it was
observable that scarcely any one of them
ate out of his own pan. Each thrust
his arm through the bars, and robbed
his right or left-hand neighbor. Half
what was so seized was spilled and lost
in the conveyance; and while one mon
key Was so unprofltably engaged iu
plundering, his own pan was exposed
to similar depredations. The mingled
knavery and absurdity was shockingly
human.”
During the greater part of this week,
while the tariff bill was in Committee of
the Whole, an exhibition of this kind
was going on in the House, To recount
all the scuffles that took place in imita
tion of the monkeys of Exeter 'Change,
would make this letter too long. I will
select a few of the more noticeable jousts,
where pans were upset and food plunder
ed and spilled. Mr. Morrill, of ,rVer
mont; Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania;
Mr. Pike, of Maine; Mr. Driggs, of
Miohigan; Mr. Thomas, of Maryland,
and others, having their messes before
them, proceeded to dine out of each
other’s pans. Mr. Morrill is the tallest
one in the menagerie, and has the long
est arms. He is a perfectly honest
specimen. He believes that stealing out
of your neighbor’s pan is the proper
modeof taking one’s food. He wouldn't
take his any other way! Being the
patriarch of the monkey establishment,
ft is his business to see that each one
gets his fair proportion out of hts
fellow’s mess, and spills the proper
quantity in conveying it to his pouch.
Mr, Morrill decided that fifty cents
Ser ton on coal was enough for Mr.
lelley, of Pennsylvania, and Mr.
Thomas, of Maryland, to steal out of
the pan of Mr. Boutwell, of Massachu
setts. But Mr. Kelley had got his clows
on a dollar and a-halfa ton ; eohecalled
the whole menagerie to his assistance,
and appealed to them to stand by the
old principle of grabbing all you can
out of the whole row of pans, and they
voted by fifty-one to fifty, that he should
have his dollar and a-half. But In the
scrimmage with Mr. Boutwell, half the
plunder was lost and trampled in the
dirt. Mr. Boutwell can get coal from
Nova Beotia for, Bay, $5 per ton. Mr.
Kelley and Mr. Thomas make him buy
of Pennsylvania and Maryland at 56.60.
But it costs Pennsylvaniaand Maryland
$5.75 to mine and transport it to Massa
chusetts. Bo Mr. Kelly’s constituents
have robbed Mr. Boutwell’s constituents
of $1.50 per ton, but have got only 75
cents into their own maws. The other
75 cents is lost to the monkey commu
nity ; but they have saved a great prin
ciple—the right of each monkey to steal
out of his neighbor’s pan. Mr. Bout
well all the while defended the princi
ple, but was opposed to the application of
While the robbery was going on, Mr.
Pike, of Maine, who wanted to help
himself to fifty cents a barrel on her
ring, out of the several pans in the gar
den, discovered that somebody was
taking three cents a pound out of his
mess, on chain-cables, and made a great
outcry about it. The thief had disap
peared (likewise the plunder), and
nobody could tell who or where he was.
Mr. Pike protested against having to
pay three cents apoundextrafor chain
cables ; he was willing to pay two cents,
because he was accustomed to it, but
three cents was a gouge! He didn’t
believe there was a monkey in the
whole lot who would be benefitted by
it. Mr. Morrill was sure there was one
somewhere. He might be in Maine, or
he might be in New York, or he might
be in some other State. If there was
none, there ought to be one, and Mr.
Pike’s pan ought to be robbed for the
purnose of starting a new one in busi
ness. These views were received with
such favor that Mr. Pike did
not even call for a division on
the question. His constituents are
to pay three cents a, pound extra for
chain-cables to hold their ships, while
they are out for herring, in hopes of
getting it back by robbing the reßt of
the community fifty cents a barrel on
what they catch. It is agreed on all
hands that nobody is to get the three
cents which Mr. Pike’s constituents lose,
until some one can be drummed up to
take it. Meanwhile the rest of the
monkeys are to lose fifty cents on their
herring. Mr. Pike's constituents will
not gain it, because while they have to
suffer a loss of three cents on their
cables and a dollar and a half on their
coal, they oan not afford to catch her
ring for less.
Mr. Thomas, of Maryland, liaving
done a good thing in company with Mr.
