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Alfred Sanderson
TERMS—Two Dollars per *nnum, payable
all oases In advance. ; ' • •
uFFIOB—South wes* corner ot Centre
Square.
83r Ali letters, on business should.be ad
dressed to Cooper, Sanderson 4 Co.
fMh*-
Patriotic Ode.
The following patriotic ode was sung
at the great meeting held in Grover’s
Theatre, Washington, on the 22d iost.,
to endorse the policyof President John
son :
The Union of our Fathers!
Our nob eßt heritage I
The gran lest work recorded
On lime’s historic page!
Wc coino to chant Its praises—
Its worth toawell upon,
This day of duyu auspicious—
Blrthd iy of Washington l
Cixuii' H: The Union! Th* Union!
Uy faction well-nigh rent!
Hestored by Andrew Johnson,
The People’s P.esldentl
The Union of our Fathers!
For which they fought and bled !
The Ki-ystone of Its Arch 1- laid
In the memory of th« dead !
Shall we..their sons, prove recreant
Unto the holy trust,
They hold with cure asjealou.s,
As wo their sacred dust?
Choiu's: The Union! The Union! 4c.
Ah, no! this day wo swear it,
Birthday of Washington!
The prize so dear to lather
Is snored still to son !
The Union of our KuUinrw!
Oh ! freemen, guard It well!
For 'lYeusnn, at Its hearthstone,
Works fast liar baleful snoll!
(.’Hours: The Union: The Union! 4o
The Union of our Fathers!
NohlhUi shall desecrate
The stars opon Its banner—
Th’ escutcheon on Its gate!
Wo swear to keen, untarnished,
The boon our fathers wou,
And hold the day o’er sacred—
Birthday*)!' Washington !
(.'Hours: The Union ! The Union ! Ac*
ptcuajj.
Johnson and Jones.
William John,son und Edwin Jones
were both of them farmers, and they
were also near neighbors. Their farms
were beautifully situated; the soil nat
urally productive. So far there was not
n particle of difference between the two
places. Vet they wore a different as
pect. buildings looked nice
and tidy. His barn and outbuildings
were snug and comfortable, his orchard
looked thrifty, und the trees were care
fully dressed. Now, Mr. Jones had no
more of a family to support than ids
neighbor, yet the aspect of ilia house
and farm were very different. Oldrub
bish wus kicking around iu the yard,
that should have been less unsightly
places; ids house looked weuther-beat
en and neglected ; rags were seen in
spots where panes of glass were expected
to be found ; there were large cracks in
the barn, through which the winds of
heaven hud free -course. Ilis apple
trees were disfigured by old bark and
dead limbs; and in short everything
seemed to wear a look of dilapidation
and neglect. Edwin Jones wus a hard
working man, and he often caughthim
self wondering how it was that his
neighbor Johnson keptulong so smooth
ly and quiet, and yet hehadeverything
in perfect order.
*«•**#*
One rainy day in the Pall after liar
vesting was over, Johnson was at work
in Ids tool chamber when ids neighbor
Jones entered.
“Johnson” said the latter, after he
had watched his neighbor’s place a few
moments, “how much did that old sled
of yours cost; I have got to have one
this winter.”
“Oh, that cost me nothing; I made
that myself, L got out the timber lusL
winter, so that matter’s disposed of; and
1 feel proud of it too. It’s my first at
tempt.”
“■Well, neighbor Johnson, I don’t
see how iu the world you get along so.
Your farm don’t produce any more
than mine does, ami I don’t believe you
work as hard as I do. Your wife don’t
make any better butter than mine;
your don’t grow any better wool.
You raise more fruit to be sure.”
“I have not so many acres as you.’'
“ No ; but the fruit is of betterquality,
and finds a ready market.”
“ Yes, because I have taken paius t.o
obtain the best grafts. My trees were
the same as yours when we started, —
My cows give more milk than yours do
in the winter, for they have a warmer
barn. X raise more pork than you do,
because my pens are tight and comfor.
table, and so on.”
“ And I suppose you are laying up
money?” muttered Jones with a crest
fallen look.
“ Certainly I am—about $5OO ayear?”
“ So much !” exclaimed Jones with a
look of surprise ; “ why, J can't lay up
a single cent; in fact, am running be
hind.”
“ Let me tell you the secret,” said
Johnson, in the kiudest and most neigh
borly way. “ Last summer I saw you
buy two pitchforks; now how much
did they all cost you V”
“Let’s see—two dollars and a half.”
“Well, my fork handle got broke last
winter, so did some of my rakes. 1
brought them right up here, and when
at leisure just fixed them up. There
was so much saved. Now you have
nothing at all to do to-day.”
“ No, indeed ! it rains too hard.”
“But I am at work making my apple
boxes; how areyougoingtogetyours?”
“ Crausiou makes them for me, and
I am to give him a barrel of apples.”
“ Winch is us good as two dolkit>
Now if yuu hire as good a sled as mine
made, it will cost atleast twelve dollars.
You see how these little things count
up.”
“ And all this comes of your having
tools to work with,” returned Jones,
whose eyes were beginning to open.
“Yes, neighbor.”
“Well, if I had tools I could save a
good many sums fu the course of a year,
but X never have the money tospar6 for
them. Why these 'ere tools o’ yourn
must cost mor’n fifty dollars.”
“ Just about that.”
“ ThenX'm mighty afraid Xshall have
to scrape along with borrowed tools. X
shall never have that sum to spare.”
“You don’t understand. Let me ex
plain the secret. I should never have
goue with a fifty dollar bill and bought
these things. X have procured one at a
time with my grog and tobacco money.”
“Grog and tobacco money!” repeated
Jones with a look of blank surprise.
“Yes,” said Johnson with a smile
now If am going to give you a lecture.
I am going to give you the benefit of
my experience. The first year X began
on the farm, I used to have 'spirits by
me, aud every now and then take a
drink, to keep up my strength I said to
myself. In the long wai m days, in hay
ing and harvesting, the bottle used to be
patronized liberally. But X finally began
to see that it was growing hard for me
to resist and so, after deliberating on the
subject, I came to the conclusion that
rum and tobacco did me no good, and
might do much evil, aud I would leave
them off—so I did. So I commenced
laying money they cost me. I
saw how much might be saved if X could
do the work myself I had been obliged
to pay for, so I began buying such
tools as I thought would come
handy. At the end of the first
year I found that I had quite a collec
tion, and Jit had come from money I
* ' ‘ ’'l ' | :' . . ~J.,!l ■■'-j. ,: ~
VOLUME 67.
might otherwise have drank and smok
ed up, and I feel healthier and happier
than the year before. I knew I had laid
the foundation for future good. Time
passed on —my grog and tobacco money
kept coralngin. Itwas now a hammer,
then a saw, then an augur, and another
plane, a bit stock, &c., till I have now
an excellent stock of tools, and they are
not only a source of great profit, but of
solid comfort into the bargain. I be
lieve, friend Jones, in giving up my
grog and tobaoco I have been a great
gainer. Now, do you not think you
could do as well without It ?”
