3fo> fauagteir guteUlgenm,
PUfiLtSHED EVERY WEDNESDAY BY
VOOPEB, SAKDEBBON « CO
H. Q Smith,
Wm. a. Morton,
TERMS—Two Dollars per annum, payable
all cases In advance.
OFFlCE—Southwest corner of Centre
Square. ,
®3*An letters on business should be ad
dressed to Cooper, Sanderson <fe Co.
foctnj,
Dlspalr Not.
Dlspalr not though sad be to-day,
To-morrow may be bright,
■ J The sun will ri e with cheering ray
Though dark has been the night.
The thick dark cloudso’er yonder sky
Are moving to and fro,
A’>d soou an arching vaulfon high
Will srnile on ni below.
Above the heaviest clouds we see
Th**re still are sparkling stars
That promise light to thee and me,
And b lgluness from afar.
The thunders loud, the raging storms,
All. uIJ, will fuissaway,
And houu again in all its charms
We see unclouded day „
Th*iv learn, t y this a lesson learn,
Poor mortal! don’t dlspalr,
Thy sorrowing clouds will leave again.
Thy sky of life be fair.
Trust in thy God uhate'er betide,
Then shall thy sorrows cOa.se,
And safely He’ll protect and guide
Thee to eternal peace.
Manor Twi*., ISWS.
ptminj.
The Bad Little Boy that Bore a Charm.
cd Life.
A Story not Found In the Sunday School
Once there was a bud little boy, whose
name was Jim—though, if you will no
tice, you will find that bad little boys
are nearly always called James in your
Sunday School books. It was very
strange, but still it was true, that this
one was called Jim.
He didn’t have any sick mother—a
sick mother who was pious and had the
consumption ami would be glad to lie
down in* the grave and'be at rest, but
for the strong love she bore her boy, and
the anxiety she felt that the world
would lie hiu\sh and cold toward him
when she was gone. Most bad boys in the
Sunday school books are named James,
andhave mothers who teach them to say,
“ Now, J lay me down,” etc., and sing
them to sleep with sweet plaintive voi
ces, and then kiss them good night. But
it was different from this fellow. He
was named Jim auTTthere wasn’t any
thing the matter wilh his mother—no
consumption or anything of that kind.
She was rather stout than otherwise,
and she was not pious, moreover, she
was not anxious on Jim’s account; she
said if he break his neck, it
wouldn't be much loss; she always
spanked hiifi to sleep, and she never
kissed him good night; ou the contrary,
she boxed his ears when she was ready
to leave him.
.Once, this.little bad boy stole the key
of the pantry and slipped in there ami
helped himself to some jam, and filled
up the vessel with tar, so that his moth
er would never know the difference
birt all at once a terrible feeling didn’t
come over him, and something didn’t
seem to whisper to him, “ Is it right to
disobey my mother? Isn’t it sinful to
dotiiis? Where do bad little boys go
who gobble up theirgood,kind mother's
jam?” and then he didn’t kneel down
all alone and promise never to be.wick
ed auy more, and rise up with a light,
happy heart, and go tell his mother all
about it and beg her forgiveness, and be
blessed by her with tears of pride and
thankfulness in her eyes. No ; that is
the way with all other bad boys in the
book, but it happened otherwise with
this Jim, strangely enough. He ate that
jam, and said it was bully, in his sinful,
vulgar way ; and he put in the tar, aud
said that was bully also; and laughed
and observed that the old woman would
get up and snort, when she founditout;
and when she did find it out he denied
knowing anything about it, and she
whipped him severely, and he did the
crying himself. Everything about this
boy was curious—every tiling turned out
differently with him from the way it
does the Jameses in the books.
Once he climbed upiu Farmer Acorn’s
apple tree to steal apples ; and the limb
didn’t break and he didn’t falland.break
his arm, and get torn by the farmer’s
great dog, and then languish on a sick
bed for weeks and repent and become
good. Oh, no—lie stole as many apples
asiie wvnted, and came down all right,
and he vus all ready for the dog, too,
and knocked him endways with a rock
when he,came to tear4iim. It was very
strauge—nothing like it ever happened
to those good, mild little books with
marbled backs, aud with pictures in
them of men with swallow-tailed coats
and bell-crowned hats and pantaloons
that'are short in the legs, and women
with the waists of their dresses under
their arms and no hoops on. Nothing
like it in any of the Sunday school
books.
Once he stole the teacher’s penknife,
and when he was afraid it would be
found out and he would get whipped,
he slipped it into George Wilson’s cap—
poor widow Wilson’s son, the moral
boy, the good boy of the village, who
always obeyed his mother, aud never
told an untruth, aud was fond of hisles
sonsand infatuated with Sunday school.
And when the knife dropped from his
cap anil poor George hung his head and
blushed, as if in conscious guilt, and the
grieved teacher charged the theft upon
him, ami was just in the very aci <4
bringing the switch down upon his
trembling shoulders, a white haired
improbable Justice of the Peace did not
suddenly appear in their midst and
strike an attitude and say, “Spare this
noble boy—there stands the cowering
culprit! I was passing the school door
4t recess, aud unseen myself, I saw the
theftcommitted !” And then Jim didn’t
get whaled, and the venerable justice
didn’t read the tearful school a homily,
aud take George by the hand and say such
a good boy deserved to be exalted, and
then tell him to come and make his
home with him, and sweep out the office,
aud make fires, and run errands and
chop wood, aud study law, and help his
wife to do household labors, and have
all the balance of time to play, and get
forty cents a month, and be happy. No
It would happened that wayin the books,
buL it didn’t happen that way to Jim.
No meddling old clam of justice dropped
in to make trouble, so the model boy
George got threshed, and Jim was glad
of it. Because, you know, Jim hated
moral boys.—Jim said he was “down
on them milksops.” Such was the coarse
language of this bad, neglected boy.
But the strangest thing that, ever hap
pened to Jim was the timtTke went
boating on Sunday and didn’t get
drowned, and that other time when he
got caught in a storm when fishing on
Sunday, and didn't get struck by light
ning. Why, you might look, aud look,
and look through the Sunday school
books, from now till next Christmas,
and would never come across anything
like this. Oh, no—you find that all the
bad boys who go boating on Sunday
Invariably get drowned, and all the bad
boys who o get caught out in storms,
when they are fishing on Sunday, in
falliably get struck with
Boats with bad boys in them always up
set on Sunday, and it always storms
•-V£hea bad boys go a fishing on the Sab-
J. M. Cooper,
Alfred Sanderson
VOLUME 67.
bath. How this Jim ever escaped is a
mystery to me.
This Jim bore a charmed life—that
must have been the way of it. Nothing
could hurt him. He even gave the ele
phantin the menagerie a plug of tobacco,
and the elephant didn't knock the top
of his head off with his trunk. He
browsed around the cupboard after es
sence of peppermint, and didn’t make a
mistake and driukaqua fortis. Hestole
his father’s gun and went hunting on
the Sabbath, and didn’t shoot three or
four of his fingers off. He struck his
little sister on the temple with his fist
when he was angry, and she didn’t
linger in pain through long summer
days and die with sweet words of for
giveness upon her lips that redoubled
the anguish of his breaking heart. No
—she got over it. He ran off and went
to sea at last, and didn’t come backand
find himself sad and alone in the world,
hia loved ones sleeping in the quiet
churcl&yard, and the vine-embowered
home of his boyhood tumbled down and
gone to decay. Ah, no—be came home
drunk as a piper, and got into thestation
house the first thing.
