sl»t £tiiua.ster gitUUigtnm,
Published every Wednesday by
OOOPBB,SASDEBSONA CO
H. G Smith,
J. M. Cooper,
Wm, a. Morton,
Alfred Sanderson
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The Jolly Old Pedagogue.
BY GKOr.GE ARNOLD.
’Twas a Jolly old pedagogue long ago.
Tull and slender, and shallow and dry ;
His form was bent ami bis gait wan slow,
Hlh long thin hair was as white as snow,
Rut a wonderful twinkle shone In his eye;
And be sang every night as he went to i ed,
“ Let us be happy down ere below ;
The living should live, though the dead be
dead,”
Said the Jofly old pedagogue, long ago.
He taught his scholars the rule of three,
Reading and writing, aud history too;
He look i lie little ones up on his knee,
For » kind old heart in his breast had he,
And tiie wants of the lttllest child he knew
“ L« urn while you’re young,” he often said,
“/J'ln-re is much to enjoy in this world below
Li e for the living, and rest for the dean !”
Kaio thejoliy old Pedag gue, long ago.
With thestup'dest boys he was kind and cool,
: Speaking only in gentlest tones;**
The rod was hardly known lu his school—
Whipping, to him, was a barbarous rule,
Ann too hard work for his poor old bones;
Besides, it was painful, lie sometimes said:
“ a e s uuld make life pleasant down hete
low,
The living need charity more than the dead,
Said tiie oily old pedagogue, long ago.
JJf> lived in the house by the liawtho ik* lane
Witn ruses and oodbin- over the door;
His oiiins were quiet, and neat and plain,
but a spit ii of rt no fort there held rei^n,
And in ide him lie was old and poor.
s “ J n ed so little,” lie often said,
“And my. friends .nd relatives here below,
Won't litigate over me wi.en I dead,” ‘
,s id the jolly u d pedagogue, long ago.
Hut. the pleas <ntest »imes tjiat he had, of all,
Were the sueiabh* hours he used to pass.
Wit n his chair lipped back to a neighbor's wall.
MalCim an uneerumoni jus rail,
Over a p'pe and a Irlendly glass;
This was Ilie fim-Ht pletisure oesaid,
t if the many lie tasted here below ;
“ Wlka has no cronies had belter be dead !”
Said tiie jolly old pedagtjgue, long ago.
Then the joliy old pedagogue's wrinkled face,
Melted all over in sunshiny snip- s;
stirred his glass with an old-school grace,
Chuckled and sipped, and prattled apace,
T*II the ii use grew merry from cellar to tiles
“ I’m a pretty old man ” lie gently said,
“ I’ve ling- n*d a long while, here below,
but my In-art is IreHh, it my yout Ii is tied!”
.Said thejoliy old pedagogue, long ago.
He smoked his pipe in the balmy air,
Kvery night, when the sun went down,
Wh lie tiie soft wind played in his silvery hair,
Leaving it- lenderest kisses there.
On thejoliy old pedagogue’s jolly old crown;
And feeling t ,e kisses, lib smiled, and said :
‘ ’Twus a glorious wor d. down here below;
Why wait for happiness till we are dead?”
.Said the Jolly old pedagogue, long ago.
He sat at ills door, one midsummer night,
After tlie sun had sunk-in the West,
And the lingering beam, of golden light,
Made his kindly o d fae. look warm gnu bright,
Widle Hi ' odo:ous ni ht-wind whispered
“ [test !”
Gently—gent ly—he bowed his head—
There we. e angels waiting for him, I know
lie was sure oi his Inppim ss, living or dead,
Till-* jolly old pedagogue, long ago.
■ i Round Table.
sCitttanj.
31r. Farnsworth’!! Tubs,
I remember oneevening last summer,
just after I came home from —not the
war exactly but a two years’cruise in
the Pacific as surgeon of the Steam
er Wateree—that all of us bachelors
were enjoying tiie cool of the evening
ami the fragrance of our pipes ou the
flat roof of the ell attached to the old
boarding-house.
Lying about in various attitudes,'one
and another had told stories, made re
marks, and subsided.
Lewis 'raised himself on his elbow,
knocked the ashes from his pipe, and
asked if I'had ever heard of old Bur
bank of Virginia.