“ Johnson,” said Jones at length, af
ter a protruded silence,. “I wish you
had told me of this long ago.”
“ I was afraid it might offend you—it
is a delicate mutter at best.”
“ I know it, but Edwin Jones is not
the man to bo offended with a neighbor
for friendly advice.”
“Well,” said Johnson, with an ex
treme look of gratification, “it’s never
too late to mend, and if you get into a
pinch, where fifty or a hundred dollars
will be of use to you, come to me.”
Mr. Jones thanked his friend with a
suspicious moisture shining in his eye,
and shortly after took leave. The very
next time he went to town, instead of
refilling his brown jug and empty box,
he brought* home a new augur, and a
proud man was he, at work with his
own tools.
Time passed away, and he soon found
himself the 9wner of quite a little stock
of implements. This tiling operated,
many ways for good. Now that lie had
the ability to fix up iiis buildings with
out borrowing tools, lie began to take a
pride in d&ugit. He re-set his windows
roofed his beehouse built new pig-pens,
tightened his barn, and in rainy weather
was never without pleasant and profit
able employment. His cows did not
break through the barn floor now, and
they give as much milk, his bees make
as much honey, his trees yield as good
apples us his neighbor Johnson’s do,
uuU all this is becuuso he stopped his
grog and tobacco expenditures, bought
iiis tools, and left off depending upon
his neighbors ; and so he is a happy,
thriving and contented farmer.
A ilumb Mah Cured by Prbycr,
Joseph Norris, residing iu the vicini
ty of this city, having lost the use of
his speech entirely, about two weeks
ago, was recommended by hisphysician
Lo tile free use of whiskey or brandy as
r a remedy. He tried the prescription
for about three days—using brandy and
eggs so freely that during that time he
kept himself thoroughly uuder its in
fluence; but without the desired effect.
It did not work a cure on him like the
same remedy did on a lady in the neigh
borhood of Cambridge city, ail account
of whose case we published sometime
ago. On Sunday night last Mr. Norris
started to attend the Methodist meeting,
held at Mt. Pleasant, about three miles
from this city, and while on his way,
he became impressed that if he would
get down on his knees in the road and
pray, L)is speech would be restored. So
powerfully did this impression become
that lie obeyed the premonition, and
there in the road he poured outliis sup
plications to God, asking him, if consis
tent with his Divine Will, to restore
iiis lost speech.
After concluding his prayer, he arose
from iiis kuees, and went on towards
the place of meeting—no perceptible
good having been accomplished by his
efforts. Ashe neared the meeting house,
the inward prompting, that “still,
small voice,” impelled him to again
“ pray to Him that lieareth in secret,”
and the result was that he was “re
stored openly,” for almost instantly his
speech again came to him, and during
the meeting he told his experience, and
gave to God the glory of his miraculous
cure. Truly “ God works in a mysteri
ous way, His wonders to perform.”— Ex.
A True Xian,
He is above a mean thing. He can
not stoop to a mean fraud. He evades
no secrets in the keeping of another.
He betrays no secrets confided to his
keeping. He never struts in borrowed
plumage. He never take selfish advan
tage of our mistakes. He never stabs in
the dark. \He is ashamed ofinuendoes.
He is not one thing to a man’s face and
anotherbehiudhis back. Ifbyaccideut
he comes in possession of his neighbor’s
counsels, he passes upon them an act of
instant oblivion. He bearssealed.pack
ages without tampering with the
wax. Papers not meant for his
eye, _ whetiier they flutter at the
window or lie open before him in
uuregarded exposure, are sacred to him.
He encroaches on no privacy of others,
however the sentry sleeps. Bolts and
bars, locks and keys, hedges and thick
ets, bonds and securities, notice to tres
passers, are none of them for him. He
may be trusted himself out of sight—
near the thinnest partion—anywhere.
He buys no office, he sells none; he in
trigues for none. He- would rather fail
of liia rights than win by dishonor, lie.
will eat honest bread. He insults no
man. He tramples on no sensitive feel
ing. If lie have rebuke for another, he
isstraiginforward, open, manly. What
ever he judges honorable he practices
toward every man.
A Child’s Faith.
The Petersburg (Va.,) Democrat once
told an affecting story of a little boy of
that city, who having recently lost his
father, found himself deprived of the
privilege of attending school as formerly;
and in the fullness of his faith he deter
mined to seek the werewithal at that
footstool to which lie had been taught to
look for other and higher blessings. In
the simplicity of his heart he sat down
and gravely wrote a letter to his Re
deemer, thinking perhaps that so formal
a mode of preferring his request would
meet with greaterattentiou. What was
the surprise of the Postmaster, William
A. Friend, Esq., on discovering among
tiie contents of his letter box, pne morn
ing, a missive directed “(To Jesus
Christ !” Opening it, he read the story
of the boy’s wants, and withnobie kind
nessdeposited in theenvelop the amount
required, and directed it to the young
supplicant.
The Path to Kindness.
William Wirt’s letter to his’daughter
on the “small, sweet courtesies oflife,”
contains a passage from which a deal .of
happiness might be learned: “The
way to make yourself pleasing to others
is to show them attention. The whole
world is like the Miller of
Mansfield, “ who cared for nobody
—no, not lie, because nobody cared
for him.” And the whole world
would serve you so, if you gave them
the same cause. Let every one, there
fore, see that you care for them, by
snowing what Sterne so happily calls
the “small courtesies,” in which there
is no parade, whose voice is too still to
tease, and which manifests themselves
- by tender and affectionate looks, and
little acts of attention, giving others the
preference in every little enjoyment of
the table, in the field, walking, sitting,
or standing.
The Art of Printing.
BY BAYARD TAYLOR.
Perhapa there is no department of en
terprise whose details are less under
stood by intelligent people than the
“ art preservative”—the achievement
of types. r
Every day, their life long, they are
accustomed to read the newspaper, to
find fault with its statements, its ar
rangements, its looks; to plume them
selves upon the discovery of some roguish
and acrobatic type that gets into a frolic
and stands upon its head ; or of some
waste letter or two in it—but of the pro
cess by which the newspaper Is made,
of the myriads of motions and thou
sands of pieces necessary to its compo
sition, they know little and think less.
They imagine they discourse of a won
der, indeed, when they speak of the
fair white carpet woven, for thought to
walk on, of the rags that fluttered upon
the back of the begger yesterday.
But there Is something more wonder
sul still. When we look at the hundred
and fifty-two little boxes, somewhat
shaded with the touch of fingers, that
compose ttie printer’s “case”—noiseless
except the clicking of the types, as one
by one they take their piaceain growing
line—we think we have found the mar
vel of the art.
We think how many fancies in frag
ments there are iu the boxes, how many
atoms of poetry and eloquence the prin
ter can make here and there, if he only
had a little chart to work by, how ma/iy
facts in a small “ handful,” how much
truth in chaos.