And he grew up, and married, and
raised a large family, aud brained them
all\with an axe one night, and got
weaKjiy by all manner of cheating aud
rascality, and now' is theiufemalistand
wickedest scoundrel in his native vil
lage, aud is universally respected, and
7 belongs to the Legislature.
So you see there never was a -bad
James in the Sunday school books that
hud such a streak of luck as this sinful
Jim with the charmed life.
A eotemporary gives the following
amusing account of his experience with
a dog which he boughtfrom a dealer, on
his assurance that he was “such a rat
ter.” He had some trouble at first in
getting a rat on which totry his “pup.”
He succeeded at last, and says:
However, the next day I was so for
tunate as to secure from a boy in tiie
market, a fine old-line, bob-tailed rat,
whose furious efforts to chaw everything
within reach gave promise of glorious
sport for Nip. ' Took the rat home, call
ed my dog and told my wife that if she
wanted to see the way that terriers did
rats, to come down to the basement.
She came down and shut tiie door—
just in time, too ; for as soon as Nipsaw
the rat, lie, Nip, my rat terrier, for
which I paid tiie old gent five dollars,
made a most unmistakably cowardly
movement toward the hall. Wife, on a
chair, said the dog did not appear to see
the rat.
Told wife to keepherbreath. Thought
I would notgiveNip any reason for not
seeing tiie rat again, so I tied the string
that held the rat to the dog’s hind leg.
He saw the rat that time and jumped
on the chair by my wife. Wife laughed
aud shoved him off. Tried the stove
next, (lot off the stove without being
shoved. The .at, however, being an
old stager, and not being used to sucii
treatment, made a demonstration on
Nip’s rear, and I don’t believe little
Flora Temple ever made a better time
in the same limits thau the uog and rat
made around the room.
First heat, dog had the lead, closely
followed by rat, who on striking the
half-mile pole (footstool in the corner),
broke badly, in fact, nearly broke his
back ; and before he could be brought
down (he was sliding on his back) dog
led him by whole length of string.
Didn’t stop for wind, but started on the
second heat. Got olf well together (tied)
arid went( finely around, aud neck and
tail till they reached the judge’s stand,
(wife standiugon a chair) against which
dog broughtupsolid, bringing the judge
down in a style pre-eminently sudden,
if not dignified. The heat was decided
against the dog you may bet, and it was
only after much persuasion that she
would again take the stand.
The third heat may be aptly termed a
dead heat. They got oIF as well apart
as the dog conveniently could, and sail
ed lively until just as they struck the
last quarter, when ttie rat, which ran
about as well on his back as on his legs
shied tlie track, and got rather queerly
around a table leg. Dog kept ou as fast
as the string and length of his hind leg
would let him. On raising the rat he
was found to be non compos , totally de
funct,, in fact dead. Nip was not much
better off.
Wife said that dog couldn’t kill mice.
Told her he had certainly killed that
rat; but on viewing the fact in a scien
tific light, I must confess I did not feel
quite satisfied with the performance of
my pet, and the next morning gave him
away to a milkman, who wanted a rat
ter to free his stable from the depreda
tion of the vermin. I have not been
able to ascertain which left him first,
the rats or the dog.
It is high time thatsomebody told you
a little plain truth. You have been
watched for a long time; a certain class
of you ; and it is plain enough you are
laying plans to cheat somebody. You
intend to sell chaff for wheat, and there
is danger th at some of the foolish “ gud
geons” will be sadly taken in.
It may not be your fault that you be
long to the “ one idea party”—that the
single idea of getting a husband is the
only one which engrosses much ofyour
time of attention. But it is your fault
that you pursue this in the wrong di
rection. Yourvenerable motherof Eden
memory, was called a “ help” for man,
and you are looking for a man to help
you ; to help you to live in the half idle,
half silly way which you have com
menced. Men who are worth having,
want women for wives. A bundle of
gewgaws with a string of fiats and
quavers, sprinkled with cologne, and
set in a carmine saucer—this is no help
for a man who expects to raise a family
of and girls on veritable bread and
meat.
The piano and the lace frame are well
enough in theirplacesand so are ribands
and frills and tiusels —but you can’t
make a dinner of the former nor a bed
blanket of the latter. And awful as the
idea may seem to you, both dinner and
bed-blanket are necessary to domestic
enjoyment. Life lias itsrealitiesas well
as its fancies, butyou make it all a matter
of decoration, remembering the tassels
and curtains, forgetting the bedstead.
Suppose a young man of good sense and
of course of good prospects, to be look
ing for a wife, what chance have you to
be chosen ? You may cap him, or trap
him, to catch him, but how much better,
to make itan object for him. to catch you!
Bender yourself worth catching, and
you will need no shrewd mother or
managing brothers to help you to find a
market.
—The disbursements for clothing and
army supplies in Philadelphia during the
war amounted to $97,000,000,
“Such a Katter.”
Hark Yc, Girls.
isfe!tttfen*oUA
Tbe Auctioneering of Massachusetts
Girls in Washington Territory.
From the La Cros.se (Wis,) Democrat.
“ A Pacificcoasteditor protests against
the Mercer project of shipping Yankee
girls to that region, and desires the press
east of the Rocky Mountains to speak
out and put a stop to this business. He
says : ‘Let no more unprotected females
be exposed to the peri Is of these shores. ' ’ *
People have wondered at the sense of
this Massachusetts abolition philanthro
py for some time. Jt is much like the
olden style of dealing in the handsome
girls of Caucasia, wheu hundreds of the
“ school-marms” were huddled together
and shipped to parts unknown, for the
pleasure of “ harem” scarem Turks.—
We suppose the mode of disposing of
these Yankee girls on their arrival to
the Pacific coast is something like this.
The arrived in port. Notice has
beeu sent to the long-haired miners and
rough bachelors of that auriferous sec
tion. The girls have been bathed by
squads, platoons and brigades in the
mouth of some “waterfall” from the
mountains; their best raiment has beeu
put on. standing ou the poop deck,
| the charge d'affaires , wilh-hair pushed
back from his receding forehead, and a
sharp nasal twang, thus holds forth :
“ Neow yeou wild beasts of this ere
Pacific strand. I’ve brought youa whole
passel of genuine ladies, right nice and
fresh from Bosting and along the shore.
I have a picked, lot of gals, fresh as a
daisy and as lively as a butterfly. I
wuii’t sell the entire lot to one man, for
that would be too much of agoodthing,
but I’ll sell each of you a little charmer,
warranted not to cut in the eye, big
enough.for the tallest miner, and small
enough for the least thereto among you.
Walk up fellers Stand up to the taf
frail, gals. No crowding on tbehauser.
Git eout yer dust and select yer gal.
“ The first I’ll offer, fellers, is a freck
led-faced school-marm, named Betsy
Jane. T’other name aint no matter.
You cau gin her\yourn ! She is nine
teen years old by the Bible, 4 has good
teeth, is twenty-seven inches around
the waist, and is warranted kind in
harness. How much for Betsy ? .Sold
to Jack Louebeard for five hundred dol
lars. Good bye, Bet!
“ The next gal, ladies and gentlemen,
; I mean fellers, is a sly puss, named Phil
la Malura! She is a choice gal, raised
in Bosting—poor but honest parents —
early inured to the Gospel and aboli
tionism, and warren ted perfect as far as
heard from ! How much for her,fellers?
She can darn a stocking or make a
pumpkin pie, in the twinkling of an
eye, and she can heave a sigh, you bet !