If I hud,: I hud forgotten it.
“Burbauk,” said Lewis, was one of
those old fellows that you find in every
country village, whose sole business in
life consists in looking after other peo
ple’s all'airs, and who seemed blessed
with any amount of time to do it in.
“ Burbank button-holed me one day
in Washington street while I was wait
ing for a stage. How lie ever got this
far from home I don’t know, but there
he was in his ‘Sunday-go to-meeting’
suit, ami insisted on tellingmeallabout
his row with Mr. Farnsworth.
“ 1 1 started out the oilier morning,”
he said, l an’ when I got outside the
house I see it was goin’ to be a pleasant
day, an’ I thought I'd walk down to
Farmelee’s shop an’ see if them tubs o’
Mr. Farnsworth’s was done. I hadn’t
got nothin’ to do, and I kinder thought
Mr. Farnsworth might like to know if
them tubs o’ his’n was done. So I
star Led an’ got down to Parmelee’s, an’
I see the door was locked. So I went
roun’ behind the shop, an’ looked in the
back winder, an’ there I see them tubs
o’ Mr. Farnsworth’s, an’ I see that tlxey
were done. Then I looked in again,
an’ saw that the shop was afire. Wall,
I thought Mr. Farnsworth might kind
er like to know that them tubs were
done, an’ that the shop was alire, so I
thought I’d walk down to Mr. Farns
worth’s house an’ tell him that they
-was done, an’ the shop was afire.’
“By this time,” said Lewis, “my
stage had gone by, and found I was in
for the whole of Burbauk’s troubles. I
told him to go on, inwardly wishing
biin and Mr. Farnsworth at the devil,
and thinking of my chances of reaching
home before dinner grew cold.”
“ ‘ Well,’ said Burbank, ‘ I’d walked
along a piece, an’ I see Mr. Doming
a coming down street. 4 Good inornin,'
Mr. Dciuiiig,' says I, ‘ Pleasant day.’
‘Yes,’says he ‘good growin’ weather.
What’s the news?’ ‘ Wall, says I, ‘ I
started out arter breakfast this moruin’
an’ I see it was agoin’ to be a pleasant
day, an’ I kinder thought I’d go down
to Parmelee’s an’ see if them tubs o’ Mr.
Farnsworth’s was done,so I stated down
street, and when I* got to Parmelee’s I
see the door was locked. So I thought-
I'd go roun’ the shop an take a look in
at the back winders, an’ when I looked
in 1 see them tubs o’ Mr.- Farnsworth’s
a staiinin’ there, and I see they was
done. J An’ then I looked in agin, an’ I
see the shop wasafire. Wall, 1 thought
Mr. Farnsworth might kinder like to
know that his tubs were done an’ the
shop was afire, so I started to go down
to Mr. Farnsworth’s house, an’ tell him
that them tubs o’ his’n was done an’
the shop was afire. ‘Good moruin,’
Mr. Deming’ says I, * I guess I’ll walk
right along seein’ that the tubs is done (
an’ the shop is afire, an’ tell Mr. Farns
. worth about it.”
‘“Wall, I’d gone alongalittle further/
an’ i see Sam Pulsifer leanin’over his
picket fence, in front o’ his house.
‘ Good moruin’, Mr. Burbank,’ says he
‘ what’s your hurry ?’ 1 Wall, nothin’’,
says I, ‘only when Igotouto’ thehouse
arter breakfast, I see it was a pleasant
day, an’ as I hadn’t nothin' in particu
lar ou my bauds, I kinder thought I’d
walk down to Parmelee’s shop an’ see if
them tubs o’ Mr. Farnsworth’s was
done. Wall, when I got down there I
see the door was locked. Bo I thought
I’d go roun’ an’ I look in the
back winders. Bo I went roun' an’
when I looked in I see them tubs o’Mr.
Farnsworth’s a standin’ there, an’ I see
that they was done. An’ then I looked
a little further, an’ I see that the shop
was afire. Wall, it struck me Mr.