Now lie picks up the scattered ele
ments, until he holds in his hands a
stanza of Gray's Elegy, or a monody
upon Grimes “ all buttoned up before,”
and now “ Paradise Dost,” he arrays a
bride in “ small caps,” und a sonnet in
“nonpareil;” he announces that the
languishing “ live,” In one sentence
transposes the words ami deplores the
days that are few and “evil,” in the
A poor jest tricks its way slowly into
the printer’s hand like a clock Just run
ning dowu, and a strain of eloquence
marches into line letter by letter. We
fancy wc can tell thediflereneeby hear
ing of the ear,H>ut perhaps not.
The types that told a Wedding yester
day announce a burial to-morrow—per
haps the self same letters.
They are the elements to make a
world of—these types are a world with
something in it as beautiful us spring,
as rich as summer, and as grand as au
tumn flowers that frost cannot wilt,
fruit that shall ripen for all time.
The newspaper lias become the log-
book of the age ; it tells at what rate
the world is lunning; we cannot find
our “ reckoning” without it.
True, the green grocer may bundle
up a pound of candles in our lust ex
pressed thoughts, but it is only coming
to base uses, and that is done times in
numerable.
We console ourselves by thinking that
one can make of that newspaper whut
lie cannot makeof living oaks—a bridge
for time, that he can fling it over the
chasm of the dead years and walk safely
back upon the shadowy sea into the fair
Past. The singer shall not end his
song, nor the true soul be eloquent no
more.
The realms of the Press is enchanted
ground. Sometimes the editor has the
happiness of knowing that he has de
fended the righ£, exposed the wrong,
protected the weak, that he had giveu
utterance to .a sentiment that has
cheered somebody’s solitary hour, made
somebody happier, kindled a smile
upon a sad face, or hope in a heavy
heart.
He may meet with that sentiment
many years after it may have lost all
charm of its paternity, but he feels af
fection for it. He weLcomes it as a ioug
absent child. He reads it as for the
first time, and wonders if, indeed, he
wrote it, for lie has changed since then.
Perhaps he could not give utterance to
the sentiment now—perhaps lie would
not if lie could.
It seems like the voice of his former
self calling to its parents, aud there is a
something mornful in its tone. He be
gins to think—he remembers why he
wrote it, where were his readers then,
and whither wiey have gone—what he
was then,and how much he has changed.
So he muses, until he finds himself won
dering if that thought of his will con
tinue to float after he is dead, and
whether he is really looking upon some
thing that will survivehim. And then
comes the sweet consciousness that there
is nothing in the sentence that he could
wish unwritten—that it is a better part
of him—ashred from thegarmeutof im-
inortality he shall leave behind him
when he joins the “ innumerable cara
van,” and takes his places in the silent
halls of death.
Early Indulgence of the Appetites.
Parents should ponder well op the
dangers of an early and capacious in
dulgence of the appetites and imaginary
wauls of their children. Repetition
soon becomes a habit once formed, even
in childhood, will often remain during
the whole of after life, acquiriug
strength every year, until, at last, it
sets all laws, human and divine, at de
fiance. Let parents who yield to the
cries of their children for dainty and
promiscuous food, or who allow them
to torment domestic animals, or to strike
their nurses, or to raise the hand against
any person, consider well on the conse
quences. The moral effects of pamper
ing the appetites of children are most
melancholy. Is the mother afraid of an
explosion of passion, a bribe is too often
promised in the shape of a cake or tart,
as a peace offering.
Does it annoy a whole company by its
boisterous or ill-timed pranks, it is per
suaded to be quiet by the promise of
some sweetmeats. If it has been good,
ns the is, and learned its letters,
the reward is still too frequently sorne
tiifg for the stomach. Eating is soon
regarded as the chief end aud object of
life by a child, who sees in it the chief
incentive to good behavior. A premi
um would truly seem to be given for
gluttony. The use of the other nobler
faculties of the mind, the early cultiva
tion of the kindlier and better feelings
of our nature—generosity, disinterest
edness, pity 7, filial love—all are over
come or postponed in favor of the one
sensual, selfish and absorbing act of gor
mandizing.
Curious Illustration!.
“My friends,” Baid a return mission
ary at am anniversary meeting, “let us
avoil sectarian bitterness. The Inhab
itants of Hindostan, where I have been
laboring for many years, have a pro
verb: ‘Though you bathe a dog’s tail
in on, aud bind it with splints,you can
not get the crook out of it.’ Now a
man s -sectarian bias is simply the crook
in the dog’s tail, which cannot be
eradicated; and I hold that every one
Bhould be allowed to way hia own peou-
Uarifis9 in peace f”
LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 7, 1866.
pbcdlatwons.
Bill Arp Addresses the Lebannon Law
School and Gives his own Sad Expe
rience.
Milledgeville, Feb. 1886.
Messrs. C. C. Cummings and others }
Committee
Gentlemen — l have reseeved your
kind invitation to address your law
skool. In tbe situation by which lam
surrounded it is impossible for me to go.
I wish I could, for I would like to tell
you all I know about law, and. it
wouldent take me long. I’m now’ iu
the law bisuess myself at this place.—
We are engaged in manufactunn it by
wholesaie, and after while irwill be re
tailed out by lawyers to anybody that
wants it. Its an easy bisness to make
law, though some of the bills introduced
are awfully spelt. To-day I saw a bill,
iu which “ masheenry,” was spelt with
two esses and four ease. But the great
est difficulty is in understands the law
after it is made. Among lawyers tbisdif
ficulty don’t seem to lie so much in the
head, as iu the pocket. For five dollars
a lawyer can luminize Borne, and more
akkordin to pay. But he ougheut to
luminize but one side at a time. The
first case I ever had in a jestice court I
employed old Bob Liggens, who was
a sorter self-educated fool. I give him
two dollars in advance, and lie argued
the case I thought, ou two sides, and
wus more luminous agin me than for
me. I lost the ease, and found out ihat
the dependent had employed Liggins
after I did, and give him five dollars
to lose my case. I look upon this as a
warnin io all clients, to pay big fees
and keep yourlawyer outof temptation.
My experience in litigaliou have not
been satisfactory. I sued Sugar Black
oust for the price of a load of shuks. He
said lie wanted to buy some ruffiuess,
and I agreed to bring him a load of
shuks for two dollars. My wagin got
broke and he got tired wailiu, and sent
out after the shuks hisself. When I
calld on him for the pay, he seemed
surprised, and sed iL hud cost him two
dollars und a half to have the shuks
himld, and that Ijestly owd him a hull'
a dollar. He wus bigger thuii 1 was, so
I hwul lowed my bile and sued him. His
lawyer pled a set ollTor liuulin. Hu pled
that the shuks wus unsouud ; that they
were bard with limitations; that they
dident ugree with his cow, and that he
never got any shuks from me. He spoke
about and alluded to me as a swindler
about 4-5 times. The bedevild jury went
oul und brought in a verdik again me
for fifty cents and four dollars for costs
of suit. 1 huiut saved nary shukon my
plantation since, and I dont intend to
until itgits lessexpcnsive. 1 look upon
this as a warnin to all folks, never to go
f o law about shuks, or any other small
circumslauce.