She is going on twenty years—has a
cheek like a spitzenbuag, the sweetest
lips and most dainty breath you ever
tasted —for six hundred, make it nine,
and down she goes to Captain Bull of
the woods for nine hundred !
“The next animal—oh, sweetheart!
fellers, is a Blue-eyed Yankee gal, named
Jerusha Jane—never mind her other
name. She is a bustin gal. Knows all
her letters—has a constitution like a tea
kettle, which is good after its nose is
knocked off for all it will fetch, and is
an ornament to her sex or any other man!
She is twcjitv-fiv** yeursold, and is war
rented to last a lile Lime, if she dont die
first. How much for her? Come, wake
up fellers! Massachusetts wants to en
lighten you! HeFe is the best chance for
happiness—only a few more left! Sold
to dare-devil Tom for fifty ounces of
dust!
“ Now*, fellers, stand up close. Here
is a stunner. Tabitha Marier, as was
her mother before her, also her graud
mother. She is nineteen years old,
poor but honest parents, eats but little —
a pine-guui lunch will last her a week.
Sold for no fault, but Massachusetts has
no further use, and takes this means to
pay her war tax ! She never scolds ex
cept in anger, and like George Wash
ington, never chopped -a tree with her
little hatchet. She is warrented genu
ine. ”
Napoleon’s Household.
The French Emperor insists upou re-'
taining in hisstudy, in the palace of the
Tuileries, the mahogany book-case he
had in his chamber at Ham, and he for
bade a glass front being put to it to pro
tect his books. There is in his study a
magnificent collection of meerschaum
pipes ; but they have of late years been
relieved of duty, his physicians having
forbidden their use. The Emperor takes
his revenge bygivingthemaway when
e'er he has a chance. He iias not a
single dressing-gown inhisstudy; when
he is in it, he almost always wears an
old frock coat. There are often a great
many paintings and engravings piled
against the walls, and even on the floor
of his study. One of his body servants
used to resort to a singular trick when
ever he wished one of these paintings.
He would place it in front of a pile
which obstructed the communication
with an adjoining room. His Majesty
would say, “It seems to me these pic
tures are constantly increasing. Can’t
some of them be removed?” The ser
vant would reply, “Certainly, sire.”
and he would carry off the coveted pic
ture to his chamber. In this way he
formed a handsome collection. When
ever his Majesty wishes to retain the
memory of anything he hears in con
versation, he makes a note of it in a
blank-hook, which is always on his
writing-desk; he tears out the leaf on
which he has written the note, reads it
attentively aud then tears it up. This
habit oue day greatly puzzled Prince
MeLternich, the Austrian Ambassador,
to whom his Majesty was giving audi
ence. The Ambassador expressed his
astonishment and curiosity. His Ma
jesty at once gratified it by saying that
whenever he once wrote,.and afterward
read attentively the written note, he
never forgot it.
The Emperor superintends with the
greatestcare the education of the Prince
Imperial, who is very far advanced for
his age. He examines him daily iu his
lessons, and grants him his favorite
spoils only when he is satisfied with
his recitations. The teachers of the
Prince, during the rides they are daily
making.with him, must bring him to
ail the museums and libraries, and ac
quaint him with all the thousanefre
markable treasures which are there
accumulated. A lew days ago he
visited the Imperial library, and
was shown the manuscripts and
paliulpsetri, rewarding with an in
telligent smile the professors, who ex
plained to him their literary stores.
Besides, no occasion is omitted where
the popularity of the heir to the throne
can be increased. A Zouave lately re
enlisted for the third time, and received
the handsome bounty of 1,500 francs,
which he intended to send to his poor
old mother. Unfortunately the notes
were stolen, and his comrades, pitying
their unlucky companion, resolved up
on openinga small subscription for him.
On dress parade of the following day
the Colonel of the regiment handed to
him the whole sum in hard cash, as a
present of the Prince, accompanied with
a little note containing the words, “ A
little present from a grenadier to a vol
tigeur.”
A greater truth was never uttered
than the following from the Springfield
Republican :
“ The men who put down the rebel
lion do not join in the demand for the
future punishment of the rebels ; but if
there is a General who has never won a
battle, asoldierwho invariably skulked
when fighting was to be'done, a camp
follower who was ever on hand to plun
der towns, a civilian who was always
ready to pour out the blood and money
of everybody else to save the nation—
these are the men who are now eager to
kick the prostrate foe and confiscate his
valuables—these are the men who are
continually making abortive attempts
to arouse old hatreds and Btir the popu
lar heart to vengeance.”
Ex-Governor Bigler and lady re
turned home on the Bth, from Califor
nia, where they have been since May
last. The Governor had contracted a
severe cold on hia homeward trip, and
has been confined to his bed since his
return, [
LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 28, 1866.
THE PRESIDENT.
His Great Speech at the White House.
Denunciation of Northern Dis unionists.
He Sanies Some of the Traitors.
Stereos and Sumner Among 1 Them.
Tlte Irresponsible Central Directory,
A Scheme to Subvert the Republic.
The Radicals Inaugurating Revolution.
The Constitution to be Destroyed.
It Hast be Preserved.
'lhe Way to Peace and Union.
A Proper and Storing Appeal to the
People.
Thursday, being the 22d of February,
the birthday of Washington, the true
Union men of Washington city assem
bled in mass meeting at Grover’s Thea
tre, for the purpose of endorsing the
wise aud statesmanlike policy of Presi
dent Johnson. The crowd in the The
atre was immense beyond a precedent.
Speeches were made by Hon. S. S.Cox,
Mr. Kinney, of Utah, Hon. Montgom
ery Blair and others. Besides the vast
assemblage in the Theatre two other
immense outside meetings were in pro
gress at the same time. Resolutions
endorsing the policy of the President
were adopted, and the greatest possible
enthusiasm prevailed.
After the adjournmentof the meeting
at Grover’s Theatre, the assemblage
visited the White House to serenade
President Johnson. The chairman of
tlie meeting at the Theatre announced
to the multitude that Mr. Johnsou had
consented to address them. Mr. 'Feu
dal l said:
Fellow-Citizens: I am one of the Com
mittee which, on behalf of the people of the
District of Columbia, has just wailed on the
President oftheUnited States to present to
him the resolutions adopted by the meeting
held to-day. The committee requested the
President to present himself to you to give
expression to his sentiments, and he has
accordingly come out to do so.
A P PE A It A NOE OF TIIF. PRESIDENT.
The President, as he appeared, was re
ceived with enthusiastic and long continued
applause. When it had subsided, lie spoke
as follows:
Feilow-Citizeiis—for I presume I have a
right to address you as such—l come to ten
der to you my sincere thanks for the ap
probation expressed by your Committee in
their personal address and iu the resolu
tions submitted by them as having been
adopted by the meeting which has been held
in this city to-day. These resolutions, as I
understand them, are complimentary to the
policy which has been adopted by the Ad
ministration, and steadily pursued
since it came into power. lam free to say
to you on this occasion, that it is extremely
gratifying to me to know that so large u
portion of my fellow-citizens approve and
indorse the policy which has been adopted,
and which it is my intention shall be carried
out. (Great applause.) That policy is one
which is intended to restore all the States to
their original relations to the Federal Gov
ernment of the United Slates. (Renewed
applause.)
APPROPRIATENESS OF THE DAY
This seems to be a day peculiarly appro
priate for such a manifestation. It is the
day that gave birth to that man who more,
perhaps, than any other founded this Gov
ernment. It is the day that gave birth to
tin* Father of our country. It isthedaythat
gave birth to him who presided over that
body which framed the Constitution, under
which all the States entered into this glori
ous Confederacy. Such a day is peculiarly
appropriate for the indorsement ofa policy,
whose object is the restoration of the Union
of the States as it was designed by the
Father of his Country. (Applause.)