Farnsworth might like to know that
they was done an’ the shop, was afire, bo
I thought I’d go down to his house
fancastcr Sutdluicm'a:
VOLUME 67.
an’ tell him that them tubs was done,
and the shop was afire. An* I kinder
guess I’ll go right a long Sam,' says I,
‘ so’s to tell .Mr. Farnsworth.’
“ ‘ Wall, jest afore I got to Mr. 1 krns
worth’s house, who should I meet but
Maria Jane Peters, she that was a Wil
liams. ‘Good mornin’, Miss Peters,’
says I, ‘ how do you do?’ ‘ Good morn
in’, Mr. Burbank,’ says she, ‘Why,
what a stranger you be! Whereabouts
you goin’ this mornin’? ‘Wal,’ says I,
‘ when I started out this mornin’, I see
it was a goin’ to be a pleasant day, an’
I sorter thought- I’d travel down to
Parmelee’s and see if them tubs o’ Mr.
Farnsworth’s was done. Wall, when I
got down there I see that the door was
locked. So I thought I’d go roun’ the
shop an’ look in the back winders. So
when I got there I looked in the back
winder, aud N there I see them tubs o’
Mr. Farnsworth’s a standin’ there, and
I see they was done. An’ then I looked
in agin, an’ I see the tubs was afire.
Here Miss Peters gave a scream, an’
says she, ‘ Why Ebenezer Samuel Bur
bank, iiow you talk!’ ‘Yes,’ says I.
‘an’ I kinder thought Mr. Farnsworth
might like to know that them tubs o’
his’n was done an’ the shop was afire.
‘Wall,’ says I, ‘I guess I’ll go right
along now an’ tell him the tubs is doue
an’ the shop is afire. Good mornin’,
Miss Peters.’ ‘ Good mornin’, Mr. Bur
bank, ’ says she.
“ Wall, then I went right over to Mr.
Farnsworth. Miss Farnsworth she
comes to the door. ‘Why, says she, ‘Mr.
Burbank bow do you do? Come right
in ami set down !’ So I wentin and set
down. ‘Wall,’ says Miss Farnsworth,
‘hows Miss Burbank and the children ?’
‘Middlin,’ says I, ‘middlin,’ Miss Farns
worth,’ says I; ‘you see when I started
out this mornin’ I see it was a pleasant
day, an’ I thought I’d go down -to
Parmelee’s as L hadn’t go. nothin’ to
do, an’ see about them tubs o’ yourn.—
‘Wall, when I got down to Parmelee’s
I see that the door was locked. Wall, I
thought I’d go roun’ behind the shop an’
look inter the back winders, an’ when I
got roun’ and looked in, I see them tubs
o’ your'n standiu there and I see that
they wasflone. By the way Miss Farns
worth, says I,‘where’s Mr. Farnsworth?’
Just then the door opened leadin’ inter
the bedroom, an’ Mr. Farnsworth he
come out. “Good mornin’, Mr. Bur
bank,’ says he, ‘how do you do? I
heard you telliu’ Miss Farnsworth that
them tubs o’ ourn were done.’ “ Well,
says Mr. Farnsworth, ‘ I guess I’ll put
Billy inter the wagon an’ go up an’ get
them.’ ‘ Well, says I, when I looked
inter the back winder agin I see the
shop was afire. I hadn't more’n got the
words out o’ my mouth afare Mr. Farns
worth, he jumped for the door, au’ he
says, says he, ‘ damnation, why didn’t
you say so?’ ‘Wall,’ says I, ‘I was
cornin’ to it.’ By that time Mr. Farns
worth was runnin’ down the street
powerful. I sot there talking with Miss
Farnsworth. Bimeby Mr. Farnsworth
come back. ‘ Wall,’ I, ‘did you
get them tubs o’ yourn ?’ He begun to
swear, an’ says he, ‘ when I got to Par
melee’s, the hull thing was burnt, tubs
and all.’ ‘An’ now, Mr. Lewis,’ said
Burbank, ‘Mr. Farnsworth he blamed
me /’”
The First Baby.
By the Rev. Mr. , J. W. C. toC.
E. G., only daughter, &c. “No cards.”
We didn’t say no baby! I have one
ofthose interesting animals atmy house
It came when it rained like the devil,
dark as pitch, and my umbrella at the
store, no carsrunning. The doctor lived
five miles due West, and the nurse six
miles due East; and when I got home
to the bosom of my family, the con
densed milkman was at the next door.