The next trouble I had wus with a
feller who I hired to dig me a well. He
wus to dig it for twenty dollars, and I
wus to pay him in meat and meal, and
sich like. The vagubond kept gittiu
along untill he got all the pay, but hud :
eut dug nary foot of grown. So I
made out my akkouiit, and sued him as
toilers, to wit:
Old John Hanks lo Bill Arp. L)r.
To 1 Well you dident dig - - $2O.
Well, Hanks he hired a cheap lawyer,
who rard round extensively, and sed a
heap of funny things at my expense,
and finally.dismissed my case for wliut
lie called its “ lidikulum absurdum.”
I paid those costs, and went home a
sadder aud a wiser man. I pulled down
my little cabin, and moved it some 300
yards Higher to the spring, and I’ve
drunk mity little well water since. I
look upon this case us a warning to all
folks never to pay for any thing tilt
you've gut it, espeshlaUy if it has to be.
dug.
The next law case I laid I gained it
all by myself by the force of sirkum
stunces. I bought a mau's note that
was given fur the hire of a nigger boy,
Dik. Fimlin he wouldent pay me, I
sued him before old Squire McGinnis,
beleeviu it wassich a dead thing that the
devil couldent keep me out of a verdik.
The feller’saltoruey plead failure of con
sideration, nun cat faktum , aud -ignis
fatius , and infancy, aud that the niger’s
name wasent Dik, but Richard. The
old squire was a powerful secesh, and
hated the Yankees amazin. So, after
the lawyer had got through his speech
and finished up his readin from a book
called “Greenieuf,” I rose forward to an
attitood. Stretchin forth my arm, ses
I, “Squire McGinnis, 1 would ask, sur,
if this is a Lime in the history of our af
fiikted country when Federal Jaw books
should be admitted in a Southern pa
triot’s court ? llavent we succeeded for
ever from their foul domination ? Don’t
our flag wave over Fort Sumpter, and
what, sur, have we got to do with
Northern laws? On the very first page
of the gentleman’s book I seed the name
of the city of Bosting. Yes, sur, it was
writtenin Bosting, published in Bos
ting and sold in Bosting, where 'they
don’t know no more about the hire of a
nigger than an ox knows the man who
will tan his hide.” I sed some more
things that was pinted aud patriotik,
and closed my argument by handin the
book to the squire. He put on hisspek
takles, and after lookin at the book
a minet, ses he.
“ Mr. Arp, you can have a judgment,
and I hope that from henceforth and
forever, no lawyer will persoom to come
before this honorable court with pisen
dokuments to prove his cuse. If he do,
this court will take it as a insult, and
seud him to jail.”
I look upon this case as a warnin to
all folks who gamble iu law, to hold a
good hand and play it well. High jes
tice and patriotism ure winnin trumps.
After this I had a difficulty with a
man by the name of Kohen, and I
thought I wouldent go to law, but
would arbytrate. I bad bought Tom
Swillins wheat at a dollar a bushel
if he. couldent do any better, and if he
could do better he was to cum back and
give me the pj'efvrrnsv. The skamp
went oil’ami sold the wheat to Kohen
for a dollar aud five cents, and Kohen
knowd ail about his contrakt with me.
Me and him like to have fit, aud per
haps would if I hadent been puny ; but
we fiually left it-all to Josh Biliius to
arbytrate. Old Josh deliberated on the
thing for three days and nights, and
finally brought in an award that Ko
hen should have the wheat, and I
should have the prefereme. I haint
submitted no more cases to arbitration
since, and my advice to all peepul is to
arbytrate nulhin if your case is honest*
for there aiu't no judge there to keep
one man from strikin the other. An
honest man don’t stand no chance no
where exseppin in a court house with a
good lawyer to back him. The motto
of this case is, never to arbitrate nuthin
but a bad case, and take a good lawyer’s
advice and pay him for it before you do
that.
But I got Fretman—l dident,‘but my
lawyer Marks did. Fretman wasa nut
meg skoolteacher who had gone round
my naborhood with his skool articles,
and I put down for Troup and Calhouu
togo, and intended to send seven oreight
more if he proved himself right. I soon
found that the little nullitier wasent
belevih in anything, and on inquiry I
found that Nutmeg was given powerful
long recesses, and was empfoyin his
time chiefly in carryin on with a tolera
bui sizd female gal that was going to
him. Troup sed he heard thegalsqueel
herself one day, andheknowd Fretman
was a squeezin of her. Idontmindour
boys squeezin of the Yankee gals, but
I’ll be blamed if the Yankees shall be a
squeezin ourn. So I got mad and took the
children away. At the end of the term
Fretman Bued me for eighteen dollars,
and hired a cheap lawyer to col
lekt it. Before this time I had learned
some sense about a lawyer, so I hired a
good one, and spred my pocket-book
down before him, and told him to take
what would satisfy him. And he tuk.
Old Phil Davis was the jestice. Marks
made the openin speech to the effek
that every professional man ought to
be able to illustrate his trade, and he
therefore proposed to put Mr. Fretman
on the stand and spell him. Thiß motion
were fout hard, but it agreed with old
Phil's notions of “.high jestice,” and
says he, “Mr. Fretman you will have to
spoil sur,” Marks then swore him, that
he would give trueevidencein this case,
and that he woul&epeli every word In
Dao’l Webster’s spellin book correktly
to the best of his knowledge and belief,
so help him, &c. I saw then that he
wertremblin all over like a coldwtt
dog. Says Marks, “ Mr. Fretman, spell
“tisik well he spelt it, puttin in apA
and a th aud a gh and a zh, and I don’t
know what uli, and I thought he was
gone up the first pop, but Marks said it
was right. He then spelt him right
strait along ou all sorts of big words,
and little words, and long words, and
short words, and afterwords, and he
knowd em all, till finally Mark ses,
“Now sur, spell Ompo7npynusuk. ,, ~-
Fretman drawd a long' bretu and sed it
wasent in the book. Marks proved it
was by an old preacher who was settin
by and old Phil spoke up with power,
ses, “Mr. Fretman you must spell it,
sur.” Fretman was aswettlniikearun
down filly. He tuk one pass at it and
missed.
“ You can come down, sur,” says
Marks, “ you’ve lost your ease.” And
shore enuf, old Phil giveaverdikaginst
him like a darn.
Marks was a whale in his way. At
that same court he was about to nonsuit
a doktor bekaus he dident have his
diplomy, and the doktor Oeg’d the court
for time to go home after it. He rode
seven miiesaud back as hard as he could
iiok it, and when he handed it over to
Marks very triumfuntiy, Marks ses,
“ Now, sur, you will takethe stand and
translate this Latin into English, so that
the court may understand it.” Well,
he jest caved, for he couldent do it.
