WEDNESDAY, APRIL 25, 1866, ‘ 'lllO printing presses shall be free to ©very bbrson wbo undertakes to examine the pro oeedlng»of the legislature, or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made To restrain the right thereof. The fr ee commu nication of thought and oplnlons ls ,one of the Invaluable rights of men; ana every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub -leot* being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter published is proper for publio informa tion, the truth thereof may be given in evi dence.” FOR GOVERNOR: Hon. HIESTER CLTMEB, or Berks Co, IVhy Business Men Cannot Support the Radicals. The Express, in a desperate attempt to meetsomeargumenta which we urged against the course of the Radical dis unionists who compose the Rump Con gress, attempts to excite the apprehen- sipnsoftheholdersofgovernmentseeuri- ties. Itmay be there are somemen living in;Lancaster county, with money invest ed in seven-thirty bonds, who are stupid enough to be induced to believe there is some sense in what the Express says on that subject. We can scarcely conceive of such bigoted ignorance, but it may nevertheless exist. From such men, if such men do exist, we never expect to I gain a hearing, nor would we expect to I be able to convince them if we did.— I They would denounce whatever we might publish as a Copperhead lie. To I such pig-headed people we have noth- I ing to say, but we would urge a few con siderations on men of sense. One of the strongest possible argu ments against the course of the Radical | dißunionists who make up the Rump Congresß now in session atWashington is to be found in the fact that the policy which they seem bent upon pursuing must necessarily completely crush the already broken industrial resources of the entire South. Painfully and with great difficulty the people of that sec tion are preparing to engage in those agricultural pursuits which added so largely to our resources in the past. But for the cotton which has come out of the South since the war ended, there is every reason to believe that we should erethis have found ourselves in the midst of a great commercial crisis, which wouldhavesubjectedthe finances of this nation to a most dangerous trial. We have been floating along swimming ly on the two or three hundred million dollars’ wortli of cotton, which lias been equal to just so much gold, equal in fact to five years’ production of the California mines. That supply is now about exhausted. We must look to re newed production to carry us through in the future. The balance of trade is greatly against us. Our whole finan cial system is a huge experiment which can only bring us out of our diiliculties by the most careful culthre oi all our resources. if we allow a set of fanatics, under the lead of such financial empirics as Thud. Stevens, to play at ducks ami drakes with the monetary affairs and all the most important material interests of this nation, we cannot expect to es cape great financial disasters, merest tyro in political economy would scarcely make himself so com pletely the laughing stock of the entire monetary world as this grim old mephis tophelean leader of the ltump Congress has done. His celebrated Cold Bill, which was so readily passed by Con gress, shows how much confidence can be put in the wisdom of that body. The Express may possibly succeed in exciting the apprehensions of some stupidly ignorant bondholder, some dolt who reads nothing else than the vapid mauuderings of its editor, but it cannot befog the minds of any decent business man in this community. There is not a man in Lancaster county pos sessing the ability to carry on the busi ness of a village store successfully who cannot see at a glance that the revo lutionary course of the fanatics in the Bump Congress is calculated to court commercial disaster, and to bring down upon us impending financial ruin. TUe President’s Speech to, the Soldiers. We fay before our readers to-day the bold aud manly speech of Andrew Johnson,Jiu response to a serenade given liim by the soldiers and sailors of the District of Columbia. The crowd as sembled to hear him was large, and as | can well be imagined was heartily en thusiastic. In addition to the soldiers and sailors, either now in service or honorably discharged, there was quite a large attendance of officers of the reg ular army and navy. There is not a brave soldier within the confines of the Eepublic, unless he be very muchblinded by political preju dice, who will not heartily approve of the doctrines set forth in this speech made by the Chief Magistrate of the nation. No grosser insult could be put upon the men who perilled life and all that is held most dear, than that offered to them daily by the Radical disunion ists in Congress. These Jacobins are constantly acting upon the presumption that the war was waged for the purpose of elevating the negro to entire equality with the white race, and they persist ently refuse to permit the Union to be restored until every barrier of distinc tion is broken down. .Against these wretched Andrew John son lias taken his stand. He appeals in hold and honest terms to the gallant soldiers and sailors of the nation. Who can doubt what will be the response of these heroic men ? In the contest now going on they can never take sides with such infamous disunionists as SteveDS and Sumner. They will stand by the President, for the Union, file Consti tution and the supremacy of the white race; and will set their Beal of condem ntiou on Geary and all who oppose the wise policy of Andrew Johnson. Against tlic Union ami for the Negro, The di9-lJnion majority in Congress are true to their antecedents. When we were a united and happy people, 'blessed with peace, prosperity and amity, they and their associates attack ed the Union of the States, and the Constitution of our fathers ; the one was denounced, the other vilified. Concord, amity and forbearance, the silver cords that bound our people iu a common destiny, were rudely sundered, and in their stead came a career of hate, vituperation and bloodshed; love for the negro prompted its inception, anxi ety for his freedom nerved them in their progress, and a deßire for his social elevation roused them to renewed ex ertion. As the peculiar friends of the negro they nullified the plain provi sions of the organic law, and violated laws enacted under its requirements. As his zealous advocates, they now vio late the elementary principles of the Constitution, and refuse representa tion to people who are true to the laws and faithful to the Government. They were against the Union at the begin ning, and they are but consistent in opposing it now. They are for the ne ' gro, and against the poor white man, and their policy of to-day is but the re flex of their sentiments in the past, i Their true rallying cry is: Up with THE NEGRO AND DOWN WITH TJfE Union. They are • dis-Unioniats in thought, dis-Unlonists in word, and dis-Unionlsts in deed. ~ ilf ithe Radicals are, distressed beyond all endurance that the suspension of habeas coi-pits is at tin end, let them suspend tbem ■ selves.