It’s a funny little chap, that baby: Sol
ferino color, and the length of a Bolog
na sausage. Cross? I guess not. Cm,
um; it commenced chasing me down
the pathway of life just when muslin,
linen, and white fianuel were the high
est they had been since Adam built a
ben house for Mrs. Eve’s chickens.
The doctors charge two dollars a squint,
four dollars a grunt, and on account of
the scarcity of rain in the country,
take what is left in a man’s pocket,
no discount for cash, and send
bill for balauce Jan. Ist. A queer little
thing is that baby ; a speck of a nose
like a wart; head as bald as a squash,
and no place to hitch a waterfall; a
mouth just suited to come the gum
game and chew milk. Ocrackee! you
should hear her sing. I have bumped
it, stuffed my fur cap down its throat,
given it the smoothing irons to play
with; but that little red lump that a
looks as if it couldn’t hold blood enough
to keep a mosquito from fainting, per
sists in yelling like thunder. It shows
a great desire to swallow its fists, and
the other day they dropped down its
throat, and all that prevented their go
ing through was the crook in its elbows.
It stopped its music and I was happy
for one and a half minutes.
It’s a pleasant thing to have a baby
in the house—one of your belly-ache
kind. Think of the pleasures of a fath
er, in deshabille, trembling in the mid
night hour, with his warm feet upon a
square yard of cold oil cloth, dropping
parygoric in a teaspoon, by moonlight,
the nurse thumping on the door, the
wife of your bosom shouting “hurry,”
and the baby yelling till the frescoe
drops from the ceiling. It’s a nice time
to think of dress-coats, pants, ties and
white kids. Shades of departed cock
tails, what comfort! what a picture for
an article in Blaster Paris ! Its mother
says the darling is troubled with wind
on the stomach; it beats all the
wind instruments you ever heard of.
I have to get up in the cold and
shiver while the milk warms; it
uses the bottle. I have a cradle Syith
the representation of amiraculous sooth
ing syrup bottle on the dash board. I
tried to stop its breath the other night;
it was no go; I rocked it so hard I
missed stays,and sent it slap clear across
the room, upsetting a jar of preserves.
It didn’t make any noise, then! Oh,
no! Its mother says, only wait till it
gets bleached, (its been vaccinated,)
and old enough to crawl about and
feed on pins. Yes, I am going to
wait. Won’t it be delightful ? John,
run for the doctor, it’s fell in the slop
pail and is choking with a potato skin ;
sis has fell downstairs ; sishasswallow
ed the tack hammer ; shows signs of
the mumps, croop, whooping cough,
small-pox, colic, dysentery, cholera in-,
fantum, or some other darn thing to let
the doctor take the money laid by for
my winter’s corn beef; and all this
comes of my shampooing and curling
my hair, wearing nice clothes and look
ing handsome, going a courting and
making my wife fall in love and marry
me.
Ex-Generals Marmaduke, Preston
and Walker, of the Confederate army,
are in London, ’
Battles of the Swordfish and the Whale-
Among the extraordinary spectacles
sometimes witnessed by those who “ go
down to the sea in ships,” none are
more impressive than a combat for a
supremacy between the monsters of the
deep. The battles of the swordfish and
fhe whale are described as Homeric in
grandeur. The swordfish go in shoals
like whales, and the attacks are often
regular sea fights. When the two
troops meet, as sooq as the swordfish
have betrayed their presence by a few
bounds in the air, the whales draw to
gether and close their ranks. The
swordfish always endeavors to take the
whale in flank, either because its cruel
instinct has revealed to it the defect in
the cuirass—for there exists near the
brachial Ads of the whale a spot where
woundsare mortal —or because the flank
presents a widersurface to its blows. The
swordfish recoils to secure a greater im
petus. the movement escapes the
keen eye of its adversary, the whale is
lost, receives the blow of the enemy, and
dies almost instantly. But if the whale
perceives the swordfish at the instant
of the rush, by a spontaneous bound it
springs clear of the water its entire
length, aud falls on its flaDk with a
crash that resounds many leagues, and
whitens the sea with boiliDg foam.—
The gigantic animal has only its tail for ,
defence. It tries to strike its enemy,
and finish him with a single blow.—
But if the active swordfish avoids the
fatal tail the battle becomes more terri
ble. The aggressor springs from the
water in its turn, falls upon the
whale, and attempts, not to pierce
but to saw it with tiieteeth thatgarnish
its weapon. The sea is stained with
blood ; the fury of the whale is bound
less. The swordfish harasses him
strikes on every side, kills him and flies
to other victories. Often the swordfißh
has not time to avoid the fall of the
whale, and contents itself with present
ing its sharp saw to the flauk of the
gigantic animal which is about to crush
it. It dies then like Maccabaeus,
smothered beneath the weight of the
elephant of the ocean. Finally the
whale gives a few last bounds into the
air, dragging its assassin in its flight,
and perishes as it kills the mon
ster of which it was the victim. The
heroic combats of the swordfish with
the whales would assuredly furnish
matter for a strange poem, in which the
grand would contend with the eccentric.