He lost his case in two rainets, for the
old squire Said that a doktor who could
ent read his diplomy had no more rialit
to praktis than a magistrate who could
ent read the licence had tojine two
couple together. This is a warnin to
all professional men to understand their
bisness, and the moral of tne case is,
that a man oughtent to be squeezm the
gals when anybody can see him. But
1 don't want it understood that I’m
agin it on proper okkashions and in a
tender manner. There alnt no squeelin
necessary
But I must close this brief epistle.
Youth, truly, Bill Aril
P. S.—l forgot to mention thut the
Freedman's Buro have had me up U
kaus Mrs. Arp turned ofl' her nurse for
not talkin baby talk to her child. She
said that my wife throwd a cheer at her
head. The lyiu hussy was there, a
wcurin Mrs. Arp’s coilur and shawl
that she'd stole. I pinted emout to the
Buro, and left in defiant disgust. The
moral of this is “to stand your grown”
or uurse your babies yourself. B. A.
Further Exposition of President John-
son’s Views,
Governor Cox, of Ohio, read the fol
lowing letter to the KepubUeau repre
sentatives in Congress from that State
on Monday night:
Washington. Mnmlnc, Feh. 2 th. I^oo.
>cn* Gcorpe li. Wripht, Chairman uf the /itpub
lican Central OnnmiUce, CX/tambivs (jluu :
My Dear Sir—On Saturday last I
had the honor of an interview with the
President, which I regarded as of suffi
cient interest aud importance to make
it proper that I should reduce to writ
ing my remembrance of liis statements
whilst they were fresh in my memory,
since he seemed to me liu a perfectly
free aud unpremeditated conversation
to exhibit, with peculiar clearness, the
processes of his owu mind in reaching
some of his opinions, aud to express
them with such manifest candor aud
entire freedom from personal feeling
thut I could not but think that if he
would conseut to it good might be done
by making his statements public. Ac
cordingly, I uguin waited upon him
this uiorniug to make known what I
had done to ask his verification of the
truth of my report, and his consent to
make the same known to the country.
Although he was perfectly unaware of
my purpose to reduce lifa remurks to
writing, and I myself.had no such in
tention when I first called upon him.
he most frankly gave his consent, and
assented to the accuracy of my report,
wnicli is as follows :
He said he had no thoughts which he
was not willing toavow; that his policy
had simply aimed at the earliest possi
ble restoration of peace on the basis of
loyalty. No congressional policy had
ever been adopted, and therefore, when
lie entered upon the duties of his office,
he was obliged to adopt one of his own.
He had in some sense inherited that of
Mr. Lincoln, with which bethought he
agreed, and that was substantially the
one which he had carried out. Congress
had no just grounds of complaint that
he had done so, for they had not seen
fit to declare their views or adopt any
measures embodying what could be
called a policy of restoration. He
was satisfied that no .Jong continu
ance of military „ government could
be tolerated, that the whole country
would properly demand the restoration
of a truly civil government, and not to
give it to the lately rebellious. States,
would be an admission of the failure
of the administration and of the party
which had carried through the war,
to prove themselves equal to the ex
igency, now that the work of destruc
tion was over and that of rebuilding
had begun. Military governmentaloue
would not pacify the South. At the
end of a long period of such government
we would be no nearer, and probably
not so near the end, than now, and
would have the same work to do. Hence
there is a real necessity of adopting a
policy which should restore the civil
government fully, just as soon as the
rebellion should be thoroughly end
ed, and these conditions accepted
by the South which were to be
regarded as absolutely necessary to
the peace of the country. One
central idea had controlled him in
the whole matter, and this was that the
proper system of pacification should, be
one which tended everywhere to stimu
late the loyalty of the people of the
South themselves and make it the
spring of loyal conduct by proper legis
lation rather than to impose upon them
laws and conditions by direct external
force. Thus, in the case of the Freed
men’s Bureau, he was not against the
idea of the bureau in toto, for he had
used it and was still using it. It might
continue for a period of more than a
year yet. He had contemplated that
either by proclamation of hisown or by
some action of Congress as a coudition
of peace the technical end of the rebel
lion would probably be declared at some
period (perhaps not very remote), and
as he understood the present law the
bureau might continue a year from that
time. Meanwhile he could say to the
South, “It depends upon yourselves to
say whether the bureau shall be dis
united at an earlier day, for I will put
an end to it just as soon as you, by
proper action for the protection of the
freedmen, make it necessary.”
This, said he, the hope of getting rid
of the institution, stimulates them to do
what is right, whilst they are not dis
couraged by the idea that there is no hope
of an end to what they regard as a sort
of military government. If, on the oth
er hand, the bureau were to be made a
permanent thing by legislation, which
on its face appears to be part of the fixed
law of the land, all the objections he
had urged in his message applied in full
force to it, and instead of encouraging
the South to loyalty, you tend to drive
them to desperation and make their
hatred of the government inveterate.
The same principle of stimulating
loyalty was shown in the m&nner in
which he held martial law over them.
Whenever they should show so peaceful
and law abiding condition ,of their
community that martial law was not
needed, it should be removed. Their
own conduct would thus determine the
matter, and the desire and interest of all
the best people be increased to put down
disturbances and outbreaks, to protect
Union men and obey the laws, because
in so doing, they would hasten the with
drawal of the direct interference of the
military arm in their affairs.
In precisely the same way and under
the influence of the same idea, he had
acted in regard to civil affairs generally
in that section, regarding.it as necessary
and propertoimposeupon therebellious
States conditions which would guaran
tee the safety of the country ; and re
garding the then existing affairs of the
local governments as having disqualified
themselves, by their treason, forcontin
uance in power, he deposed them and
established Provisional Goveuments.
Then he asked himself what conditions
ought to be demanded of them, and
how their disposition to accept them in
good faith might be stimulated. The
coudltious, viz: The amendment of
State Constitutions, excluding slavery ;
the acceptance of the same amendment
of the U. S. Constitution ; the repudia
tion of the rebel debt, and the admis
sion of the freedmen to various rights,
&c., everybody is familiar with. Toatim
uiute them to accept these conditions,
being such, as usiug his best judgment,
and in the absence of any Congression
al plan, lie thought the nearest right of
any he could frame, he engaged thut on
ibeir acceptance, with evidence of good
faith, he would permit them to reorgan
ize their State Governments, elect leg
islatures, &c., and, so far as Executive
acts could do so, would restore them to
their position in the Union of States.