— Louisville Journal. Yes: and let their suspension be 1 1 at . an end” e»d of a rope. ‘ ’Flendlshness. ' The ladies of Maryland, noted alike for their intelligence, their refinement and their beauty, recently got up a fair for the benefit of the suffering poor, of the South. That there-was great.nfeed of charitable help in thafhaection of bur country is abundantly pifoven by the strong appeals which "are constantly coming up for assistance* ‘Within the last week a committee from Northern Alabama came to the city of Louisville to solicit aid to prevent white women and children from dying of starvation. The brave Union General Thomas en dorsed the parties and certified to the extended and absolute destitution wh ieh prevailed. Within the last two days we have seen in the public prints no tices of the deaths of white women and children in the South from actual star vation. It was to relievesuch utterand appalling destitution that the people of Baltimore, of Maryland, and to a considerable extent of the country at large contributed most liberally of their means. Some of the ladies, to their honor and everlasting praise be it said, freely gave their jewels to relieve those who were in want of the common necessaries of life. Of the fair, held for such purposes, we published a brief notice, not over half a dozen lines. For so doing the Express takes us to task, and indulges in a quarter of a column of vulgar abuse of the generous projectors of this most magnificent charitable movement, all based upon the supposition th£t some of those who will be kept from starving to death are the wives and children of men who were in the rebel army. We hardly know how to reply to such an assault. It is so indecent, so un manly* and so mean, that we despair of finding terms strong enough to charac terize such fiendish brutality as it de serves. We cannot imagine how any creature makiug the slightest preten sions to even the lower attributes of hu manity could be so remorselessly cruel and so coldly bloodthirsty. We can con ceive of a cannibal with an appetite so whetted by hunger, that he would gladly consign to iiis capacious maw the whole race with whom he makes war. Such a horrible creature, though an im possible being, comes within the range of mental conception. But how any thing in the shape of man could find it in his heart to villify and abuse those of his kind who are engaged in an attempt to save helpless womeu and children from death by starvation, passes our comprehension. The assertion that those who are dying thus were rebels, does not render the act of this “ loyal” hyena one whit less hideous. The ex hibition of such animus only the more glaringly sets forth the devilish character of his hate; only proves the more clearly that the editor of the Express would rejoice tosee the entire white population of the South perishing in the agonies of famine. He would strike down the hands stretched out to teed them, and dash from the famishing lips of dying women and children the bread offered by charity ; and as they pined away and expired in the midst of the keenest agonies, this ghoul in human shape would mock at their miseries and taunt them with the charge,of having been disloyal. Yet this creature bears the shape of man, and even professes to be a Christian. He actually holds his membership in a respectable religious denomination, defiles the walls of a church by his presence and disgraces the very name of religion by professing to worship God. Out upon such damnable hypocrisy! A decent devil would be ashamed of it. Beside such a fiend the bloody brute who murdered the Deariug family showsrespectably. He only killed eight people for money to pander to his passions ; the editor of the Express would consign multitudes to a more in tolerable fate, because they have differ ed from him in political sentiment. .Such are the legitimate fruits of fanati cism. The Tribune's Washington corres pondent says 11 The Union Congression al Committee has received through the Hou. William D. Kelley, the check of W. Still, a colored man of Philadelphia, for SI.dSU.oO, contributed by the associ ations of colored people in that city, for aiding in the circulation of Congres sional speeches in favor of manhood suffrage.” These speeches are to be sent out to the white men of the coun try, to convince them that the negroes ought to be allowed to vote and hold office. These Philadelphia negroes, who seem to have abundanceof money, coolly assume that the poor white men are too ignorant to decide this question without first being enlightened in re lation to it through the medium of Congressional negro-suffrage speeches. Therefore they put nearly thirteen hundred dollars in Wm. D. Kelley’s hands, to be used in the enlightenment of the poor white voters. We wonder what sublime flight of impudence these aristocratic Philadelphia negroes will next indulge in? The Radicals hereabout will deny that they design, by the circulation of “ Congressional speeches in favor of manlioodsufl'rage,” to educate the white people of the country to tolerate the holding of office by negroes. But de nial will be vain. Kelley and Forney are their recognized musicians, and they will march to whatever tune this precious brace of traitors to the white race may play. What that tune will be may be j udged by the following from a late number of Forney’s Washington Chronicle. Referring to the recommen dation of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Postmaster-General, that the test-oath be modified, so that men with proper qualifications might be enabled to act as Revenue officers and Postmas ters in the South, the Chronicle said: I)o the friends of the President moan to admit that the Union element at the South of which we used to hear so much was a mere myth? This begging of the question about the test-oath would seem to justify such a conclusion. There is a class of men at the South, however, about whom there can be no doubt, aval whose loyalty is above sus picion—we mean the blacks. There is scarce ly one of them but can take the test-oath. We do not see why the offices at the disposal of the Postmaster-General should yo a beg ging while this element remains at the South. If tlie people of Pennsylvania sustain these Radicals at the next election, we may expect to see negro candidates set up for office the ensuing year. To this extreme length the Stevens, Kelly and Forney party will certainly go if not rebuked and put down next October. Questions for Geary to Answer. The Sunday Mercury askß General Geary to stand up like a man and an swer, yea or nay, to the following plain interrogatories : Ist. Are you in favor of negro suffrage ? ild. Do you approve of President John son’s veto of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill? 3d. Do you approve of President John son’s veto of the Civil Rights BUI? 4th. Do you approve of President John son’s speeches ugainst Radicals and Radi calism, delivered, respectively, on the 22d of February and 18th of April, 1866? r.tlj. Are you in favor ol' a general rail- road law. - , nth. In the event of your election, would you consider it an endorsement of Presi dent JohriHon’s reconstruction policy? These are simple questions, and re. quire only simple answers. Gen. Geary need not waste words, but merely say to each inquiry, yes or no. Come, Gen eral, be plain and brief. In your pres ent situation you must, as Hamlet says, “Speak by the curd, for equivocation will undo you.” Ths editor of the Philadelphia Press says, that be wilt “lean on God Al mighty.” More lively a lamp-post.