Washington, whose name this city bears,
is embalmed in the hearts of all who love
free government. Washington, in the lan
guage of his eulogist, was first in war, first
in peace, and first in the hearts of his coun
trymen. No people can claim him, no na
tion can appropriate him. His reputation
is commensurate with the civilized world,
and his name is the common property of all
those who love free government.
THE MONUMENT OF FREEDOM.
To-day I bad the pleasure of visiting an
association who have been devoting their
efforts to the completion of the monument
which is being erected to his name. I was
proud to meet them, and, so far as I could,
to give them my influence and countenance
in aid of the work they have undertaken.
That monument which is being erected to
him who, I may say, founded the Govern
ment, is almost within the throw of a stone
of the spot from which I now address you.
Let it beeompleted. (Applause.) Let those
various blocks which the States, and indi
viduals, and associations, and corporations
have put in thut monument as pledges of
their love for this’Union be preserved, and
let tiie work be accomplished.
TENNESSEE.
In this connection let me refer to the block
from my own State, God bless her (ap
plause) ! which has struggled for the pres
ervation of this Union in the field and in the
councils of the nation, and which is now
struggling to renew her relations with this
Government, that were interrupted by a
fearful Rebellion. She is now struggling
to renew those relations, aud to take her
stand where she had ever stood since 179(3
until this Rebellion broke out. (Great ap
plause.) Let me repeat the sentiment that
that State has inscribed upon the stone
which she has deposited in that monument
of freedom, which is being raised in com
memoration of Washington. She is strug
gling to get back into the Union, and to
stand by the sentiment which is there in
scribed, and she is willing to sustain it.—
Whatsis it? It is the sentiment which was
enunciated by her distinguished son, the
immortal, the illustrious Jackson, “The
Federal Union—it must be preserved.”—
((ireat applause.) II it were possible for
that old man, whose statue is now before
me, ami whose portrait is behind me in the
Executive Mansion, and whose sentiment
is thus preserved in that monument in your
vicinity, to be called forth from the grave,
or if it were possible to communicate with
the spirit of the illustrious dead, and make
•him understand the progress of faction and
of rebellion and treason, he would turnover
in his coffin, and he would rise, and shak
ing off the habiliments of the tomb, would
again stand erect, and extend forth his long
arm and finger, and reiterate that senti
ment, once expressed by him on a memor
able occasion, “The Federal Union—it
must be preserved.” 1 (Greatapplause.)
HISTORIC REMINISCENCES.
We have witnessed what has transpired
since bis day. In 1833, when treason and
treachery and infidelity to the Government
and Constitution ot the United States stalk
ed forth in the land, it was his power and
influence that crushed the serpent in its
incipiency. It was then stopped, but only
for a time. The same spirit of disaffection
continues. There were men disaffected
to the Government, both in the North and
in the South.
SLAVERY
There was, in a portion of the Union, a
peculiar institution, of which some com
plained, and to which others were attached.
One portion of our countrymen in the South
advocated that institution while another
portion in the North opposed it,
EXTREME PARTIES.
The result was the formation ot extreme
parties, one.especially in the South, which
reached a point at which it was proposed to
dissolve the Union of the States forthe pur
pose, as was said, of securing and preserv
ing that peculiar institution. There was an
other portion of our countrymen who were
opposed to that institution, and who went to
such an extreme that they were willing to
break up the Government In order to get
clear of that peculiar institution of the South.
I say these things because I desire to talk
plainly and in familiar phraseology. I as
sume nothing here to day beyond the po
sition of a oitizen; one who has been plead
ing for his country and the preservation of
the Constitution. (Immense oheering,)
These two parties, I say, were arrayed
against each other, aud I stand here before
you for the Union to-day, as I stood in the
Senate of the United States in 1860 and 1861.
IN THE SENATE,
I met there those who were making war
upon the Constitution, those who wanted to
disrupt the Government, and I denounced
them In myplace then and there,and exposed
their time character, I said that those who
were engaged in the work of breaking ud the
Government were traitors. I have never
ceased, on all proper docasions, to repeat
that sentiment, and, as iar. as my efforts
could go, I have endeavored ; to carry jtout.
(Great applause.) I have just remarked
that there were two parties, one of which
was fox destroying the Government and
separating the Union, in order to preserve
slayery, and the other for breaking up the
Government, in order to destroy slavery.
True, the objects which they sought to ac
complish were different, so lar as slavery
was concerned, but they agreed in the de
sire to break up the Government, the pre
cise thing to which I have always been op
posed, and whether disunionists come from
the South or from the North, I stand now,
as I did then, vindicating the Union of these
States aod the Constitution of mv country.
(Tremendous applause.)
SECESSION.
Rebellion and treason manifested them
selves in the South. I stood by the Govern
ment. I said then that I was for the Union
with slavery, I was for the Union without
slavery. In either alternative I was for my
Government and its Constitution. The
Government has stretched forth its strong
arm, and with its physical power it has put
down treason in the field. The section-of
the country which then arrayed itself
against the Government has been put down
by the strong arm. What did we say when
this treason originated? We said, “No
compromise; you, yourselves, in the South
can settle this question in eight and forty
hours.” I said again and again, and I re
peat it now, “ Disband your armies in the
South, acknowledge the supremacy of the
Constitution of the United States, acknowl
edge the duty of obedience to the laws, and
the whole question is settled.” (Applause.)
What has been done since?
THE REBELLION CRUSHED.
Their armies have been disbanded, and
they come forward now in a proper spirit
and say, “We were mistaken. We made
an eftort to carry out the doctrine of Secession
and to dissolve this Union. In that we
have failed. We have traced this doctrine
to its logical and physical results, and we
find that we were mistaken. Weacknowl
eilge the ting of oureountry,and arewilliug
to obey the Constitution and to yield to the
supremacy of the laws*” (Great applause.)
Coining in that spirit, Isay to them, “When
you have complied with "the requirements
of the Constitution; when you have yielded
to the law, when you have acknowledged
your allegiance to the Constitution, I will,
so far as I can, open the door of the Union
to those who had erred and strayed from the
Jold of their fathers for a time. (Great ap
plause.) Who has suffered more by the
Rebellion than I have? I shall not repeat
the story of the wrongs and sufferings in
llicted upon me; but the spiritof reveng** is
not the spirit in which to deal with a wrong
ed people. I know there has been a great
deal said about the exercise of the pardon •
ing power, so far as your Executive is con
cerned.
THE LEADING TRAITORS.
There is no one who has labored with
more earnestness than myself to have the
principal, intelligent and conscious traitors
brought to justice, the law vindicated, and
the great lact judicially established that
treason is a crime (Applause), but while
conscious, leading and intelligent traitors
are to be punished, should whole communi
ties aud States and people be made to sub
mit to the penalty of death? No, no!
I have perhaps as much asperity and as
much reseutment as men ought to have, but
we must reason in great matters of govern
ment about man as bins; we must conform
our actions and our conduct to the example
of Him who founded our holy religion, not
that I would make such a comparison on
this occasion in any personal aspect.
BEGINNING OF THE ADMINISTRATION.