They had so far accepted his conditions,
that lie did not regard the experiment
as a failure, but a success. He had ac
cordingly reorganized the Post Office
Department everywhere among them,
had reopened trade aud removed restric
tions thereon through the Treasury
Department,juid in like manner, in ail
the Executive Departments, recognized
them as .States in the Union, only keep
ing enough of a military hold to protect
the freedmen, as he had before stated,
and to induce them to do some
thing mme thorough in that di
rection. Now but one tiling remain
ed in which those States did not
exercise the full rights of States, aud
that is representation in Congests. In
this lie had advised that
eiple of stimulating
as in the other respects w+*4e&4ic had
named. He would admit only 'such
representatives as were in fact lr>yal
men, giving satisfactory evidence of
this. Whenever a State or District sent
u loyal man, properly elected and quali
fied. he would think it right to admit
him the same us from any other Slate,
and lie would admit none but such loyal
men, so that other States or districts
might be (bus induced to elect and
send similiar men. When they had
all done this, their representation
would be full, and tile work would be
<lone. Such was liis plan. He did
not ask to be the judge of the elec
tions and qualifications of members of
Congress, or of their loyalty. Congress
was its own judge, and he had no dream
of interfering with its constitutional
rights, but lie feltlikeurgingupon them,
and upon the country, that this mode of
finishing the work, so nearly completed
in other respects, was the only feasible
one which had been presented, and that
it was impossible to ignore the fact that
the States were exercising their rights
and enjoying their privileges within Lhe
Uniou were, iu short, restored in all
oilier respects, and that it is too late to
question the fundamental right of rep
resentation.
[ then remarked to him that I had
heard it .suggested that legislation could
properly be made by Congress, purely
civil in its character, providing lor the
protection of the frcedmen by United
States courts oi inferior jurisdiction, in
all cases where the States did not do so
themselves. He replied that sucli an
idea would run exactly parallel to his
! plan, but lie hud not thought it yettime
to fix his own ideas of the precise inode
' of accomplishing this end, because we
had a margin of time lasting till after the
next session of Congress, during which
the present Freedmen’s Bureau could
continue in operation; and if heftxe
that time the Southern States should
recognize the necessity of passing proper
laws themselves, and providinga proper
system of protection for the freedmeu,
nothing further on our part would be
necessary. If they did not do what they
ought, there would be time enough to
elaborate a plan.
He then referred brielly to the fact,
that men who have been disloyal were
rejoicing over his veto ‘"essage, saying,
that if men in good land: adopted
the views of policy he had himself held
and acted upon, and which he had so
freely elaborated in his unnQal message
and explained to me, the country sure
ly could have no cause for sorrow in
that. If disloyal men and rebels every
where, North and South, should cor
dially give in their adherence to the
conditions of reßtoratiou he had uni
formly insisted upon, lie thought that
was precisely the kind of pacification
loyal men everywhere should rejoice
in. The more they were committed
to such a course, the better lie would
like it. for if they were not sincere,
they would at least diminisLj their
power of dangerous opposition 7 in the
future. His whole heart was with the
body of true men who had carried the
country through the war, and he earn
estly desired to maintain a cordial and
perfect understanding with them.
Thissentimeutand purpose he regard
ed as entirely consistent with determined
opposition to the obstructive policy of
those extremists, who, as he believed,
would keep the couutry in chaos till ab
solute ruin might come upon us.
Such, my dear sir. is theconversation
al statement of the President on this
important matter, and if you could meet
his straightforward, honest look, and
hear the hearty toues ot his voice, as I
did, lam well assured that you would
believe me, that, although lie may not
receive personal attacks with the equan
imity and forbearance Mr. Lincoln used
to show, there is no need to fear that
Andrew Johnson is not hearty and sin
cere in liis adhesion to the principle
upon which lie was elected
Very truly, yours,
An Old Robbery brought to Light—Re
covery of a Large Amount of Jewelry.
From the Montgomer (Aki.j Mull, 20lb.
It will doubtless be remembered by
many of our old citizens, that in the
year 1851 the jewelry’ establishment of
Mr. George Harris, Market street, was
•Miteivd by thieves, and a great variety’
of jewelry abstracted therefrom,amount
ing to about ten thousand dollars in
value. At that time, and uutil a few
days since, no clue could be obtaiued as
to the property or the thieves, and all
thoughts of the robbery had ceased to
exist in the minds of the people.
Strange to say, as an old gentleman
was passing through the city cemetery
a short time since, his attention was
attracted to a large clay root by a dog,
which had pursued a rabbit to that lo
cality. The old man whose name we
believe to be Chase, on arriving by the
spot indicated by his dog, was startled
on beholding, laying around loose,
having been scratched up by his dog
ship, a great variety of gold watches,
bracelets, finger-rings, &c. The old
mau was astonished, and thought him
self in a dream. In a few moments,
however, he was “master of the situa
tion,” and proceeded at once to collect
his “fortune,” but tindmghe wa&unable
to rexndve it alone, he procured the as
sistance of a friend, when the booty was
secured. A large amount of the jewel
ry has been sold around the city promis
eously. but it is being collected up, and
turned over to Mr. Harris. The works
of the watches are, of course, totally
ruined, but the cases, as well as the rings
&c., are all good. Mr. Harris fortunate
ly has preserved the advertisement of
the robbery, and is thereby enabled to
identify his property.
The Way they Drink In Maine.
A correspondent of the Herald, at
Augusta, Maine, writes as follows:
Malt liquors and whiskey seem to be
prevalent beverages. Hundreds of
young men are addicted to the habit of
tippling. A stranger would not sup
pose we had a stringent prohibitory
law on our statute book, but we have;
yet it is not enfoiced, save in a few in
stances. We have sadly gone back
since the days of the Maine Law and
Neal Dow. Groggeries are in full blast
and the most lucrative part of the apoth
ecary business is the compounding of
villainous potationsof tanglefoot whisky
&c. Even ladß of twelve or fourteen
toss off*their glass of ale with as much
gusto as soakers of fifty imbibe their
favorite poison.
I Tne Democracy do not Claim thePresl-
The New York World puts the case
fairly in the following sentences:
"It would bo nbsurd and belittling to
claim the President In consequence of his
wise and courageous aotion, as a convert to
the Democracy. « • . *
When the most important nnd valued rights
are id peril, it is praiseworthy inagnunlinitv
for a President.to rise above party oonsiif
erations; nnd the country is under great
obligations to President Johnson for his
single-minded devotion £b the interests of
the whole Union."
We have seen nothing as yet to indi
cate that the President has abandoned
the Republican party; although by act
ing for the interests and welfare of th,e
whole people and far the permanent re
establishment of the Union nnd Consti
tution, he has passed for in advance of
the leaders of his parly. The Democracy
would be untrue to their principles
should they fail to approve the measures
of a policy parallel with that of their
own organization : but, for all this, the
time may come wlteu Mr. Johnson may
diverge from the Democratic course as
he has from that of his own party. He
has declared his purpose to act indepen
dently of party and for the people of the
whole Union. While so acting he must
of necessity be Democratic, but while
surrounded by advisers and, iu a meas
ure, controllers who differ witli him the
distant future, is quite uncertain. A
small portion of his party are yet with
him, and it may be that, with that as a
nucleusarouud him, and the threat (not
expressed but implied) of joining the
Democracy, he is determined to bring
the radical and major portion of it is party
to the adoption of a Union policy—the
only policy that cun save it from defeat
and extinction.