— Louisville Journal. % Barefaced Lie. The Democratic press of the State has quite generally republished the eloquentand unanswerable speechmade : by Senator Clymer in 1864, in favor of-, paying the private soldiers then in the fleld'iii gold or its equivalent. It will be remembered that Congress had just passed a resolution to pay.the salaries of all our Foreign Ministers annewspaper press has shown an utter disregard for the truth. Even common decency has been constantly outraged by the leaders of that organi zation. No lie was too gross, no charge too indecent to be employed against a political opponent.' Bepublican orators and editors have lied constantly, lied on all possible questions, lied boldly, lied with deliberate intent and set purpose, lied without stint, lied singly and lied in concert, lied as no man or set of men ever lied before. In the campaign of 1860, when Mr. Lincoln was first elected they succeeded by deceiving the people in regard to the true issues before the country. In every campaign which has followed they have pursued the very same policy. They have been forced to this because they never dared to deal honestly with the masses. In the present contest in Pennsylva nia they are compelled to resort to the same despicable means. They know the people of this State will hurl them from power at once and forever unless they can manage stilt to deceive the masses. They dare not, and they will not openly advocate the real principles of their party. They will cover up their purposes beneath a mountain of false hoods, and make their hiding place a refuge of lies. Already we see how they intend to manage the campaign. They dare not talk of political principles. It is more than their political life is worth for them to attempt to meet the sup porters of President Johnson’s restora tion policy before the people. They will attempt to dodge all the vital issues of the day. They will deny_that negro suffrage is an issue, and will try to cover up all the Infamous acts of the Badical disunionists in Congress. They will denounce Clymer as a Copperhead, pa rade certain votes, which they forced for a purpose, when to have voted other wise would have been to sanction an attempt at usurpation, and will manu facture a marvelous military record for their paper General. The time when they could succeed by such meretricious means has passed away. If the Democracy of the State do their duty, they can force these po litical tricksters from their hiding places and compel them to stand before the people in all the hideousness of their real character. In this great work every true man must regard himself as an agent. Every means must be used to disseminate political truth. Men who will read must be supplied with the right kind of material. Clubs must be formed in every township and school district. The great questions of the day must be openly and fully discussed. The campaign must be made the most vigorous and thorough ever witnessed in Pennsylvania. Our opponents must be driven from the refuge of lies in which they have hid themselves, and the good old commonwealth rescued from their misrule. It can be done. It must be done. It will be done. An Unfortunate Comparslon The Express of has a lead ing editorial in which it asserts and at tempts to show that the infamous Civil Rights Bill is modeled after the Fugi tive Slave Law, which was passed in ISSO. It utterly fails to make out a parallel, and does not attempt to dis prove the charge that the Civil Rights Bill is entirely unconstitutional. It contents itself with a trade of abuse of the South, and a profusion of falsehoods like the following: It (the Fugitive Slave Law) was distaste ful to Northern men of every party; but, for the deep love they bore their land, they suffered it. They obeyed it as a duty. They carried it out as a compromise, though the compromise was all on one side. They exe cuted it. Could mendacity go further than the Express does in the above extract ? When and where did a single man be longing to the party which is now in power ever obey or execute the Fugitive Slave Law ? Was it in Lancaster county, at Christiana, where Edward Gorsuch, agray haired, Christian gentle mau from Maryland, was murdered by a baud of brutal negroes and their still more brutal white allies? Was it in the town of Carlisle, where Kennedy was killed on the steps of the Court House, before the eyes of the officers of justice ? How was the law obeyed and executed by the people of the North? Was it by and through the agency of what were known as Personal Liberty Bills, laws passed by the Legislatures of nearly every Northern State to pre vent its execution? Yet, the Express, in its article of yesterday, admits that the Fugitive Slave Law was entirely constitutional. In that it had greatly the advantage of the Civil Rights Bill. The Tatter has no sanction in the Con stitution, but is absolutely in violation of some of its plainest provisions. Does the Express expect the Civil Rights Bill to be obeyed and executed in the South as the Fugitive Slave Law was in the North? Will it be satisfied to see it similarly carried out? The Civil Rights Bill is plainly unconstitu tional. Being so, the people of the South will scarcely regard it as binding upon them. It is infinitely more distasteful to them than even the Fugitive Slave Law was to the people of the North. Will they, therefore, be justified in passing laws through their Legislatures to pre vent its execution? Will they be ex pected to murder every man who at tempts to carry it out, or to claim what he conceives to be bis rights under its provisions ? Such was the style of the obedience rendered to the Fugitive Slave Law in Pennsylvania. Itsexecution in Boston called out the infamous poem which appeared in the New York Tribune, in which the American flag was stigmatized “as a flaunting lie,” and styled “ hate's polluted rag.” Will the exhibition of similar feelings in the South in regard to the rascally and un constitutional Civil Rights Bill be ap plauded by the Express and the radical newspaper press? Or does it make some difference whose ox it is that is gored ? The comparison of the Expresses a most unfortunate one. The Negro Blot at Norfolk, For days past the telegraph, which worked in the interest of the radical disunionists has kept concealed the truth in regard to the Negro riot at Norfolk. In another column will be found the testimony given before the Coroner’s jury. No white man worthy of his race can read the account with out a feeling of horror and indignation. These brutal negroes, qn their indis criminate and murderous assaults upon white men, women and children, only obeyed the teaching of their fiendish instigators, the radical disunionists of the North. The demon brutes are the creatures in favor of whom the Rump Congress has been legislating ever since it was in session.' They are to be made voters, and in all respects the equals of the white man. The Union is not be restored until this is done. Such is the radical plan as boldly avowed. What say the people of Pennsylvania to the proposition? Let them answer in thunder toneß at the coining election. . Thebe is to he a great Johnson meet ingin Brooklyn to-morrow night. Gen eral Rousseku, Green Clay Smith and Sehator' CpWan'have made arrange mentsto bepresentaa speakers, What We Owe to Cotton. The course of the radical disunionists in; Congress is calculated to produce evil, and only evil, and that continual ly. If this policy should be allowed to prevail the whole country must inevi- tably suffer in all its political and material interests, and not; less in one than in the other. The political effect of their fanatical schemes is easily seen. The effect of their evil course upon the