The sea of blood, loaded, with mon
strous bodies devoid of life, aud slain
upon each other, would be a picture
worthy of iuspiriug a rival of the singer
of the Batrachomyomachia. If the di
vine Homer did not hesitate to celebrate
the wars of mice and frogs, why should
not one of the sons of Appolo accord
the recital of the formidable resistance
of the giant of the waters ?
Prenticelsms.
When sitting alone by the side of a
beautiful womau, one cares little how
grasping she is.
The number of people in a city may
not necessarily have increased because
many of its population have doubled ,
but it is in a fair way to increase.
We must suppose that men value red
noses, judging from the expense they
are at to get them.
Why make it a reproach to any one
that he has “changed his tune?” What
sort of a singer would he be who never
did so?
It may be said of many a fellow that
when he sees whisky his mouth waters,
and when he sees water his mouth
whiskies.
Good woman are the salt of the earth,
sweet ones the sugar, pungent ones the
pepper, biting ones the mustard, and
sour ones the vinegar.
They say that Hercules was “known
by his foot.” A man had better try to
make himself known by his head.
The physically blind are thankful for
guidance; the mentally blind resent it
as an insult.
A man with a long head is uot apt to
be head-long.
If the body is, as the old author calls
it, “ thebridegroom of the mind,” many
bodies are worse married than Socrates
was.
A young man advertises for a wife
who is pretty aud dosen’t know it. If
he wanted one who is,homely and dosen’t
know it, he would find no trouble in
getting suited.
Folly would do but little mischief if it
were confined to fools.
Virtue and happiness often kiss each
other, but they are not married.
When colors are costly, prudes can’t
afford to blush their erring sisters.
The crow is a brave bird ; he never
shows the white feather.
Queen Victoria has conferred the
honor of Knighthood upon Edward
Jordan, a black man. Perhaps Night
hood would have been more appropriate.
Few of our ladies have traveled ex
tensively, but nearly all of them have
taken tea in China.
Oftentimes a chief magistrate is the
mere figure-head of ihe shipof State in
stead of tlie man at the helm.
Franklin and his Gig.
It is now more than a century since
Benjamin Franklin,Postmaster-Gener
al ofthe American Colonies, by appoint
ment of the Crown, set out in his old
gig to make an official inspection of the
principal routes. It is about ninety
years since he held the same office un
der the authority of Congress, afid when
a small folio (still preserved in the De
partment at Washington), containing
but three quires of paper, lasted as his
account book for two years. If a
Postmaster-General now were to
undertake to pass over all the estab
lished routes, it would take six years of
incessant railroad travel at the rate of
one hundred and twenty-five miles
daily; while if he were to undertake
the job in an “ old gig,” he would re
quire a lifetime for its performance.—
Instead of a small folio, with its three
quires of paper, the post office accounts
consume every two years three thous
and of the largest ledgers, keeping up
wards of a hundred clerks constantly
employed in recording transactions with
more than thirty thousand contractors
and other persons.
in Incident of the Border.