The Democracy can, at least, rely upon
it that so long as Mr. Johnson remains
Arm in the stand he has taken so long
will there be hope of a restored Union
and a protected Constitution. Should
the majority of his party utterly refuse
to adopt his policy, lie lias it iu his power
to strengthen his hand by drawing
around him the Democratic and Con
servative elements tlirouglioutth'ocoun
try, and tliusbuildingupiipartydevoted
to the cause of the peepfeand invincible
In number, ability and patriotism. It Is
this fact which makes it manifest that
the radical Republicans are holding
their fate in their own hands. If mad
ness shall continue to rule them, politi
cal oblivion must be their portion ; but
if they shall speedily recant their here
sies and hang out some visible sign of
contrition and desire to do right, they
may count the probabilities of further
indulgences in place. In the latter case
to the Democratic party will be due, at
all events, the honor of having forced
upon the Republican purty the
alternative of a restored Union an un
destroyed Constitution and a White
Mun’s Government, or the unavoidable
and permanent dissolution of their or
ganization.
In any event, therefore, the Democ
racy have cause to rejoice. It might
please many to know that Mr. .Johnson
had determined to dispense patronage
to Democrats, but, liowever gratifying
this fact might lie to some, the para
mount consideration with the many is
and should be the restoration of the
Union and the supremacy of the Consti
tution. It is this that induces the De
mocracy toendorse the adoption of such
stringent measures by the Executive
as must eventually force the disunion
rump faction to declare themselves Dem
ocratic iu principle in order to retain
power and patronage. The first thought,
therefore, with Democrats being the
Union and the Constitution, it is to be
hoped and is urgently requested that
no one who claims fraternity with the
Democratic party will stultify the or
ganization by soliciting office of Mr
Johnson. Buch solicitation certainly
would stultify It, if, as .is supposed, the
President is merely using the Democ
racy as a rod to whip the refractory
members of his own purty back to the
ranks which hecoramands. Let us not
stumble into any such pitfalls. Let us,
also, have it to Bay that, in seeking the
good of our country, no selfish or un
worthy motives entered into our
thoughts or actions. The Democracy
have, for long and terrible years of
revolution, borne every species of con
tumely and persecution foropiuionssuke
—unswerved by threats and firm and
pure against all the combined powers of
prison bolts and dungeons and thegolden
bribes of ambitious demagogues. Shall
we allow this crown of glory to depart
from us now, by the exhibition of the
slightest desire for office or power, ex
cept in a legitimate and honorable way,
as a means to restore the Government
to its pristine unity and greatness? We
hope not. Let us wait and work. The
people are coming over to us—every
day makes this moremanifest. Let us,
therefore, bide our time.— Patriot and
Union.
THE RADICAL WAR OX THE PREBIDEXT.
Forney Kccpn Up the I'lre—ilc Dcnonn*
ce» the Presideut «.*» a Traitor and a
lilnckgunrd lie Pronounces the
Speech of the 22d nDlsKaNtlng Diatribe
—He Admits that he 'f ried to Wheedle
the President, but Failed—He says he
Could till a Volume with Instances of
' the President’s Violations of Faith—He
Talks a Great Deal about ’‘Farnest
Men,” bat Hasn’t a Word to sny about
Dead Docks.”
From the Press of the Feb. 2S.
THE NEW YORK TIMES.
The course of Andrew Johnson lias
touched the public heart as with a coal
of fire. Everywhere it is denounced by
the earnest friends of the Union cause.
Not since the fall of Sumpter has there
been such an uprisiug against unpro
voked and uuexampled treachery. The
Northwest has united against him in
solid phalanx ; and everywhere in the
Border States the true men—the men
who have sacrificed property and risked
life, and suffered almost unparalleled
horrors, have repudiated him with a
bold indignation that shows equally
their scorn at the betrayal and the be
trayer. Among those who haveremain
ed untouched or unimpressed by these
national manifestations is theNew 3 York
Daily Times, a newspaper heretofore
wielding a large aud deserved influence.
Its subserviency more than
humiliating. It not only approves the
political policy of Andrew Johnson,
not only sanctions his veto to a bill
which Governor Raymond, the editor
of the Times, sustained as a Represen
tative in Congress from tiie city of New
York, thus going directly in the face of
his vote and his voice, but it adopts the
Copperhead cry and assumes the Cop
perhead uniform with an ease that
shows how well it has learned the
tricks, and how naturally it was pre
pared for their associations, But this
is not- all. It absolutely enters into
a eulogium of the disgusting diatribe of
President Johnson on the 22d of Febru :
ary, gloating over and repeating its vul
garisms, an effusion from which even
the New York Dost (after fully sup
porting the veto) recoiled with disgust,
so enchants the limes that it loses its
self-possession aud attacks such of its
contemporaries as do not follow its lead.
Mr. Raymond ought to warn his editors
against such bluuders. He is, of course,
master of his own newspaper, and of his
own actions, and can degrade himself
at his own will and pleasure; but he
should take care not to complain if his
neighbors, unenvious of his example,
refuse also to befoul themselves. Now
J. D. Cox
it may be, as the Times says, that the
editor of this journal has cast his lot
among the radicals. We freely admit to
having made every effort within our
power to conciliate Andrew Johnson
and to save him from the fate he so
Bteadily provoked—the fate of complete
surrender to the Copperheads and the
returned rebels. To avoid this catas
trophe, we have spared no exertions —
going even to the verge of offending
those earnest men who Tong ago, with
a better knowledge of his character,
doubted his truth and suspected his
sincerity; and if we have taken our
stand with the radicals, let us thank
God that we have adopted the course
which has been adopted by millions of
our countrymen. When Andrew John
son became President of the United
States, these men believed him to be too
earnestand too ready to take vengeance
upon the traitors, and were anxious
that he Bhould pursue a more moderate
JPJMBER 9
square of ten lines; ten per cent, increase for
fractions of a_yesr«
heal estate, p***o*ixpitamrrT,and geei
xral Advertising, 7 cents a line for the
first, and 4 cents for each enbeeaoent Inser
tion. • .