Kelley, of Pennsylvania, in getting off
with a dollar and a half a ton for coal,
kept a good watch on his own pan, and
when he found Mr. Driggs, of Michigan,
making a drive for twenty per cent, on
copper ore, he fought quite furiously.
Mr. Thomas’ constituents use avast deal
of copper ore, and they want to get it as
cheap as they can. But Mr. Driggs’
constituents, being exposed to a
good deal of plundering in the clothes
they wear and the tools they work with,
cannotafford to minecopper unless they
are allowed to rob their proportion. Mr.
Morrill decided that their fair share was
fifteen per cent., and when Mr. Thomas
demurred and said five per cent, was
enough, he was reminded by the for
mer gentleman that, after getting a dol
lar and a half a ton on coal, he had bet
ter hold hiß tongue ; and this wbb the
opinion of a majority of the menagerie.
So, Mr. Thomas' constituents and their,
customers are robbed of fifteen per cent
of their copper. Mr. Driggs’constituents
do not get more than five per cent,
df it into their mouths, because they are
so unmercifully robbed themselves that
they cannot afford to mine copper for
what it is worth.
An lowa member said that he had
been accustomed to feed in the old-fash
ioned way, out of his neighbors' pans,
though he had misgivings both as to the
economical advantages and the good
manners of the system. His own pan
having been exposed to heavy depreda
tions on all sides, he must insist on tax
ing forty cents a bushel on flaxseed as
part compensation for his losses, and
even then his constituents would not be
made whole by a long way. If he were
not allowed to do this, he should go for
a new system —that of each one feeding
out of his own pan. Mr. Morrill said
that he had no doubt whatever of the
general expediency of feeding out of
your neighbors’ pans, but that on the
question of flaxseed he differed in toto
from the gentleman from lowa. Nobody
should feed out of his pan that way, or
to that extent. The suggestion of the
lowa member, that he might possibly
abandon the old method of taking food,
was looked upon in the light of an in
surrectionary movement, and Mr. Mor
rill was consequently sustained by 9
large majority.
And so the game went on. Occasion
ally a knot of monkeys would agree to
break out of their cages andmake a raid
on all the pans in the garden. Now and
then a voice was heard suggesting that
inasmuch as there was a given amount
of food for all, each Bhould feed out of
his own pan, and let his neighbor’s
alone; but these Radicals, who were
mostly from the West, were put down ]
instantly. Mr. Morrill would defend
the principle of dining out of one an
other’s pans to the last extremity. 'Mr.
Stevens would inform them thattheidea
of eating out of your own pan wasiper
fectly ruinous—no menagerieoould exist
on any suchmethod of taking food. Mr.
Kelley was sure they would all Btarve
to death If they were restricted to their
own pans—he could ’ prove to any
monkey, by facts and figures, that steal
ing out of each other’s pans, and Bpilling
half, increased the aggregate amount of
provender in the establishment.
the Stevens Congress
We commend to the earnest attention
of all reasonably disposed members Of
the Republican party, the following
remarks upon the course of thlß' Radi
cal Congress, from one of their own
leading organs, the N. Y. Times:
Tbe Radicals in' Congress-——What have*
they done T
The wise men of Washington grow weary
of their labors. Despite the frantic appeals
of those who seem to fear a recess as a child
fears darkness, tbe end of tbe session ap-L
proaches apace. Hot weatber has come, ■
providentially, to upset the proposal of the
ultra of the ultraists, in regard to a perma
nent session, and there is a likelihood that
in little more than a week hence the legis
latbrs of the nation will have departed for
their homes. The lrenzy of the Forney
tribe must give way to the vicissitudes of
Nature and the political necessities of mem
bers who have yet to engineer their re-elec
tion.
The excitement of tbe dosing days of a
session hardly admits of calm reflection.
There are intrigues on the door, intrigues
in the lobby, intrigues in the caucus—in
trigue and bustle everywhere. The present
has more calls than moments, and the fu
ture looms up so largely that the conscience
has little chance of squaring accounts with
the past.
Away from Washington the Case will be
different. Brought face to face with their
constituents, members will be unable to
escape the reckoning that awaits them.
Sins of omission ana sins of commission
will rise in judgment against them. Cate
chism and commentary will run oloso to
gether, and the gratitude which means a
lively sense of favors to come will suggest
more candid confessions than have oeen
looked for in the columns of the Congi'ewion
al Globe.