finances of the nation and all its great material interests is not so easily dis cerned by the masses. Shrewd business men cannot help being alarmed at the portentous dangers which are wrapped up in the crude and illy digested theories of such political quacks as Stevens and Sumner. The commercial world knows the advantages of national quiet and political stability. Capital wisely dreads popular convulsions. When such things prevail it is always in danger. The ordinary calculations in regard to busi ness cannot then be safely made. There iB no telling what effect a political dis turbance may have upon the markets. It is therefore safe to predict that the more sagacious portion of the business community will soon be found arrayed with great unanimity against the fa natical designs of the disunionists in Congress. What the commercial classes especi ally need is such a complete and speedy restoration of the Union as will enable the entire material resources of the na tion to be developed to their fullest ex tent. The South must be generously helped forward in the career of indus trial progress. That section, which has heretofore furnished the great bulk of our exports, is kept in a paralyzed con dition by the radical policy. We need all the aid we can derive from the great agricultural resources of that rich sec tion of our country to enable us to meet the enormous demands made upon us by the gigantic expenditures of the war. Had it not been for the cotton derived from the South since the war began there is every reason to belive we should not have reached the present time without a great financial crisis, such as might have endangered every dollar of our government securities and have brought wide spread ruin in its train. This country is in such a con dition that it cannot afford to allow such bunglers as the radicals in Con gress longer to tamper with all its po litical and material interests. Toshow how much we have been aided by the cotton remaining in the South when the war ended, and how absolutely ne cessary is such a complete and speedy restoration of those States as will ensure the greatest possible agricultural activ ity in those States should be part of the work of every sagacious business man in the country. These men have im mense interests at stake, and they ought to see that the radicals are im perilling their all for the sake of fur thering their fanatical designs. Our whole financial interests are at the mercy of these ignorant pretenders. To expect them to/pause in their career from any prudential motives is utterly vain. They must be turned out of power. In doing this every business man in the country, every holder of government securities, and through these all classes are directly interested. The New York Herald , in an able editorial in yesterday’s paper, sums up what cotton has done for us since the war ended. A few extracts will show how much we are dependent upon the agricultural productions of the South, and how necessary it is that the Union should be at once perfectly restored. The Herald says; The amount of cotton that has come out of the South since the war closed has been equal in value to six or seven years’ pro duction of the precious metals in the whole country. We do not mean equal in value only in the samo way that the corn, wheat or hay crop is estimated, • but in a much more important and wider sense. Cotton is not only an article of prime necessity for home consumption—not only employs mil lions of hands and hundreds of millions of capital among ourselves—but it taxes the same place as gold and silver in the commerce and exchanges of the world. In this sense we say the three or four hundred millions of dollars worth of cotton that has come out of the South since the war closed in one year —is equal in value to six orsev en years production of precious metals in California and the other States and Terri tories on the Pacific side oi the continent. We speak in round numbers, for we have not the data to be precise as to a few mil lions. But every commercial man or statis tician who has thought upon the subject knows that out our estimation is about cor rect. The amount of cotton has been vari ously estimated from a million and a half bales to two millions and a half. Say the amount was two millions of bales; and this at the high price of cotton, would yield over three hundred millions in gold. The republic had raised upon its credit within a short time sums of money that no nation had ever raised before; and more probably, than any other could raise. Little short of a thousand millions had been ex pended in a year. But this extraordinary financial success must have been followed by as great a revulsion and depression if we had not had the cotton of the South. The pioduction of the precious metals great as it is, would have been very inadequate to meet the necessities of the country. The credit of the government abroad would have been low, the revenue would have been much reduced—for our former large commerce would have remained suspended —gold would have flowed from the country and instead of being, as it is to-day, at a premium of twenty-six or twenty-seven, it would have reached, probably, two hun dred or more. What else but this cotton has brought down gold from two hundred to one hundred ana twenty-seven in little over a year? This has been accomplished, too, under the pressure of an enormous debt, suddenly contracted, and enormous expenditures. What else has set all those steamship lines in motion to the South, stimulated the most active trade, increased immensely our foreign commerce, filled the Treasury with money, and promoted general prosperity? In fact, it is difficult to realize the evils we have been saved from, or to estimate the vast benefis ob tained from, the cotton that has been brought out of the South within one year. Yet we see the extraordinary spectacle of a powerful party trying to ruin this greatest ol all K 1 Dorados. The crazy revolution ists of France never did anything so foolish or ruinous. We need the valuable produc tions of the South hereafter as much as we needed them during the last year. Prosper ous as we have been under the difficulties of our situation, wearenot yet out ofdunger. We shall requires large amount of cotton to pay for our increasing importations, and the interest of the debt held abroad, to say nothing of our own manufacturers and sup plying our people with cheaper clothing. If the cultivation of cotton be retarded through the insane legislation of ourradiual-Congress, we shall yet feel sorely the effects of the war which have been averted up to the present time by the stock of cotton on hand. It is time tne commercial classes of the com munity understood this. Let them and let the whole people demand the speedy restora tion of the South—of that great and valuable section of the country—to its former status in the Union. That is the true way to save us from revulsion, to restore specie pay ments, to enable the government to meet the debt, to ease our present burdens, and to keep the country going un in its career of prosperity. The Disunionists Refused to Vote the Gettysburg Heroes a Medal. In the Senate of Pennsylvania, on the Bth of April, 1864, Senator Lamberton, a Democrat, offered the following reso lution : “ Resolved, That the committee on finance be instructed to bring in a bill authorizing the Governor.ofthis Commonwealth to cause a suitable medal in gold to be struck and presented to