It is related that a keen custom house
officer on the bridge across the St. Croix
river, from St. Stephens, N. 8., to Calais,
Me., saw one evening a woman with a
bundle in her arms. “ What have you
there?” he demanded. She hesitated,
stammered, and then said, “ nothing*
dutiable.” He insisted on seeing it;
she resisted ; astruggleensued. Atlast
she yielded and placed the bundle in
his arms, saying, “ take it, then, and
much good may it do you.” Then she
returned to St. Stephens, while he made
for the light to examine his treasure,
which proved to be an infant a few days
old. The mother remains undiscovered
and the child remains on the hands of
the official.
LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 14, 1866.
PtettHattfdUjS.
Washington’s Church,
The following extract from a letter,
written before the close of the war to
the Boston Gazette from Alexandria,
by a member of company K, 42d Mas
sachusetts, tells its own story:
“ Yesterday we attended service at a
church around which cluster memories
of Washington and the Revolution—
the old Christ Church at Alexandria,
Va. It is a plaiu brick edifice, sur
mounted by a dome-shaped wooden
tower or steeple, and was built by the
English from imported bricks, in the
year 1752, so it is now one hundred and
twelve years old. It was erected, and
has always been occupied bytheChurch
of England. Passing through the
church in the rear, we fouud on the old
sand and slate-stone slab the names of
men and women who lived and wor
shipped with Washington. Upon en
tering the church the first object to at
tract the attentiou of thestranger is the
lofty, urn-shaped pulpit, built of chest
nut, aud trimmed with crimson-velvet.
On the wall back of the pulpiOare two
tablets; the oue ou the right is in
scribed with the 20th chapter of Exodus
(the leu commaudments); the one on
the left with the Lord’s Prayer, the
Articles of Faith, and the Golden Rule
(Whatsoever ye would that men should
do unto you, even so do unto them; for
this is the law and the prophets). Be
neath and in front of the pulpit is the
usual chancel. Around the three re
maining sides of the room run a gallery
supported by pillars.
The music is furnished by the choir
and an organ. The pews are built in
the usual Episcopal manner, and have
all been remodelled, except numbers
fifty-nine and sixty on the left, a square
family pew, the one formerly occupied
by Washington aud his family. When
our troops took possession, of this
city the congregation of this church
were so rebellious that the commanding
General turned them out and placed a
loyal rector and people in possession,
but the secessionists had time to steal
and secret tfte communion service,
the baptismal font, and silver plate
with Washington's name, from his
pew We should doubtless have had a
chance to look over the church records,
but the gentlemanly rector iuformed us
they, too, had been confiscated by the
rebs, who, after the war is over, will
doubtless bring them forward and claim
the church ; but don’t think Ihey will
get it. It may be of interest to state
that the rebel General Lee, who now
commands iu Virginia, occasionally oc
cupied this church, and desecrated the
sauctity of the “Washington Pew.”—
The inside ceiling and wall are plain
white.
This building, from the connection it
has with the Washington family, as
their place of worship, is a very inter
esting as well as a well preserved relic
of the past. Seventy years have passed
away since iteuportals were pressed by
the feet of that man, so beloved by ev
ery American and so adored by both
friend aud foe to the Union.
After his arduous public life was over
and he had retired to his beautiful es
tate at Mount Vernon to pass his wan
ing life in the quiet, peaceful pursuits
of agriculture and the bosom of his be
loved family, how calmly aud serenely
he must have wended his way to aud
from this church. What a privilege it
must have seemed to the “ Father of
his Country” to be allowed once again,
after so many years of commotion, to
peacefully worship the “ Father of his
race.” But could his / body, so long
mingled with the “ sacred soil,” reunite
with bis spirit in worship here at the
present time, how different and how
gainful would be his meditations. His
Deloved State laid waste by tiie ruthless
march of armies—his owu countrymen
—O what a fall ! —seeking to tear one
another, and the glorious Union for
which he fought so bravely, and main
tained so triumphantly, asunder. Rest
in peace, “old man,” we would uot if
we could awaken you from your peace
ful couch to view this “ cruel war’s de
solation.”
The Romance of Insurance.