And how will tho account appear? To
answer the inquiry we must see how the
account stood when the balance was lust
struck, just before the opening of the Capi
tol doors in December.' The war had then
been ended some months, and the country
was congratulating itself upon the early,
consummation of the work of restoration.
Much had been already done and gained.
Tbe policy indicated by Mr. Lincoln had
been adhered to by his successor with the
happiest results. The terms dictated by
President Johnson had been acceded to by
nearly all the conquered States, if not with
alacrity at least with a completenness and
an apparent sincerity that left little to be
desired. It was felt that the States so lately
in rebellion, having given the required
guarantees of future loyalty, only awaited
the friendly action of Congress to resume
their old privileges in the Union. The res
toration ol the Union was held to be an ac
complished facL so far as the power of the
Executive could accomplished it; and the
great majority of the American people were
hearty in their approval of the President’s
course, as sound and pulriotfc in principle
and as affortntfff'SvidejiCG of sagacity and
succeprfh its application. It was expected
thatwith the assembling of Congress would
come the full and final process of restoration
—the recognition of loyal Senators and
Representatives from the South, and the
speotaole of a reunited nation legislating
constitutionally for the common interest ot
every part.
In December, then, thebalance was largely
in favor of tbe President and against Con
gress. The member who seeks re-election,
therefore, must be prepared to show to what
extent the balance has been adjusted, or, if
not adjusted, why ? And the catechizing
will be sensible aud sharp. Is the work of
restoration one iota nearer completion than
when it passed from the hands
dent more than seven months ago? Has
Congress done a single thing to advance or
complete it? Instead of furthering the
work, has not Congress obstructed it?
Has it not evaded the question of Southern
representation, and rudely repulsed South
erd Senators and members of unquestioned
fitness? Has it not shirked its con
stitutional duty by referring the subject
to a joint committee, appointed for
purposes which each House was bound It
self to fulfill? Has not the kjfbor of this
Committee been abortive, amounting to no
more than the preparation of a Constitu
tional amendment, which passed only after
vital modification, with but a slight proba
bility of ratification by the States whose
consent is essential to its validity ? Another
interrogatory will cover the case. Is not
the prospect of a restoration more gloomy
than it was seven months ago; and is not
this unfortunate change attributable solely
and entirely to the refusal or failure of Con
gress to perfect the task begun by Mr. Lin
coln, and carried forward by President
Johnson?
There is, perhaps, a ready answer. The
questioned may say to his questioners that
Congress lias a policy of its own, differing
radically from the policy of the dead and
the living President; and that Congress has
preferred adhesion to iis own policy to the
completion of that which was initiated and
applied successfully by another. The com
mon sense which prompted the former set
of queries may be expected to originate
others, suggested by the member’s response.
Let us see how they will improve the mat
ter. Thus: Since Congress has obstructed
the President’s policy, what has Congress
done that the country should applaud its
policy? It objected to tbe President’s plan
of restoration; what feasible plan has been
substituted? What step of apy kind has
Congress taken in the direction of restora
tion ? It resists the application of President
Johnson’s principles; to what other princi
ples has it given effect ? It asserts that the
States which Grant, and snerman, and
Sheridan aDd Thomas restored to the Union,
and which the President has treated as in
the Union, are really still out of the Union;
bus it passed any measure dealing with
them as territories? Has it thrown into
the lorrn of law any one of the purposes
which its leaders have avowed, or given
any sign of carrying out what is represent
ed as its will? tlas it enacted the punish
ment of the Southern people? Has it pro
vided for tbe confiscation of Southern prop
erty ? Has it conferred upon the negro the
right of suffrage? These are all Radical
ideas—all parts of the great Radical plan,
which members of the House will tell
their constituents has been deemed
preferable to the President’s pian.
But the difference between them is
this: The President’s plan, whatever are
its defects, is practical; he has applied it
practically and with good results; while
the Radical plan is impracticable, and has
amounted to nothing, except as an obstruc
tion. Tbe inquiring citizen will, then, com
plete his catechism by asking: If the ma
jority in Congress were resolved to hinder
and cripple the President’s scheme of resto
ration, were they not in duty bound to
commit themselves definitely to some coun
ter-scheme? Having evaded this duty,
must not the inference be that the Radical
policy has been a failure, and that the ses
sion has been an occasion of disappoint
ment, and sorrow, and shame to those who
have struggled, and waited, and hoped for
the restoration of tbe Union ?