1 came into this place under theconstitu
tion of the country and by the approbation
of the people, and what did I find ? I found
eight millions of people who were in fact
condemned under tlie law, and the penalty
was death. Was Ito yield to the spiritof
revenge and resentment, and declare that
they should all be annihilated aud destroy
ed? How different would this have been
from the example set by the Holy Founder
of our religion, the extremities ol whose di
vine arch rests upon he horizon, and the
span of which embraces the universe! He
who founded this great scheme came into the
world and found man condemned under
the law, and his seutence was death. Whut
was his example? Instead of putting the
world, or even a nation to death, lie died
upon the cross, attesting, by His wounds
and His blood, that He died that mankind
might live. (Great applause.)
MASSES OF THE SOUTH,
Let those who have erred repent, let them
acknowledge their allegiance, let them be
come loyal, willing supporters and defend
ers of our glorious Stars and Snipes and of
the Constitution of our country. Let the
leaders, the conscious, intelligent traitors be
punished and be subjected to the penalties
of the law f Applause), but to the great mass
who have been forced into this Rebellion in
many instances, and in others have been
misled, I say clemency, kindness, trust und
confidence. (Great applause).
THE PRESIDENT’S POSITION.
My countrymen, when X look back over
the history of the Rebellion, I am not vain
when I ask you if I have not given as much
evidence of my devotion to the Union as
some who croak a great deal about it; when
I look back over the battle-fields of the Re
bellion and think of the many brave men in
whose company I was; I cannot but reeoD
lect that I was sometimes in places where
the contest was most difficult and the result
most doubtful; but almost before the smoke
has passed away, almost before the blood
that has been shed has done reeking, before
the bodies of the slain have passed through
the stages of decomposition, what do we
find?
PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS.
The Rebellion has been put down by the
strong arm of the Government in the field,
but is that the only way in which you can
have rebellion? Our struggle was "against
an attempt to dissever the Union, but al
most before the smoke of the battfe field
has passed away, before our bravo men
have all returnee! to their homes and re
newed the ties of affection and love to their
wives and their children, we find another
rebellion almost inaugurated. We put
down the former Rebellion in order to pre
vent the separation of the States, to prevent
them from flying off, and thereby changing
the characterof our Government and weak
ening its power, and when that struggle on
eur part has been successful, and that at
tempt has been put down, we find now an
effort to concentrate all power in the bands
of a few at the Federal head, and thereby
bring about a consolidation of the Govern
ment, which is equally objectionable with
a separation. (Vociferous applause.) Wo
find that powers are assumed, and attempt
ed to be exercised, of a most extraordinary
character. It seems that Governments may
be revolutionized; Governments, at least,
may be changed without going through the
strife of battle. I believe it is a fact attest
ed in history that sometimes revolutions
most disastrous to a people are affected
without the shedding of blood. The sub
stauce of your Government may be taken
away, while the form and the shadow re
main to you. What is now being proposed?
We find that in point of fact nearly all the
powers of the Government are assumed by
an irresponsible central directory, which
does not even consult the Legislative or the
Executive Departmentsofthe Government.
Resolutions are reported from a committee,
in whom it seems that practically the legisla
tive power of the Government is now vested.
That great principle of the Constitution
whiciniuthorizes and empowers each branch
of the Legislative Department of the Senate
and House of Representatives to judge for
itself of the election returns and qualifica
tions of its own members has been virtually
taken away from the two branches of the
Legislative Department of the Government,
ana conferred upon a committee who must
report before either House can act under the
Constitution as to accepting the members
who are to take their seats as component
parts of the respective bodies.
By this rule it Is assumed that there must
be laws passed recognizing a Stateas in the
Union, or its practical relations to the Union
as restored, before the respective Houses,
under the Constitution, can judge of the
election returns and qualifications of their
own members. What a position is that !
You struggled for foqr years to pqt down a
rebellion; you denied in the beginning of
the struggle that any State could go out of
the Union; you said that it had neither the
right nor the power to do so. The issue was
made, and it has been settled that the States
had neither the right nor the power to go out
of the Union, With what consistency, after
it has been settled by the military arm of
the Government, ana bv the public judg
ment, that the States had no right to go out
of the Union, can any one now turn round
and assume that they are out, that they
shall not come in ? I am free to say to you,
as your Executive, that I am not prepared
to take any such position, (Great applause.)
I said in the Senate, in the very inception of
this Rebellion, that the States had no right
to go out j I asserted too that they had no
power to go out; that question has been
settled, and it being settled I cannot turn
around now and give the lie direct to all that
I have professed, and all that I have done
for the last five years. (Applause.) When
those who with the Consti
tution; when they give sufficient evidence
of loyalty; when they show that they can,
be trusted; when they yield obedience to
the laws that you and I acknowledge obedi
ence to. X say extend them the righthand of
fellowship, and let peace and union be re
stored. (Tremendous applause.)
STILL IN THE FIELD.
I foughttraitors and treason in the South.
X opposed the Davises, the Tootnba, the SU»
dells, and a long list of others, which you
can readily fill up without my repeating
the names. Now, when I turn round and
at the other end of the line find men, I care
not by what name you call them, who still
stand opposed to the restoration of the
Union of these States, lain free to say to
you that lam still in the field. (Great ap
plause.) lam still for the preservation of
the Union. lam still in favor of this great
Government of ours going on and on, und
filling out its destiny. (Great applause.—
Voices—Give us three names at the other
end.)
THE NAMES ON THE OTHER END.
The President—l am called upon to name
three at the other end of the line. I am
talking to my -friends and
who are interested with me in this Govern
ment, and I presume I am free to mention
to you the names of those to whom I look
upon as being opposed to the fundutnenbd
principles of this Government, and whoare
laboring to pervertund destroy it. (Voices.
4 ‘ Name them !” “Who are they?”) The
President—You ask me who they are. I
say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, is
one; Isay Mr. Sumner, of the Senate, is
another, and Wendell Phillips is another.—
(Longcontinued applause.) (Voices,“Give
it to Forney!”) The President—ln reply
to that, 1 will simply say I do not waste my
ammunition upon dead ducks. (Great laugh
ter and applause.) I stand for my country ;
I stand for the Constitution. There I have
always placed my feet from my advent to
public life. They may traduce, they mav
slander, they may vituperate me, but le‘t
me say to you, all this has no influence upon
ine. (Great applause.)
Let me say further, that I do not intend
tu be overawed by real or pretended friends,
nor do I mean to be bullied by my enemies.
(Tremendous applause). Honest conviction
is mv courage*, the Constitution is my guide.
I know, my oount.rymeu, that it has been
insinuated, no, not insinuated, it has been
said directly in high places, that if such a
usurpation of power as I am eharged with
had been exercised some two hundred
years ago in a particular reign, it would
have cost an individual his head. (Great
laughter;. Of whut usurpation has Andrew
Johnson been guilty ? (None. None.)
Is it a usurpation to stand between the
people and the encroachments of power. Be
cause in a conversation with a fellow-citizen
who happened to be a Senator, I said that
I thought amendments to the Constitution
ought not too frequently be to made; that
it it was continually tinkered with it would
lose all its prestige and dignity, aud the old
instrument would be lost sight of altogether
in a short time; and because, in tbe same
conversation I happened tosaythut if it were
amended at all, such and such an amend
ment ought to beadopted, it is to be churged
that I was guilty of usurpation of power
that would have cost a king his head, in a
certain period of English history? (Great
laughter). From the same source the ex
clamation has gone forth that they were in
tbe midst of earthquakes ( that they were
trembling and could not yield. (Laughter.)
JUDGMENT OF THE PEOPLE.