General Meade, and such other suitable testimonial as it may desire, to be presented to the other commissioned and non-commissioned officers and privates of this State who wrought for this Common wealth a great deliverance from rebel inva sion, on the sanguinary and victorious field of Gettysburg.” Senator Johnson, disunionist, moved to amend by directing the committee to inquire into the expediency of doing so. The Democrats voted against amending the resolution and the disunionists for it. The amendment was carried. The committee did not consider it expedient and never brought in the bill, and no medal was ever presented to General Meade and his soldiers, because of this vote of the disunolnists. Look at the Ke cord page 595, The Negro Slot at Norfolk. Indiscriminate Harder of Wliitfes—The legitimate Reaultof Radical Teaching.; The riot in Norfolk, Va., on Monday, growing out of the celebration by the col ored population of the passage of the civil rights bill has created much excitement in that city, and fears have been entertained for the last day or two of a renewal of the disturbances. By an order of Major Gen eral Turner, issued at Richmond, martial law has been re-estaDlished throughout his military department, including Norfolk^ During Tuesday night the city was pa trolled by guards. The Norfolk papers contain the evidence taken before the coroner’s inquest held over the remains of Mr. Robert B. Whitehurst, who was murdered by the mob. Theiury assembled at the house of Mr. John White hurst, on Nicholson street. The Day Btiok house was most horrible. *~te scene at the In one room lay the deceased, his head split open by a sabre cut and shot through the body; in another the mother at her dying gasp, shot in the jaw and head; an other son, supposed to be mortally wound ed, in another place, and the unhappy hus band and father on the floor, utterly pros trated by the terrible ana unlookea-for calamity. ' | THE EVIDENCE BEFORE THE JURY. The following is a portion of the testimony taken before the coroner’s jury : Marshall Capps, a white haokman, was sworn, and testified.—l was passing through Nicholson street with three colored women in my carriage; they requested me to stop to see the procession. I Btopped the car riage, and was leaning against the pole; a colored man was lying in the road, between the road and the ditch; I took him to be drunk ; two colored men came along and told him to get up, that the procession was coming along; he refused to get up, and told them to go away from there, damn black sons of , o. he would shoot them; or if they did not get away he would kill them; I turned towards the stand to see who was speaking to the colored popula tion ; a pistol went off; I looked again and saw a black man jump up and cry, “Oh Lord! oh Lordy|!” He was the one who tried to get the drunken man up; my belief is that the negro who was drunk shot him, for he told him if he did not go away be would shoot him ; when he fell, the negroes from the stand rushed towards Nicholsou street, crying, “Rally! rally, boys! and kill a white son of a wherever you find him!” They all rushed towards the side walk ; I turned my carriage and got out of the way, and drove towards Church street; then the crowd of negroes had headed up a white man ; who he was I do not know ; I only know they were in pursuit of some one. I drove towards Mr. Collin’s, and stopped and looked back, and saw two ne groes dragging a mau between them; they were headed off by a party at the corner of Nicholson street, who turned them towards the old field; I know both the men; the man that was killed was the man they had between the two horses. I heard firing at u house on Nicholson street as I arrived on Church street with my carriage. Samuel Westheimer.—About one o’clock in front of my house, on Church street, I saw a white man running by, followed by u crowd of colored people, crying, “stop that white son of a ! kill him!” Ho looked around as he ran; they followed him prettyclo.se; he turned the corner by Mr. Knight’s, and ran around the corner into a house opposite—the second bouse from the corner; brought him out of the house, and were beating him with most any kind of weapons, clubs and muskets; I then saw two horsemen come up Church street, and tried to get the crowd off; they took hold of him themselves; started down Church street with him; the man was in his shirt sleeves; I did not know him; about ten minutes afterwards I heard the report of fire arms on Nicholson street. Susan Fuller, colored—l* was at Mrs. Whitehurt’s door yesterday, (Monday), on Nicholson street, at the time of the fight; Joe Mackey said, “Rally in, boys!” bring him out and shoot himf” John fired and then I went off; I saw John shoot at him ; I do not know whether John killed him (Robert Whitehurst) or'not; I only saw one shot fired, and went off to get out of danger; there was a number around there with guns and pistols , a colored man tried to protect the house, and Mackey seized him by the collar, and asked him If he “ would take up for a d d white se eeshsonofu ;” the man I saw John shoot was in his shirt-sleeves ; I saw no white person in the house, except those who lived there. J. AV. Dozier.—l was opposite Mr. Berry’s blacksmith shop; two men came down Church street on horseback, with the deceased between them; I suppose they were trying to protecthim; they turned down Nicholson street; ashortnogrocameupand drew a revolver and shot the deceased in the back ; I do not know the man; he was a short thick man; I saw about twenty negroes after a boy, trying to shoot him Wm. Turner's evidence.—l was at my dinner when a small boy was struck in iny porch with a brick, and badly hurt in the head; my wife took him to dress his wound; I went and sat down to my dinner again; I then went up Church street; I saw a great crowd at Mr. Berry’s shop; the crowd was so great that I crossed over on the other side; just as I was putting my foot on the curb stone, one of the negroes said, “ Here is a white man. d—n him, let’s kill him;” he belonged to Norfolk ; he then struck me with a sabre, and when I recovered myself I was about midway in the street; I was then struck with a club by another negro in the crowd ; I then went in a gate; I saw a man on a gray horse ; he had the deceased by the hair ; I think I could recognize the liian on the gray horse ; he was a large man; I am certain the deceased was the man he had by the hair; I think the man on the gray horse bad a sash on. James Curling—On Monday I went to see Mr. Mosely, who had been beaten: I stayed a few moments and left; going towards Church street 1 met two negroes on horse back coming down Nicholson street with Whitehurst; one had him by the shoulder; they came out of Church street and passed about one huudred yards up Nicholson street and handed him over to two negroes on foot One of the horsemen, as he wheeled to cross the field, said that is the way we ought to serve all the white livered sons of • —-; turned round and followed the body up to Mr. Mosely’s house. A negro man then approached me and drew a pistol and threatened to blow my brains out; if it had not been for a colored man who resides here he would have done it. Question by a juror —Do you know the two men on horseback? Answer—l know them both; they were dragging him, Whitehurst. I heard the report of the pistol, but saw no one shoot the deceased. T. L. R. Baker—About one o'clock the procession arrived at the stand in the