Electioneering Tactics.
A distinguished candidate, who is
“ up to a thing or two,” and has a keen
appreciation of life and beauty, when
about to set off on an electioneering tour
recently, said to his wife, who was to
accompany him for prudential reasons:
“ My dear, inasmuch as this election
is complicated and the canvass will be
close, I am anxious to leave nothing un
done that would promote my popularity,
and bo I have thought it would be a good
plan to kiss anumberof thehandsomest
girls in every place where I may be hon
ored with a public reception. Don’t
you think that would be a capital idea?”
“Capital,” exclaimed the devoted
wife, “ and to make your election a sure
thing, while you are kissing the hand
somest girls, I will kiss an equal num
ber of the handsomest young men.”
The distinguished candidate, we believe,
has not since referred to this pleasing
means of popularity.
Hiss Hosmer and Her Fast Horses,
A paragraph in relation to the habits
of this artist which has been going the
rounds of the American papers has elici
ted the following commentcontainedin
a letter sent from Home toa friend In this
city :
I have been a good deal amused at a
curt sketch of me, which seemß to be
going the rounds of the American papers
—the opinion of Rev. Mr. Farfield, of
Hillsdale College, Michigan, who says :
“Harriet Hoamer is a fast Massachusetts
girl, making $lO,OOO to $15,000 a year by
her chissel, Dut never succeedsin lining
within her income, while Bhe has long
since exhausted her patrimony. She
drives the fastest homes in the place,*
and she makes the most beautiful mar
bles ever looked upon.” Now, so far
as the patrimony goes* i Q spite of its
having been long sTnoe exhausted, it is
all at the present moment safely invest
ed in America; "and, so far as the fast
horses go, (which U never very far,) it
1b quite true that I drive them, when I
am not In a hurfy.; when lam, I walk;
and—and, ak to the marbles? Ahemf—
well* we wiU let, them go J perhaps it
Comes 1 nearer the truth • than any state*
meht to the paragraph.
NUMBER 30.
TEXXESSEE.
Message of the President.
He Affixes His Signature to the Bill for
the Admission of Tennessee.
le Resolution a Were Declaration of
Opinion. Conferring no Power
Upon the States.
Congress has no Right to Pass Laws
preliminary to the Admission
of Representatives.
The Amendment not Constitutionally
Sanctioned by Tennessee.
Washington, July 24.
The President this afternoon, transmitted
the annexed message namely:
To the House of Representatives:
The following joint resolution, restoring
Tennessee to her relations to the Union, was
last evening presented for my approval:
Whereas t lti tbeyear 1801, the government
of the State of Tennessee was seizod upon
and taken possession of by persons in bos
tillity to the United States, and the inhabi
tants of said State, in pursuance of an act of
Congress, were declared to be in a state of
insurrection against the United States; and
Whereas, The B&ld State government can
only be restored to its former political rela
tions In the Union by theconsentoftholuw
m&king power of the United Stntes; and
Whereas , The people of the said State did,
on the 22d day of E'ebruary, 1800, by a largo
popular vote, adopt nnd ratify a constitution
of government, whereby slavery was abol
ished, and all ordinances and laws of seces
sion and debt contracted under the same
were declared void; and
Whereas, A State government lias been
organized under thesaid constitution, which
has ratified the amendment to the Constitu
tion of the United States abolishing slavery;
also the amendment proposed by the Thirty/
ninth Congress, and nau done other acts pro
claiming and denoting loyalty; theroforo
be it
Resolved , (By the Senato and House of
Representatives of the United Suites ol
America, in Congress assembled,) Thattho
State of Tennessee is hereby restored to her
former propor practical relations to the
Union, and is again entitled to bo represent
ed by Senators and Representatives in Con
gress.
The preamble simply consists of state
ments, some of which uro assumed, while
the resolution is merely a declaration of
opinion. It comprises no legislation, nor
does It confer any power which is binding
upon the respective Houses, the Executive,
or the States. It does not admit to their
seats in Congress the Senators and Repre
sentatives from the .State of Tennessee; for,
notwithstanding the passage of the resolu
tion, each House, in the exorcise of the
constitutional right to judge for itself of the
elections, returns and qualifications of its
members, may at its discretion admit or
continue to exclude them. If a Joint reso
lution of this character were necessary and
binding as a condition precedent to the ad
mlssiotpof members of Congress, it would
happen, in the event of a veto by the Exe-
that Senators and Representatives
comd only be admitted to the hulls of legis
lation by a two-thirds vote of each of the
two houses.