Yes, fellow-eitizeus, there is an earthquuka
coming; there is a ground-swelling of pop}
ular judgmentand indignation. (Great ap*
plause.) The American people w*ill speak,
and, by their instinct if not otherwise, they
will know who arc their friends and who
are their enemies. I have endeavored to be
tru.‘ to the people in all the positions which
I have occupied, und there is hardly a posi
tion in this Government which I have not at
some time filled. 1 suppose it will be suid
that this is vanity (laughter,) butlmay say
that I have been iu all of them. I have been
in both branches of the .State Legislature.
A Voice: “You commenced a tailor.”)
NO PATCH WORK,
The President—A gentleman behind me
says that I began a tailor. Yes, I did be
gin a tailor (applause), and that suggestion
does not discomfit me in the least; for when
I was a tailor I had the reputation of being
a good one, and of making close fits (laugh
ter), and I was always puuctual to my cus
tomers, and did good work. (Applause.)
Voices—We will patch up the Union yet.
The President—No, I do not want any
patch work ol it; I want the original article
restored. (Great applause.) But enough of
this facetiousness. I know it may be said,
“ You are President, and you must not talk
about these things;” but, mv fellow citi
zens, I intend to talk the truth, and when
principle is involved, when the existence of
my cuuntry is iu peril, I hold it to be my
duty to speak what I think and what I feel,
us I have always done on former occasions.
(Great applause.)
I have said, it has been declared elsewhere
that I wasguilty of usurpation ujhieh would
have cost a king his head, tin dun unother
place I have been denounced for whitewash
ing. When and where did I ever white
wash anything or anybody? I have been
an Alderman of u town, I have been in both
branches of the Legislature of uiy State, I
have been in both Houses of the National
Congress, I have been at the head of the
Executive Department of inv State, 1 have
been Vice President of the Uuited Slates,
and I am now in the position which I occu
py before von* and during all this career
where is the man and what portion of the
people is there who can say that Andrew
Johnson ever made a pledge which he did
not redeem, or that he ever made a promise
which he violated? None. Now point me
to the man who can say that Andrew John
son overacted with infidelity to the greut
mass of tilts people. (Great applause.)
HKHEADINO.
Men may talk about heheadingnnd about
usurpation, but when lain beheaded I want
the American people to be the witnesses. I
do not want it, by inuendoo ;md indirect
remarks in high places, to be suggested to
men who have assassination brooding in
their bosoms, that there is a fitsubject. Others
have exclaimed that the Presidential obsta
cle must be gotten out of the wnv. What
is that, but to make use of a strong word,
inciting to assassination ? No doubt, I say,
the intention was to iucite assassination, so
the obstacle the people placed here could be
got out of the way. Are the opponents of
this Government not yet satisfied ; are those
who want to destroy our institution and to
change the character of the Government,
not satiated with the quantity of blood that
lias been shed? Are they not satisfied with
one martyr in this place? Does lot the
blood of Lincoln appease their vengeance
and their is thirst still unslacked? l)o they
still want more blood ? Have they not
honor and courage enough to seek to ob
tain the end otherwise than through and by
the hand of an assassin. I am not afraid
of an assassin attacking me whereone brave
and courageous man will attack another.—
I only dread him when in disguise, and
where his footstep is noiseless.
If they want blood let them have the
courage to strike like men. I know they
are willing to wound, but afraid to strike.
Ifmy blood is to be shed because I vindi
cate the Union, and insist on the preserva
tion of this Government in its original puri
ty, let it be shed ; but let an altHr to the
Union he first creeled, and then, if neces
sary, take me and lay me upon it, and the
blood that now warms ana animates my
existence shall be poured out as the last li
bation, as*a tribute to the Union of these
States. (Great applause.) But let the op
ponents of this government remember,
wheu it is poured out, that the blood of Ihe
martyrs is the seed of the church. This
Union will grow, and it will continue to
increase in strength and power, though it
may be cemented and cleansed in blood. I
have already spoken to you longer than I
intended when I came out. [Go on.]
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS.
I merely intended to make my acknowl
edgments of the honor you have done me;
but before I close allow me to say a word
in regard to the question of amendments to
the Constitution of the United States.
Shortly after I reached Washington, for the
purpose of being inaugurated as Vice Pres
ident of the United States, I had a conver
sation with Mr. Lincoln iu regard to the
condition of affairs. We talked particu
larly in reference to matters in my own
State. I told him that we bad called a
Convention, that we bad amended the Con
stitution, and that we had abolished slavery
in that State, which was not included in his
Emancipation Proclamation.
All these things met his approbation, and
he gave me words of encouragement. We
talked then about affairs generally, and
upon the subject of amendments to the
Constitution of the United States; be said
to me, “ When the amendment of the Con
stitution now proposed is adopted by three
fourths of the States, I am pretty near done,
or indeed quite done with amending
the Constitution if there was one other
adopted.”
I asked him, “What is that, Mr. Presi
dent ?” He said, “I have labored to pre
serve this Union. I have toiled during four
years; I have been subjected to calumny
and misrepresentation. My great and sole
desire has been to preserve these States in
tact under the Constitution as they were
before.” I asked him again, “ Mr. Presi
dent, what amendment is that which you
would propose?” “ Why,” said he, 14 it is
that there should be an amendment to the
Constitution which would-compel the States
to seud their Senators and Representatives
to the Congress of the United States.”—
[Great applause.] The idea was in his inind
that as a part of the doctrine of Secession
one of the means to break up thfa Goyom
ment was that the States, if they saw proper
might withdraw their Senators and
sentatives, or refuse to elect them, He
wanted even to that diftculty by a
constitutional amendment, compelling the
States fo send Senators and Representatives
to Congress.
But what do we now find 7 The Conatitu
NUMBER 8
.tion of the country, even that portion of it
which allows amendments to the organic
law, expressly provides that no State, with-
QQtita consent, shall bedeprived of its equal
suffrage in the Senate, ana it also provides
that each State Shall have at least one Rep
resentstive in the House of Representatives;
. but yet the position is taken that oertuiu
States shall not be represemed. We impose
taxes upon them; we send our tax gatherers
©very region and portion of the States.
These people are fit subjects of Govern
ment for the collection of taxes, but when
they ask to participate in the legislation of
the country, they are met at the door and
told no, you must pay taxes, vou must bear
burdens of Government, but you cannot
participate in its legislation which is tonffeot
you through ail timetocome. Isthisiustice
is it fair? (No, no.) ’
I repeat lam for the Union. I am for
preserving all the States, lam for admit
ting into the Councils of the nation ull tho
representatives who are uumistakably and
unquestionably loyal. A man who ac
knowledges allegiance to,the Government
and who swears to support the Constitution
must necessarily be loyal. A man cannot
take that oath in good faith unless he is loval.
A mere amplification of the oath makes
no difference as to the principle. Whatever
test is thought proper as evidence and as
proof of loyalty, is a mere matter of detail,
about which I care nothing; but let a man
be unmistakably and unqueatiouubly loyal
let him acknowledge allegiance to tho Con
stitution of the United States, and be willing
to support the Government in its hour of
peril and its hour of need, and I am willing
to trust him. (Applause.) b
I know that some do not attach as much
importance to this point as Ido, but I regard
it as a fundamental one. The principle that
carried us through the revolution was thut
there should be no taxation without repre
sention. I hold to that principle, which was
laid down as fundamental by our fathers.