old field; I was on the speaker’s stand, pre paring to commence the celebration by speeches: I heard some firing in the vi cinity of the chapel, corner of Church and Nicholson streets; sounded like pistol tiring ; I heard some one on the stand say, “ There's a man shot.” I asked the paity that made use of the remark if they could see the man shot? Theanswer was, “ Yes, it is a colored inpn.” Upon that announce ment a large number of the people became excited and rushed in that direction; I did not see the man ; I did not see any one; I remained live or ten minutes on the stand; I theu saw some persons pulling the palings off a fence near tbo corner of Upper Union street, on Nicholson; I then saw the per sons with the palings in their hands raising them, and supposed, from their actions, they were beating some one. I then left the stand, and went in the direction of the persons who had the palings in their hands, where I supposed they were beating some one. I arrived in front of the house and found several colored men and boys had a white boy down, and were beatfng him with the palings; I supposed he was seventeen or eighteen years of age; I believe he was dressed in gray clothes; I then took the palings from several of these persons, and assisted the boy to get up and go into the house; I followod the boy into the house: I recognized a ludy sitting in the rocking chair, bleeding profusely from the throat; from the description that my wife gave of the lady, itwas Mrs. W., there were several colored persons in the front room; about that time Mr. Curling came in. I then spoke to the colooed persons who were in the house, and told them to leave the bouse; a colored man cursed me, and said I had nothing to do with it, and said at the same time that I knew all about the disturbance; I then told him again to leave the house; ifhedidnotbe would be sorry for it; all the rest left except him, and he left in a tew minutes. [Jury—Do you know that colored man? No, sir.] Saw a good • many colored persons in the back yard; may have been some white persons; there were quite a number in the back yard; they seemed to be quarrelling among themselves; high words; saw no blows; asked how Whitehurst got shot; got no answer; there was a lady there, and the boy, and several others; left the house and started down towards Church street; saw the people in the house excited and confused, and did Dot disturb them; a woman came towards me and said: “I sent the boy out for his father, and they beat him.” Cross examined.—Mrs. W. had been shot several minutes before I arrived at the house; I did not see her shoot; I could not recognize who the parties with the paling were; they were colored people; I saw no , shots fired; I only head them; I did not know who the two men were who had Mr. - Whitehurst; I was excited; the sight of Mrs. Whitehurst in that condition was sickening. THE VERDICT. The jury returned a verdict that Robert B. Whitehurst came to his death on Monday from pistol shots fired by aperson or persons unknown to the jury. The same verdict was rendered in the case of Mrs, Charlotte Whitehurst. ‘ The coroner’s jury” (says theDay-Book) “left confident of the fact that both Mrs. Whitehurst and her son were killed by colored persons who had participated in the celebration of that day, and discussed the propriety of inserting that in the verdict. It is very evident, from the testimony ad duced, that the Whitehurst brothers were shot by perspns engaged in the procession, deliberately and wilfully, but there is no testimony adduced to show how Mrs, Whitehurst was shot, as it occurred inside of the house.” SUSPECTED PARTIES ARRESTED. William Sales was arrested on Wednes day. He is charged with the murder of Robert B. Whitehurst. Robert Read, a a colored boy, who turned out with the he belonged to, testified before the mayor that he distinctly saw Sales shoot White-* hurst while he was between two horsemen. Several other persons are in all charged with being concerned in the riots. A Lancaster County Radical Tarns Chap lain to a Negro Regiment-—He After wards Tarns up as Superintendent of Negro Schools in Florida—He Appears as a Witness Before the Committee of Fifteen—-The Governor of Florida Exposes his Rascality. A special correspondent of the N. Y. World gives the following account of the doingsof aradicalscamp from Lan caster county : Tallahassee, April 10. Inclosed you will find a letter from Gov ernor D. S. Walker, in reply to acomrauni cation received by hint from the Rev. L. M. Hobbs, Superintendent of Schools for Freed men,(under appointment of his Excellency. It may as well be stated, for the informa tion of your reader, that Mr. Hobbs, who is a Pennsylvanian, made his appearance in Florida last year, with the troops by which Tallahassee was garrisoned soon after the surrender of Joe Johnsotn. He was chap lain of one of the •* colored” regiments, with which, for their sins, Providence visited these people. For a while ho was Provost Marshal of this place, and subsequently be came connected with the Freedmeu’s BuPeau as one of its officers and agents. He was especially associated with, and interested in the efforts of the Bureau to promote educa tion among the freed people. By his zeal and activity, exhibited in prosecuting this philanthropic work, he won the confluence of a number of the most intelligent aud liberal minded of our citizens, who heartily seconded his endeavors and encouraged his efforts. During the session of our late Legislature, the chaplain drafted, for their consideration, a bill for the organization nnd support, under State authority, of a system of com mon school education for colored children. The measure, coming from an Abolitionist, the chaplain of a colored regiment, and an agent of the Freedmen’s Bureau, of course encountered some prejudice* owing to its source; vet,aided by the strong recommen dation of the Governor und some outside influence from citizens residing in or near Tallahassee, it became a law. Under the provisions of the act, the appointment of a superintendent was in the bauds of the Governor, and lie gave it to Mr. Hobbs. Your readers can make their own com ments on these facts, and say how fnr they warraut and confirm the reports so widely disseminated by the Committee of Fifteen and through the Radical journals of a pres ently existing and all-prevading hostility and bitterness on the part of the Southern people towards Northern men and the Afri can race. Going North on business connected with his office, principally to seek assistance from the benevolent in aid of State contribu tions towards the colored school system, Mr. Hobbs appeared bofore Mr. Thud. Stevens’s committee, and there gave the testimony which called forth the following letter: Executive Office, Tallahassee, Fla., April 7, Rev. L. M. Hobbs , Lancaster, Pa. : Sir: Your letter of 12th March was re ceived on the 31st ult. You inclose your testimony before the Reconstruction Com mittee, which is as follows : “Rev. L. M. Hobbs testifies, that in Flor ida the feeling against the government was bitter, much more so than it was three or four months ago. There was a time when the people seemed very much disposed to do anything that the government would re quire oi them. They are now quite bitter, and say what they would not have dared say three months ago. They talk treason on the streets without any concealment. The great majority of Ihein do so, the ma jority of the lower classes. A few intelli