Among other reasons recited in the pre
amble for the declarations contained in the
resolution, is the ratification, by the State
government of Tennessee, of the amend
ment to the Constitution of the United
States abolishing slavery, and also
amendment proposed by the Thirty-ninth
Congress. If, as is also declared in the
preamble, the said State government can
only be restored to its former political rela
tions in the Union by the consent of the
law-making power of the United States, it
would really seem to follow that the joint
resolution, which at this late day has re
ceived the sanction of Congress, should have
been passed, approved, and placed on the
statute books before any amendment to the
Constitution was submitted to the Legisla-
ture of Tennessee for ratification. Other
wise, the inference is plainly deducible that
while, in the opinion of Congress, the peo
ple of a State may be too strongly disloyal
to be entitled to representation, they may,
nevertheless, during the suspension oftheir
practical relations to the Union, have an
equally potent voice with other, and loyal
States in propositions to amend the Constitu
tion, upon which so essentially depends the
stability,prosperity and very existence of the
Union.
A brief reference to my annual message of
the 4th of December last, will show the steps
taken by the Executive for the restoration
to their constitutional relations to the Union
of the States that had been affected by the
rebellion. Upon thecessationof actual hos
tilities,Provisional Governors were appoint
ed,conventions called,Governors elected by
the people, Legislatures assembled, and
Senators and Representatives chosen to the
Congress of the United States.
At the same time the courts of the United
States were reopened,the blockade removed,
the custom houses re-established, and postal
operations resumed. The amendment to
the Constitution, abolishing slavery forever
within the limits of tbe country, was also
submitted to the States, and they we?e thus
invited to, and did, participate in a ratifica
tion, thus exercising the highest functions
pertaining to a State. In addition, nearly
all of these States, through their Conventions
and Legislatures, had adopted and ratified
the amendment to the Constitution, whereby
slavery was abolished, and all ordinances
and laws of secession and debts contracted
under the same were declared void.
So far, then, the political existence of the
States and their relations to the Federal
government had been fully and completely
recognized and acknowledged by tbe execu
tive department of the government, and the
completion of the work of restoration, which
had progressed so favorably, was submit
ted to Congress, upop which devolved all
questions to the admission to
their seats of the Senators and Representa
tives chosen from the States whose people
had engaged in the rebellion.
All these steps had been taken when, on
the 4th day of December, 1865, the Thirty
ninth Congress assembled. Nearly eight
months have elapsed since that time, and
no other plan of restoration having been
proposed by Congress for the measures* in
stituted by the Executive, itisnow declared
in the joint resolution submitted for my ap-
proval that the State of Tennessee is hereby
restored to her former practical relations to
the UnioD, and is again entitled to bo repre
sented by Senators and Representatives in
Congress. Thus, after the lapse of nearly
eight months,Congress proposes to pave the
way to the admission to representation of
one of the eleven StaUs, whose people ar
rayed themselves in rebellion against the
constitutional authority of the Federal gov
ernment. Earnestly desiring to relieve
every cause of further delay, whether real
or imaginary, on the part of Congress, to
the admission to seats of loyal Senators and
Representatives from the State of Tennessee,
I nave, notwithstanding the anomtrttras
character of this proceeding, affixed my sig
nature to the resolution. My approval,
however, is not to be construed as an ac
knowledgment of the right of Congress to
pass laws preliminary to the admission of
duly qualified representatives from any of
the States. Neither is it to be considered
as committing me to all the statements made
in the preamble, some of which are in my
opinion without foundation in fact, espe
cially the assertion that the State of Ten
nessee has ratified the amendment to
the Constitution of the United States
proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress.
No official notice of such ratifica
tion has been received by the Executive,
or filed in the Department of State; on the
contrary, unofficial information from most
reliable sources induces the belief that the
amendment has not yet been constitution
ally sanctioned by the Legislature of Ten
nessee. The right of each House under the
Constitution to judge of the election returns
and qualifications of its own members is
undoubted, and my approval or disapproval
of the resolution could not in the slightest
degree increase or diminish the authority In
this respect conferred upon the two branches
of Congress.