If it was good then it is good now. If it was i
worth standing by then, it is worth standing i
by now. It is fundamental, and should be j
observed as free governmeutlasts. i
THE CONSTITUTION
I am aware that in the midst of the Re
bellion it was said by some that the Consti
tution had been rolled up as a piece of parch
ment and laid away; that in time of war
and rebellion there was no Constitution.—
We know that sometimes, in great necessity,
under great emergencies, unconstitutional
things must sometimes necessarily be done,
in order to preserve the Constitution itself;
but if, while the rebellion was going on the
Constitution wus rolled up and laid away,
if it was violated in some particulars in or
der to save the Government, and all may bu
excused and justified, because in saving the
Government you really saved the Constitu
tion, now that peace has come, now that the
war is over, we want again the benefit of a
written Constitution, and Isay the time has
come to take the Constitution down, to un
rolfyt, to re-read it, to understand iUs
provisions throughly. Tn order to suvo
the Government* we must preserve the
Constitution.
Our only safety is in a strict adherence to
and preservation of tho Constitution of our
fathers. It is now unfolded. It must now
be read, it must now be digested and under
stood by the American people. lum hero
to-day, then, in making these remarks to
vindicate the Constitution and to save it, as
I believe, tor it does seem as if encroach
ment alter encroachment is proposed upon
Jt. As far as I can I have ever resisted en
croachments upon the Constitution, and I
stand prepared to resist them to-duy, and
thereby to preserve the Constitution and the
Government of tho United States. (Great
applause. )
It is now a time of peace, and let us have
peace; let us enforce tho Constitution; let
ns live under and according to its provis
ions; let it be published aud primed in
blazing characters as though it were in the
heavens, and punctuated lay tho stars, so
that all can read and all can understand.—
Let us consult that instrument and bo
guided by its provisions. Let us under
stand its sacred provisions and abide by
them.
PERMANENCY OF THE CONSTITUTION
I tell the opposers of this Government-1
care not from what quarter they come, East
or West, North or South, you that are en
gaged in the work of breaking up the Gov
ernment, are mistaken. The Constitution
of the United States and the principles of
free Government are deeply rooted in the
American heart, and all the powers com
bined cdnnot destroy that great instrument,
that great chart of freedom.
Their attempts, though they may seem to
succeed for a time, will be futile. They
might as well undertake to lock up the
winds or chain the waves of the ocean and
confine them within limits>j They might as
well undertake to repeal the constitution,
and indeed it seems now to be supposed
that tican be repealed by a concurrent reso
lution. (Laughter.)
Hut when the question is submitted to tho
popular judgment, and to the mass of the
people, these men will find that they might
just as well introduce a resolution to repeal
the daws of gravitation. The attempt to
keep this Union from being restored is just
about as feasible as would be resistance to
the great law of gravitation, which binds all
to a common centre.
GREAT POLITICAL LAW.
The great law of. political gravitation will
bring back these Slates, and replace thgm
in all their relations to the Federal Govern
ment. Cliques and cabals, and conspiracies
and machinations, North or South, cannot
prevent this great consutnuialiom. (Tre
mendous applause.) All that is wanted is
time. Let the American people get to un
derstand what is going on, and they will
soon manifest their determination.
Here, by way of conclusion, let me say,
that I would to God the whole American
people could be assembled here to-day, as
you are. I wish there were a vast amphi
theatre here, capacious enough to contain
the whole thirty millions, and they could
witness the great struggle that is going on
to preserve the Constitution of their fathers.
They would soon settle the question, if they
could once see how things are ; if they could
see the kind of spirit that is manifested in.
the effort)to break down the real principles oi
free Government; when they came to un
derstand who was for them, and whoagainst
them ; who was for ameliorating their con
dition, and who for elevating them by pre
serving their Government. If the combat
ants could stand before them, arid there
could be a regular set to between the re
spective gladiators, in the lirsttilt that might
be made, you would find that the enemies
of the country would be crushed, and the
people would sustain its friends and the
friends of Constitutional Liberty. (Great
cheering.)
My fellow-citizens, I have detained you
much longer than I intended (cries of ** go
on, go on,”J, but we are in a great struggle,
and I am your instrument, and I have
thought it best to express myself frankly
when I ask you, have I usurped authority ?
Who is it in this country that I have not
toiled and labored for? Where is Lho man
or the woman, either in privute life or-pub
lic life, that has not always received my
attention and my time?
Sometimes it has been said [pardon ine
for being a little egotistical, but we are en
gaged in a friendly and familiar conversa
tion], 44 That man Johnson is a lucky man.
[Laughter.] They can never defeat him.”
[Laughter.[ Now I will tell you what con
stitutes my good luck. # It is in doing right
and being for the people. [Great applause.]
POPULAR INSTINCT.
The people, somehow or other, although
their sagacity and good judgment are very
frequently underrated,and under-estimated
generally, get to find out and understand
who is for tnem and who is against them.—
They do it by instinct, if in no other way.—
They know who is their friend. They know
in whpm they can confide.
So far, thank God, I can lay my hand
upon my bosom, and state with heartfelt
satisfaction, that in all thepositions in which
I have been placed, and I have been placed
in many that were as tryingasany in which
mortal has been placed. I have never de
serted them, norao I believe they will desert
me. [No, no, and applause.]
Whom have I betrayed? What prineip’e
have I violated ? What sentiment have I
Bwervodfrom? Can those who ussail me
put their finger upon any one ? No.no. In
all the speeches that have been made no
one has dared to put his finger upon a single
principle I over asserted from which I have
deviated.
Have you not heard some of them, at
some time, attempt to quote my predeces
sor, who fell a martyr to his country’s
cause, but they can give nosentiment of his
that is in opposition or in contradiction to
anything that I have done.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S FOLICY.
The very policy that I am now pursuing
was pursued bv me under his administra
tion, I having been appointed by him in a
particular position for that very purpose.
An inscrutable Providence saw proper to
remove him from this to, I trust, a better
world, and I came into his place, and there
is not a principle of his, in reference to the
restoration of the Union, lrom which X have
departed. None.
Then the war is not simp’y upon me, but
it is my piedecessor also. I have tried to
do my duty. % know that some are envious
and jealous and speak of the White House
as having attractions for the President. Let
me say to you. the charms of the White
House have as little influence upon me as
upon, any individual in this country and
much less upon me than upon those who
are talking about it.
The little that I eat and wear does not
amount to much, and the difference he-
ADVBttUHtHO.
"YzE™ 8 ADvx&TißKinarrs,' **l2- & year per
WSJ®?* flnea; tea per oent. increase for
fractions of-a rear.
EaSAraj PtsaoxiX Pnont»TT.aud Qxs-
TOAI ApyiHTjaniQ, 7 cents a line for th«_
nm, and 4 oents for each subsea cent inser*
. tlom. : ~
Patxnt Mkdicinbs, and other adver’s by the
column:
One column, 1 ye»r, l .„.«_..., mm ...|100
Half column, 1 yesAT.^. ttrttTTrr „„„„„„„, 00
Third oolumn t 1. yA«y, 40
Quarter SO
of ten lines or less,
one year, j ......... 10
year?.!!i 2ards * flTo Unesor l©Bs t .one
LSQAJs and othxb NoS; 1
Bxecntora* 2.00
Administrators* notices 2.00
Assignees’ notices £XX
Auditors’ notices ***** JgQ
Other “Notices, ’ten UnosT’orTess.* ’
three times, * gn
t veen -what is enough tosustain mo and my
httle family, it is very small; for lam not
km to many folks by consanguinity, though
n’u um a kin to everybody,
iho ditlerence between the little that suf-"
ces lor my stomach and back and more
than enough has no charms for me. Tho
proud and eunsciontioussatisfuction ofhnv
lUY dut y to my country, to
my children und to the inner man, is all
the reward thut I ask. [Great upplause.l
In conclusion, let me ask this vast con
course here to-duy, this sen of upturned faces
to come with me, or I will go with you and
stand around the Constitution of our coun
ty* , ls ugain “folded. Tho people are
invited to ryad aud understand, to sustain
and maintain its provisions.