gent citizens whom he regards as honorable gentlemen deplore the expression of such opinion, but they are very much in the mi nority, and can Lave but little influence in the affairs of the State government. The change in tone is because of the leniency manifested by the present administration.” You then proceeded to suy that you do not know what I may think of this testi mony: that you hope you have not offended me nor lost my confidence, and ask if you have “ thrown the fat into the fire,” Ac. After much anxious deliberation, in answer I have to say that your statement before the committee has given mo more pain than anything else that has occurred since I have been m the Executive office. In frequent conversations with myself and many others, you have led me to believe that your opinions were directly the oppo site of those you expressed before the com mittee. You had frequently spoken to me of the kindness with which you hud been everywhere received in this State, and of the general disposition manifested by the people to aid in the great and good work in which you and I were engaged of educating the cojored people. You had also spoken frequently of the good order ana quiet which prevailed in the the country, and,of the universal disposition of the people to adapt themselves to the new order of things, and become again good and orderly citizens of the United States. Only a few days be fore you left here for the North you told me you would have the occasion to make known these sentiments in public address es. It was understood between us that your addresses would be published and have a good effect in disabusing the North ern mind as to the true condition of the South, and that you would send them to me, and I would have them republished here with a view to give our people a good opinion of Northern men. After all this, the first I heard from you after you left hero was the above recited testimony before the Committee. I have certainly no right to complain of your giv ing expression to any opinion honestly en tertained either before the Committee or elsewhere, but I feel a deeper regret than I can express that you should have imposed upon me and abused iny confidence by ex pressing one set of opinions to me, when, in fact, ydu entertainea another. You know how earnestly 3 1 desire “to bring about an era of good feeling and fraternity,” and to make the people of the South feel that those of the North are their brethren, not only in name, but in fact. To use the language of the President, “If I know my own heart, and every passion which enters it, it is my desire to restore the blessings of the Union and tie up and heal every bleeding wound which has been caused by the fratricidal war.” I had chosen you as an instrument to assist me in this great work, by appoint ing you to the responsible office of Super intendent of Schools for Freedmen in this state. You have disappointed me; your course is well calculated to tear open and make the wounds, which were fast'healing bleed afresh. Hereafter, whenever I shall speak of appointing toa State office a North ern man, I shall be warned to remember the case of the Rev. Mr. Hobbs. Hereafter, when gentlemen from the North appear among us, ready to join with us in any good work, no matter what their declarations of friendship may be, you have put it into the power of some to .sav, “take care, and let experience put a clog upon our confidence.” As I have before stated, I do not deny your right to entertain or express any opin ion you please: my complaint is, that you have expressed one opinion to me and an other to the committee. Thero is another thing I complain of, which is, that you, according to your testi mony, have known that a majority of the people of this State “talked treason upon the streets without concealment,” and yet you have not reported any instance, either to the major-general commanding here, or to myself; You held a commission from me. You know that I had sworn to sup port the Constitution of the United States. You know it was my duty, as it is my fixed purpose, tohavoull traitors punished. You knew that it wus very prejudicial to me and the Stute of which you were an officer, to have people “ talk treason on the streets without concealment,” and yet, instead of reporting this to me, your report was, “all is well,” till you got before the committee in Washington, and then you reported, “all is wrong.” If you did not have confidence in me to believe that I would punish trea son, you ought not to have held a commis sion under me. If you had not confidence in me, you ought at least to have had it in the major-general commanding this de partment. You must have known that it would injure both him and myself to per mit any one to talk treason, whether in secret or openly. I will remark that it is singular that a majority of the people should have talked treason t>efore you, while not a word of the kind has overreach ed me, though I am in daily communica tion with the people from every portion of the State. I have heard much complaint among the people that the State is not al lowed its representation ip Congress—much desire expressed to be recognized as fully in the Union—much regret that the Presi dent’s policy does not prevail—but not one word have I heard from any person whatev er, that was calculated orintended toincite a war against the government or to destroy the Union. To be candid with you, I must say I do not believe that you have heard more than I have, for the desire of the people to be in the Umon and not out of it, is So universal and notorious that I cannot beliey e any other has been expressed. That you hay© beard our people express bitter com plaints against those who are known here as “ Northern disunionists,” I have no doubt; that those complaints have grown in bitterness the last three or four months'is also true. But after our people have mani fested their loyalty and desire to return to the Union, by taking the oath prescribed by the President “ to support the Constitution of the United States and the union of the States thereunder, and to abide by and faith fully support all laws and proclamations Which have been made during the existing rebellion with reference to the emancipation of alaves”—after their convention has anulled the ordinance of secession, repudi ated all debts contracted by the State since the date of secession—declared all' tne slaves free-opened to then; ajll the court*— admitted them as witnesses in all cases in which they are interested, and declared that they “shall enjoy the rights of person and property without distinction of color ” —and adopted the amendment to the Con stitution of the United States prohibiting slavery everywhere in the Unton-I say, after the people have done all this, and everything else they understood the Gov ernment to desire them to do, that any por tion of them, much less a majority, should talk treason either openly or secretly, is too jinucb for my credulity. It is singular that you should have interpreted the solicitude and impatience of the people to be recog nized as fully in the Union into munifesfu- Uons of treason. There is no treasou in b londa. I will guarantee that if the Presi dent should call upon her for volunteers to sustain the U nion, Florida would furnish as many troops other State, iu pro portion to her population. I complain of you also for saying that the sentiments of the people of this State • have changed for the worse “’becauso