Patent Medicines and other adverts by the
column: '
ODeoolumn, 1
x Half column, 1 year MM ... M . MM .... M .. MM .. 60
Third colomn, 1 year,4o
Snarter 001nmn,... 80
dsiness Cards, often lines or less,
• one year......... 10
Business Cards, five lines or leu, one
year, 5
Legal and other Notices—
Executors* notices.. 2,00
Administrators' notl , 2.00
Assignees’ notices, rJ . g.fln
Auditors’ notices l.eo
Other “ Notices, ’ ten lines, or less, -
three times, go
course. But now, taught by his treach
ery to his voluntary committals, by his
persecution of his nearest frieiuls, and
by his complicity with the enemies of
his country, they reallzq that there is
no other course but to adopt the meas
ures of the radical statesmen of the
day. The New York Times pursued
precisely our course up to the
period of the- President’s veto
of a bill for which the editor
voted in the House. Called upon, at
that moment, to choose betwecu going
with the eurnest men of the country
—between acting with the great major
ities In Congress—between responding
to tli© wishes of the loyal millions--be
tween yielding to the voicein fact of the
Republican party and Joining the Cop
perheads in their slanders upon these
majorities, and upon the clear expecta
tion of its party, the Time# chooses the
latter alternative, and is now as ac
tive an ally or the sympathizers
with treason as the New York World
and the New York News. It
is true the Times pretends to uct within
the Union lines. Like many another
impostor during the war, it wears the
uniform of the Republic and acts with
its euemies. We can appreciate, if we
cannot sympathize wftn that journal,
when we notice how happy it is iu its
congenial Copperhead associations. The
attempt to class the editor of the Press
aud Cf/ironidc among the slanderers of
Audrew Johnson is a fair proof of the
disreputable charaeterlsticsof the IHmes.
Itself hand-and-glove with the constant
and eonscieueelessdefaiuersof Abraham
Lincoln aud Andrew Joliusou, all
through the rebellion, down to the
assassination of the first and to the ele
vation to the Presidency of the latter,
we are denounced, because, when An
drew Johnson joined himself, like the
Tinu s , to these same defuiuersaud slan
derers, as one of his friends and suppor
ters, we will not unite with him and the
Times in this utter iufamy ! Is it any
wonder, when a nmn like Gov. Ray- ,
mond falls from his high estate and be-/
comes the tool of such profligacy as
this, that even his former enemies turn
away from him with loathing ?
l etter from ” Occasional.”
Washington, 1). (J., Feb. 27, 1800.
The interview between President
Johnson and the new Governorof Ohio,
General J. I). Cox, printed this morn-
ing in ail the newspapers, is the last and
the clumsiest feat of Andrew Johnson.
It is only useful as one of numerous con
versations between Mr. Johnson and
those credulouscltizens who believed ho
was sincere when lie pledged his word
to the fulfilment of certain distinct obli
gations, ami who discovered their mis
take when lie coolly forgot or deliberately
denied that to which he was solemnly
bound. There is hardly a loyal states
man in Congress who cannot draw from
Ilia own experience confirmation of this
humiliating statement. Beginning with
Andrew Johnson's public denunciation
of treason, which committed him to as
specific a pledge as ever was made by
mortal nmn, and ending with his very
last assault upon the leading men in
Congress, almost his eutire Presidential
career is covered with the wrecks of
violated faith, individual und national.
I saw Major George Stearns, of Boston,
last evening, whose celebrated inter
view with the President in regard to
the colored races of the South, specific
and detailed, will never be forgotten by
the American people. It was hailed
witli ecstatic gratitude, because it
seemed to them to be the sure pre
cursor of justice to the freedmen,
and of union and strength among
the friends of the Republic. Major
Stearns, like General Cox, took his con
versation, after he had written it out,
back to Andwrew Johnson, read it to
him, and obtuined his eminent to Its
publication as an authorized version of
a well-considered understanding be
tween the Executive and a free people,
on questions of surpassing moral and
political importance. Now,that which
was in fact an elaborate and blpding
treaty, Is no more remembered by the
President than if It had been signed and
sealed in the days of the Pharoahs! I
might add a volume ofsimllar instances.
Not to revive his volunteered ussurances
to the colored people of Tennessee
that ho wophf be their Moses
and would lead them into the
promised land ; nor yet his osteutatious
demand for the confiscation of the es
tates of the rebels, and their division
among the heroes of the republic; nor
his hundreds of declarations of eternal
hostility to Copperhead plots and poli
ticians—all ot which are no more
thought of than if they had been the
babblings of idiocy. Who shall keep a
record of the thousands of brokeu prom
ises in reference to the distribution of
his patronage among the members of
the great Union party, to which that
patronage oiearly belonged? There is
hardly an earnest man in Congress who
has not some story to relate. It is easy,
therefore, to predict what will be the
fate of the new promisewhich President
Johnsonproposes In his interview with
Governor Cox. The only thing real in
the whole aflair is the malignant deter
mination of the President to continue
hiswaraga iustthe Congress of the Uni
ted States.
Another Address by President Johnson
Washington, Feb. 28.
This afternoon a committeeof gentle
men from Philadelphia, under the aus
pices of the James Page Libra ry Com
pany, waited upon Pre dent Johnson
to p resent the resolution of a meeting
held on the 22d of February, approving
the restoration policy of the Adminis
tration, and the preisen position occu
pied by the President.tsThe committee
consisted of John A. Marshall, T. H.
Hill, John A. Clark, J. P. Robinett, M.
Heller, E. 8. Eyre, J. F. N. Snider, E.
Fitzgerald and Dr. Joseph R. Coad.
Mr. Marshall said the meeting which
passed the resolutions was without dis
tinction of party, and in the course of
his speech remarked : “We will Btand
by you, then, rather as conservative
citizens than as partisans. We stand
by you as Pen nsylvuDians, os Pennsyl
vanians always stood by Andrew Jack
son, never losin g faith in his honesty of
purpose to do what was right and bis
power to do it, and never to submit to
what was wrong, und his ability to pre
vent it.”
The President responded as follows
I beg leave simply to thank you for the
kindness you have shown towards me
and the encouragement you have given
me by your approbation of my public
policy, as it has been presented to the
consideration of the country. I can
only say, that I trust your confidence
has not been misplaced, and I cau but
point you to my past course and to my
public promulgation of the principles
by which I am guided, as an evidence
of what my future course will be. It
now behooves every man to apply him
self diligently to the task of understand
ing the real condition, the true remedy
for aii existing evils, by a faithful obedi
ence and enforcement of the Constitu
tion and the law’s made in pursuance
thereof.
It has been an object to find a healing
plaster coextensive with the wounds
that are inflicted on the body politic—
the nation We thought we had found
it, and still thinking so, we shall pursue
and persist in our policy uutil the
result is accomplished, or it shall be de
feated by a power over which we have
nocontrol. I thankyou, gentlemen, for
the approbation aud encouragement
you have extended to me ou this occa
sion, and I repeat that I hope and trust
your confidence has not been misplaced. '
The various members of the commit
tee were then introduced to the Presi
dent, and retired, much pleased with
their interview.
8. S. Cox, in his recent Bpeech at the
Washington veto-ratification meeting,
thu9 tersely stated the present political
issues: “The conflict row is between
bureaucracy and Democracy; between
the rump and the executive; between
State existence and State destruction;
between Constitution and anarchy; be
tween liberty ordered by lawandiiberty
disordered by Radicalism; between
Union and Disunion ; between perpet*
ual peace and incessant agitation*’'