Perhaps the most singular specimen
of an insurance company that ever ex
isted was the “Plate Glass Insurance
Company” that flourished in London
some twenty years ago. We doubt
whether any miuingshare operator ever
played quite as sharp a game as that
narrated below:
A.t the time alluded to the plate glass'
of enormous dimensions was beginning
to be brought into use for shop windows
in (he great thoroughfares, and these
monstrous panes seemed especially to
provoke the destructive propensities of
that class of young bucks who were in
the habit of “traveling” late, ringing
bells, changing signs, breaking street
lamps and perpetratiug all manner of
mischief. To aggravate matters, it so
happened, by some legal oversight that
the law making thesmashing of windows
a misdemeanor was so worded as
to afford no protection, to panes above a
certain size. This furnished perfect
impunity lojaybawkers in theirattacks
upon the largest and costliest show
windows, and the shopkeepers suffered
accordingly. But now a bright idea
occurred to one of the most active and
enterprising of the “ destructives.” He
set to work among his companions and
organized a “ Plate-Glass Insurance
Company,” for the insurance of panes
too large to be within the protection of
the law. A room fronting upon a
crowded street was taken, showy signs
put up, and business commenced with
all due formality. Meantime ener
getic outside measures were taken
to lend an impetus to the business. The
fashionable quarters of London were
districted among the stockholders, and
it was made the duty of each to devote
himself zealously to breaking all the
windows in his district not covered by
the policies of the company. Under
this able management, the “Plate-Glass
Insurance Co.” was soon floating on
the top wave of prosperity, and business
and money flowed so fast as almost to
appall the stockholders. The losses
were few and promptly paid while the
receipts were enormous and the public
confidence in the company unbounded.
It was in this condition of affairs
that the directors sagaciously deter
. mined to avail themselves of the present
smiles of fortune, and place themselves
beyond the risk of her caprice. They
had issued immense numbers of policies
for a year ; the premiums were already
paid ; every one likely to insure had in
sured ; what then was the use of con
tinuing the expense of carrying on the
business and risk of losses? These
views met with the unanimous ap
proval of the stockholders. A meeting
was accordingly held, and the resolu
tions formally passed, dissolving the
company and dividing the capital on
hand. Thus terminated the existence
of the “ Plate-Glass Insurance Com
pany ” after a brief but brilliant career
of a few months. Its history is calcu
lated to furnish a valuable moral for
those who are capable of deriving a les
son from ihe experience of others.
Bread and Butter.— Some fellow
enamored of a young lady named Anna
Bread, dropped the following from his
pocket—
“ While belles their lovely graces spread,
And fops around them flutter, c
I’ll be content with Anna Bread,
And won’t haveany but her
A conceited coxcomb, with a very
patronizing air, called out to an Irish
laborer, “Here, you bog trotter, come
and tell me the greatest lie you can, and
I will treat you to a glass of Irish whis
key.” “By my word,” says Pat, “an
yer Honor’s a gintleman.”
The man everybody likes is general
ly a fool. The man nobody likes Is gen
erally a knave. The man who has
friends who would die for him, and foes
who would love to see him broiled alive,
is usually a man of some worth and
force.
The President’s Views onNegftf Shfflrage.'
His Reply to a Delegation of Negroes.
de Is not Willing to Adopt a Policy That
Will Lead to the Shedding of Blood.
The Policy oftbe Radicals Will Result in
Great Danger to the Colored People.
Evils of Fopdnyjfegpo Suffrage on (he
Washington; Feb. 7,1866/
The delegation of negro representa
tives from different States of the coun
try now in Washington to urge the in
terests of the colored people before the
government, had an interview with the
President this afternoon. The delega
tion was as follows : Fred Douglass, of
New York ; George T. Downing, repre
senting the New England States; Lewis
H. Douglass, son of Fred Douglass; W.
E. Matthews, of Maryland; John Jones,
of Illinois; John F. Cook, of District
of Columbia; A. J. Raynor, of South
Carolina; Jos. E. Oatis, of Florida; A.
W. Ross, of Mississippi; Wm. Whipper.
of Pennsylvania ; John M. Grovin and
Alex. Dunlop, of Virginia, and Calvin
White, of Virginia.
The President shook hands with each
member of the delegation, Fred Doug
lass first advancing for that purpose.