In conclusion, I cannot too efficaciously
repeat my recommendation for the admis
sion of Tennessee and all other States to a
fair and equal participation in national legis
lation, when they present themsevles in the
persons of loyal Senators and Representa
tives, who can comply with all the require
ments of the Constitution and the laws. By
this means, harmony and reconcilation will
be effected, the practical relations of all the
States of the Federal government re-estab
lished, and the work of restoration iuaugar
ated upon the termination of the war suc
cessfully completed.
Andrew' Johnson.
Washington, D. C., July 24,1806 T
A Political Fight.
Monongahela City, Washington coun
ty, was the scene of considerable excite
ment on Saturday evening last, caused
by a fight between Mr. C. Hazzard, edi
tor of the Republican , and Geo. Potts, a
veteran soldier, Hazzard was severely
handled, andsurrenderedon easy terms.
The difficulty grew out of an article, in
the Republican, written by Hazzard,
maligning the Democratic soldiers who
had signed a call for a Clymer Soldiers
Convention, in Washington county.
The editor will doubtless he more cau
tious hereafter.—.Pftto&urp Post.
- ■ PITBIOF APYEBTISraO.
- SEper «at,?HOToa»for
SS&rtuSSEftr kch mtmneat ma
piJSßb: moimoß and other *»,▼“’» ** the
°°OriT«xl'uim, 1 year,-....—
Hall column, 1 year— 40
Third oolumn, 1 year,,—jq
§caonta|°CUßhB,' of tan iiiieß or ies's,
B Xe 6
year,
Lbgaii and-othks Notices— 2.00
Executors’ o.oo
Administrators’ notices, **•" • gqq
Assignees’notices, - M **“i6o
Auditors’ notices, •
Other “Notices, ’ten lines, or less,
three times - -
Tie Soldiers’ ConTentlon—The Radicals
Don’t LIKe It.
The Disunion papers don’t like the
ideaof a Johnson-Clymerßoldlers Con
vention being held at Harrisburg, the
first of August. The grow furious be
cause the great body ot returned soldiers
are opposed to the radical
Sumner, Stevens & Go. The Pittsburg
Commercial and Gazette , are very sav
age over the call, signed as it is by sev
eral hundred returned officers and sol
diers. The latter journal is shocked
because the call “should have appended
such a very large majority of signers
who are of little or no consideration
either in military, political or social
life.” "VVe didn’t suppose for a moment
that the sergeants, and corporals and
privates, who signed the call, would
possess auy “consideration” in thoeyes
of the radicals. Their “love for the sol
diers” does uot extend below the Gen
erals —enlisted men are of no account.
Our radical cotemporary inquires with
great pertlneuco:
“ Hut why is it that none oi our renowned
military leaders from this Slate—ami wo
have many of them—have signed it? Thoro
is uot the name of one mujur general to the
call, not one brigadier genernl.aml but five
brevets, bul-thoro are forly-ono sergeautH
and corporals, and one hundred ami eleven
privates.”
We caii tell him why there is not the
name of one “ Major Geueral ” nor on©
“ BrlgadierGeuerul ” signed to the call.
Ours is to be a convention of soldiers,
uot oneof shoulder-strap gentry; ameet
ing of the “white boys in blue,” and
not theshoddyltes, whose only evidence
of serviceUs the pay they pocketed and
the untarjiißhed uniforms they wore.
Then there is another reuson: Pennsyl
-vanla soldiers were not made into gen
erals unless they were base enough to
degrade tlieir manhood and sell them
selves for a new commission. Demo
crats were good enough to hear the heat
and burden of the day, but when it
came to making generals, they had to
be cut from cloth of another color —
more black than blue.
The Johuson-Clymer Convention will
be a convention of the rank and iUo,
whose reputatiou and service will not
be overshadowed by shoulder-straps.
For this reuson it meets with abuse from
the disuulonlsts, and the brave soldiers
who are getting it up are treated with ob
loquy—for ills gall and wormwood to a
radical to see a soldier of the Union
vote as he shot. —Doylcatown Democrat.
How the Constitutional Amendment was
Uatliled in Tennessee.