Let us slund by the Constitution of our
fathers, though tho heavens themselves
should fall. Though faction may rage,
though taunts and jeers muy come, though
abuse aud vituperation limy bo poured out
in the most virulent form, I mean to bo
found standing by the Constitution of tuo
country ; stuudiug by the Constitution as tho
ciuel ark ot our safely, as tho palladium of
our civil nnd our religious liberty.
let us cling to it as tho mariner clings
to the last plank, wheu tho night aud tho
tempest dose around him. Accept my
thanks, mv countrymen, for the indulgence
you huve extended to me while submitting
to you extemporaneously, and, perhaps, in
coherently, the remarks which I have now
made. Let us go away forgetting tho past,
and looking tn the futuro, resolved to en
deavor to restore our Government to its
pristine purity, trusting to Him who is on
high, but who controls all here below, thut
erulougour Union will be restored, ana that
we shall have peace not ouly with all the
nations of the earth, but peace and good
will among all parts of the people of tho
United States.
CONCLUSIbN.
I thank you for the respect you have mani
fested to me on this occasion, nnd if tho
lime shall come during theperiod of my ex
istence when this country is to hedestroyed
and its Government overturned, if you will
look out you will find tho humble individ
ual who stands before vou thuro with you
endeavoring to avert its final destruction!
1 lie President retired amidst a perfect
storm of applauso, '
Beecher and His Auctions I
Once a year the Brooklyn searchers
after things spiritual attend the great
cheap Jack ” institution presided over
bv one flenry, whose other uatne la
Ward Beecher, and vie with each other
in bidding for front seats, side seats,
cushioned seats aud standing places in
the Plymouth Theatre. A poor man
has no show of getting a ticket for glory
from the great Beecher. Unlike Christ,
there is a price, and ad—ickens of a
price, to hia Christianity! It costs
money to get to heaven via Brooklyn.
Poor folks—that is, poor white folks,
never will have, their heavenly baggage
checked from Beecher’s station. Home
spun, sheep’s grey and plain calico aro
not the apparel for Brooklyn. Beecher
has ten thousand dollars a year for con
ducting his opera. It is the only theatre
or nigger show in the country which
pays no license and stock therein must
pay a large earthly, if not so much of a
kingdom-come dividend.
The seats are sold there each year to
the highest bidder, and the chiefuidders
are those who have no time to pray and
do their worship by contract or by past
ing a copy of the Lord’s prayer on their
head board, writing my senti
menta" underneath, and after a nod in
that direction, pop into bed as a frog
goes into a pond when a boy slings rocks
at the head of the watery “ greenback.”
The Nalujof pews In Jieeclier’s churcfi comes
oil on Hie premises .Snlurdiiy aiternoon and
evening. All purchases ot rental to be paid at
©uce.” l’er order— 11. W. B.
The auctioneer arrives, fresh from the
Club Rooms, and at once begins.
“ Now ladies and gents, what am I
offered for choice of pews in thiß temple
of christiani ty ? Talk fast, for time is
cash. Choice of pews remember. Se
lect which one you please. Am I offer
ed two thousand—nineteen hundred—
eighteen hundred—seventeen hundred
dollars a year for the choice of pews to
hear the god-like Beecher, once a week
for fifty-two weeks ? Remember gents
that he spouts ultimate and penultimate
religion. Thut he discourses on Rihln,
nigger, the twelve apostles including
old John Brown, statesmanship, bap
tism, repentance,Royalty—that he de
nounces the devil copperheadism, pov
erty and allsuchcrimes ! Sixteen hun
dred will you make it for choice of pews.
Too bad gentlemen ! Not even sixteen
hundred dollars a year? Why fellow
Christians if you own a pew hero you
can go theatres, opeias, horse races, pret
ty waiter girl saloons, faro banks and
perhaps the devil! And you can buy
and sell gold, and stocks and contraband
cotton, toucan keepahandsomehired
girl, indulge in wine suppers and enjoy
Christianity hugely. Will you say fif
teen hundred ? fourteen thirteen
twelve hundred —and down she goes
to Beacon Goldfish for twelve hundred.
Brethren let uh j)r<iy ! 1}
“ Now. gents what do I hear for the
second choice? , Just as good a seat as
the first! Take your pick! Who'll
give two thousand? Remember that
whosoever gives to the poor lends to the
Lord ! Will you make it nineteen hun
dred-eighteen hundred—and no poor
people allowed in the pew—experienced
sexton—knows hisbusiness. You want
a choice pew to exhibit your patent
leathers, your furs, your broad cloth—
the silks and satins of your wife, and
plaids of your children. Come gents
choice of seats to Beecher's bazaar—will
you make it seventeen—sixteen—fifteen
hundred dollars ? Come to the centre,
you gold speculators—oil dealers, stock
brokers, cotton thieves, office holders,
loyal people and nabobs! Bid lively,
keep out the poor, for Beecher's Heaven
is a peculiar institution where angels
wear white silk, garments with flesh
colored stockings, low necked dresses '
and frizzled hair. All right—sold at
fifteen hundred.”
Nigger church at the five points will
do for poor people—this is for the rich
and loyal exclusively.
There was a time when people wor
shippedGoi>— not the man.—When they
prayed from their hearts, not with ly
ing lips! Wheu professors of religion
lived lives of godliness, and not of dissi
pation, extravagance and recklessness.
When the “dim old aisles of the forest
rang with the anthems” of those who
believed in God and the Re
deemer as a means of grace rather than
a cloak for deviltry. There was a time
when Christianity meant something—
when the laws were honored—when ex
travagance did not take even the rites of
burial in itsclinky grasp—when religion
a devotion instead of an art. We
believe in that religion which seeks God
in lowliness of spirit and not in that
brass mounted, silverplated style which
drives to the church door with a nigger
in livery and keeps a private glass as a
billiard player does his cue, to partake
thesacramentfrom. IfChristshould be
born again, not one out of ten of these
patent, aristocratic professors of religion
would call on His mother during her
stay in the stable where the infaut Jesus
first saw light for fear of losing caste.
We believe in religion, but not in this
pomp and glitter—this auction, codfish
aristocracy style.—La Crosse Democrat .
A Spirit that Appeared when Called.
Rather a curious story is told of an
American medium who appeared to ,
conjure up spirits. Atoneofhisseancea
a simple-looking Quaker asked if he
could raise a spirit. “8y.,a1l means,”
was the reply. Who will you have?”
Moses, if you please,sir.” Afteralittle
preliminary spiritulism the medium
exclaimed, “He is here! what will you
have?” But just at this moment the light
grew dim, and amidst adead silence the
side door opened, and a venerable figure
with long beard, pale visage, sunken
eyes, and long, ancient Jewish garb,
tottered slowly into the room, and sin
king into a chair, exclaimed in deep
accents, “Here!” Moved with horror at
seeing that he was sold, the medium
had precipitately taken flight, and it
took some time to reassure the horror
stricken spectators-that it was the actor
Susine who was before them, and that
! the simple Quaker was his confederate.
—B. F Butler has restored the New Or
leans gold—sBo,ooo— with Interest and costa
n all amounting to $150,000.