of tho leniency manifested by the present admin istration.” I think you have done the peo ple of this State great injustice in describ ing them as ingrates who have abused the the kindness of the President, I feel satis fied that they duly appreciate the magnani mous courso of tho President, and that upou all suitable occasions they will prove them selves worthy of it. I think, also, that you lmvo done tin* President of the Unitea States injustice in saying that his course has led the people of one ot tho Stutes to talk treason und bitter ness against the general government. Tho action of the President ueeds no defense from me. By his reconstruction policy lie has done more than all other men pul to gether to recall tho affections of the people to the government, and his recent veto mes sages have satisfied us that we still live un der a constitutional government. Ido not know a dozen citizens of this State who are not ready to rally around the President In i support ot the government, i need hardly udd that under the circum stances I deem it my duty to appoint some , other person than yourself to act as Supor j interment of Schools for the Freedmen in this State, and that your commission is va cated from this date. I am, respectfully, Your obedient servant, D. S. Walkku. And now let me give you the sanctimo nious, hypocritical, whiningletterof Hobbs, begging pardon for his lyiug: Lancaster, Pa., March 17. To his Excellency Governor D. S. Walker. Dearer: I inclose to you two papers, one which 1 addressed to Mr. Frns. Geo. Shaw, Pres. New York N. F. R. A., and one nn extract from the Philadelphia Press. The first will speak for itself. Of tho sec ond, dear sir, 1 know not what you may think. 1 regret thut my presence in Wash ington became known to the Reconstruc tion Committee. I was summouod to ap pear before the committee, and put upou my oath and I answered tho questions pul to me, us I candidly believed. Tho synop sis given in the J'ress lioes not contain a full and clear statement of all 1 said. I feel somewhat anxious about it, on account of the position I hold. I feel very anxious that our.our new school luw should prove a success, and wish to labor to thaUend. 1 hope, sir, that I have not offended von, nor lost your confidence. I need not statu that the Superintendent of Schools of Flor ida is not of itself sufficiently remuner ative to allow any one to accuse mo of mer cenary motives. I have not accepted the appointment of Postmaster yet, as I still feel a mural obligation to devote my ener gies to the work already commenced. I greatly respect and love Mr. Duncan, anil believe thut he is tho most efficient man to awaken an interest in both classes of per sons. I doubt about his practicability to establish u successful and permanent sys tem of public education. 11c will, I leur % connect the religious education 100 closely with the secular, and being a strong Meth odist, must of necessity lean in thut direc tion. Now, while he can act likothe main spring, I think I can act us the balance wheel, while vour excellency is the regula tor, to keep us from moving too slow, or * too fast, j Havel, dear sir, “thrown the fat iu tho fire?” I have written to you candidly. I have not attempted to explain anything 1 have said. I know you will speak or write rather frankly to me, and stale your mind •■in candor. * •* * In a few days I shall start out again on my mission. As you see from the neroui panying paper, I have So,(MK) already se cured. I shall try to raise all I can until I hear from you. * 1: * 1 am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, L. M. Doans. On* Friday last the municipal elec tion took place in Scranton, Luzerne county, aud resulted in a brilliant Dem ocratic victory. Last year the disunion* ißts carried that borough by a majority of about one hundred and fifty, and on Friday Gregory, the Democratic candi date for Chief Burgess, was elected by a majority of over live hundred aud fifty, showing a gain for the Democracy in twelve months of seven huudred votes l In the North Ward a Democratic Coun cilman was chosen for the first tirno since the borough was established; and on the whole, the Democracy generally had a right good time. This is cheer ing ; but it is only a forerunner of what the Rumps may expect next fall when the popular avalanche sweeps over the country. The Axe Moving. Forney’s Priss of this morning lias the following : Albert P*. Sloanuker was to-day nomina ted Collector of Internal Revenuo for the First District of Pennsylvania, in place of Col. John 11. Tuggurt; Samuel McKolvy, United Slates Marshal for the Western Dis trict of Pennsylvania; Josiah P. Hetrick, of Easton, Collector of Internal Revenue lor the Eleventh District of Pennsylvania, and Robert Clark, Assessoroflnternal Revenue for the Thirteenth District of Pennsylvania. How do the officials of this district feel about the neck? Are they sure they can call their heads their own? How do they stand? They must be finding out before very long. They have their choice of masters. They cannot stand by Stevens and* hold on to their offices. It is well known that throughout the Southern States the heads of depart ments have been forced to employ per sons to fill various offices who were un able conscientiously to take the Iron Clad Congressional test oath. It is now said to be certain that Congress will re fuse to comply with the recommenda tion from the Postmaster Geueral and the Secretary of the Treasury of a modi fication of the test oath in reference to employees of these departments in the eleven States lately rebellious, so as to enable the departments to obtain the servicesof suitable men. The Judiciary Committee of the House have decided against any change of the law on tlie subject. The Senate has adopted an amendment to an appropriation bill providing that no money shall be paid ~ under the act, to any person who, has not taken the test oath. Thus it is made certain that the majority now in power in Congress intend to compel all who were lately in rebellion to forswear themselves, or to create in the lately rebel States a large body of loyal office holders out of such materials as can be brought from other States. It may be surmised, how€ver, that the laudable and in no 'wise malicious design is to overcome the difficulty by selecting ne groes for all the offices which are to be filled in the postal and revenue service in the eleven States. Verily the world does move. | Step by Step. The lowa Legislature has passed a joint resolution amending their State Constitution so as to extend the right of suffrage to the negroes. The Supreme Court of Wisconsin has stretched an old law so as to allow every woolly-head to vote. In Michigan, at tho recent local election negroes voted for the first time, having been but recently ad mitted to the right of suffrage. So we go with rapid strides towards universal negro suffrage and negro equality, with out which the disunionists in Congress declare they will never allow the Union to be restored. Yet the Republicans of Pennsylvania have the audacity to da clare that negro suffrage is not an. issue before the people. Such liars, would Bhame Tom Pepper. Four hundred au& fifty thousand dollars In fractional currency was print ed last o£ which two hundred and thousand was shipped to different points in the United States. The redemption of mutilated fractional currency for the same period amounted to three hundred and fourteen thousand dollars,