We take from a Republican news
paper the following account of the man
ner In which the pretended ratification
of the Constitutional Amendment by
Tennessee was procured :
At a caucus of the Union men held
ou the lsih lust., each member mani
fested iv-determinatlon to resist all op
position and accept the national terms
of settlement. The day following the
vote was to be taken. In the morning
an unexpected accession was discovered
in Messrs. Nunn arid Sinclair, loyal
men, who had arrived at the Capital,
and with the two members under arrest,
there were fifty-six members present,
thus constituting just a quorum. After
the organization of the House, the pas
sage of the joint resolutions ratifying
the amendment, was announced on the
part of the Senate and the concurrence
of the House requested. An unsuccess
ful attempt to close the doors was mado
by Representative Arnell. Represen
tative Gardner suggested that Messrs.
Williams and Martin, the two members
'under arrest, could not be brought be
fore the House in the absence of a
quorum. They were in an adjoining
committee room, and were invited to
enter the chamber and take their seats
for the purpose of making up a quorum,
but they declined. They were next in
vited at the request of the House, 50 to
3, but again they refused to enter unless
for theinvestigation of the cause of their
arrest. A motion was then made that
they be brought in nolens volens , but it
was not pressed to a vote. Representa
tive Arnell requested that the CierK
show upon the record that Messrs.
Martin and Williams are present, but
refuse to vote. The Speaker tola the
Clerk to do so, and directed the Sergean
t: at-Armß to bring the two gentlemen In.
The Sergeant-at-Arms reported that
I they refused to come. Representative
j Arnall raised the poVnt of order, that a
| quorum is present; -and that members
in the committee rooms are, to all in
tents and purposes, present. This point
the House sustained in opposition to the
decision of the Speaker, 42 to 11. The
question on the adoption of the consti
tutional amendment was called, 39 to
15, and the amendment was ratified, 43
to 11. The Chair decided there was no
quorum present. Representative Arnell
appealed from the Chair to the House
to sustain the decisions, ayes 11, nays
43. Representative Smith asked that
the names of Messrs. Martin and Wil
liams be recorded as present, but refus
ing to vote. directed the
Clerk to make the record. The Chair
then announced that the joint resolu
tion from the Senate ratifying the con
stitutional amendment was adopted.
The announcement was greeted with
loud applause.
So after all that could be done by
force of bayonets it stands confessed
that the ratification of the Amendment
by the Legislature of Tennessee was
only a base fraud perpetrated by less
than a legal quorum. Of course it can
not be regarded as binding, but it serves
to desperate straits to which
the rapicftjr dissolving radical party is
now reduced.
The Senate Chamber to be Remodeled.
The Washington correspondent of the
Baltimore Sun says: It is probable
that important and radical changes will
ere long be made in the interior arrang
ments of the Senate wing of the capitol.
The Senate Hall has been a constant,
complaint from the first day that the
Senators moved in it, and its massive
proportions, magnificent appointments
and splendid decorations are considered
no compensation for the defective light
and imperfect ventilation. It reminds
one, as was remarked by Senator Trum
bull to-day, of a glittering cage. The
external air is entirely shut out from it
and the iron walls and g lass roof com"
bined render it anything but a pleasant
place in these dog days. During the
heated term the thermometer often
ranged as high as 12-5 degrees. Mr.
Buckalew offered an amendment to a
pending appropriation bill to-day, ap
propriating something over a hundred
thousand dollars to make such Improve
ments as are necessary, not only for the
comfort, but the health of the Senators.
Mr. Sumner stated that this would be
but a “ drop In the bucket” towards
putting the hall in a proper state. He
thought the Senate chamber should be
moved to the outer walla, where they
could have the air of Heaven blow upon
them. For himself he would prefer to
go back to the old hall, for plain though
it was, it had its grand historic recollec
tions clinging around it. Soitseemß
that after all the millions expended,
gaudy splendor avails nothing, and the
plain old hall where the intellectual
giants of the past assembled to make
laws would havesufflcedfor the deliber
ations of those who have come after
them. .
The New York World states "that a
combination of capitalists in New York
have bought $6,000,000 in gold, and in
tend to buy more, in order to run up the
price when there is a favorable opportu
nity. Thesecoinbinationsare frequently
made, but they fail in their object quite as
often as they succeed. Gold specula
ting, like any other kind of venture, fw
quently ends in breaking those who in
dulge in it. 'i