George T. Downing then addressed
the President as follows:—We present
ourselves to your Excellency to make
known with pleasure the respect which
we cherish for you—a respect which is
due you as aChief Magistrate. It is our
desire for y6u to know that we come
feeling that we are friends meeting a
friend. We should, however, have
manifestedourfriendship by notcoming
to further tax your already burdened
and valuable time. But we have an
other pbject in culling. We are in a
passage of equalitV before the law. God
hath made it by opening a Red Sea. —
We would have through
the same. We cometoyou in thename
of the United States, and are delegated
to come by some who have unjustly
worn iron manacles on their bodies, by
some whose minds have been man
acled by close legislation in States cal led
free. The colored people of the States of
Illiuois, Wisconsin, Alabama, Missis
sippi, Florida, South Carolina, North
Carolina, Virgiuia, Maryland, Pennsyl
vania, New York, the New Englaud
States and the Districtof Columbia have
specially delegated us to come. Our
coming is a marked circumstance,
noting determined hope and that we
are not satisfied with an amendment
prohibiting slavery, but that we wish it
enforced with appropriate legislation.
This is our desire. We ask for it intel
ligently, with the knowledge and con
viction that the fathers of the Revolu
tion intended freedom for every Ameri
can, and that they ailshould be protect
ed in their rightascitizens,equal before
the law. We are Americans, native
born. We are glad to have it known
to the world, as bearing no doubtful
recor-d on this point. On this fact, and
with confidence in the triumph ofjus
tice, we base our hopes. We see no
recognition of race or color in the or
ganized law of the land. It knows no
privileged class, and therefore we cher
ish the hope that we may be fully en
franchised, not only herein this District,
but throughout the land. We respect
fully submit that rendering anything
less than this would be rendering to us
less than our just due; that granting
anything less than our full rights will
be a disregard of our just rights, of due
respect for our feelings. If the powers
that be do so it will be used os a license,
as it were, or an apology for any com
munity, or for individuals, thus dispos
ed, to outrage our rights and feelings.
It lias been shown in the. present j, war
that the government may justly reach
the strong arm into the States and de
mand from them, those who owe alle
giauce, their assistance and support.
May it not reach out a like arm to se
cure aud protect its subject upon whom
it has a claim ?
Frederick Douglass advanced and ad
dressed the President, saying: Mr.
President—We are not here to enlighten
you, sir, as to your duties as the Chief
Magistrate of this republic, but to show
our respect and to present in brief the
claimsof our race to your favorable con
sideration. In the order of Divine
Providence you are placed in a position
where you have the power to, save or
destroy us—to bless or blast us—l mean
our whole race. Your noble and humane
predecessor placed in our hands the
sword to assist in saving the nation, and
we do hope that you, his able successor,
will favorably regard the placing in our
hands the ballot with which to save
ourselves. We shall submit no argu
ment on that point. The fact that we
are the subjects of government and sub
ject to taxation, to volunteer in the
service of the country, subject to being
drafted, subject to bear the burdens of
the State, makes it not improper that
we should ask to share in the privileges
of the condition. I have no speech to
make on this occasion. I simply sub
mit these observations as a limited ex
pression of the views and feelings of the
delegation with which I have come.
The President then spoke as follows:
In reply to some of your inquiries,
not to make a speech about this matter
for it is always best to talk plainly
and distinctly about such questions—l
will say that if I have not given evi
dence, in my former course, that I am a
friend of humanity, and to that portion
of it which constitutes the colored pop
ulation, I can give noevidence hereafter.
Everythiag|that I have had, both as re
gards lifeand property, has been perilled
in this cause, and I feel'and think that
I understand —not to be egotistical—
what should be the true direction of this
question, and what course of policy
would result in the amelioration and
ultimate elevation, not only of the
colored, but of the great mass of the
people of the United States.
I say, that if I have notgiven evidence
that I am a friend of humanity, and es
pecially the friend of the colored man,
in my past conduct., there is nothing
that I can do now that would. I repeat,
all that I possessed—life, liberty anu
property —have been put up in connec
tion with that question, when I had
every inducement held out to take the
other course, by adopting which I
would have accomplished, perhaps, all
that the most ambitious might have
desired. If I know myself, and the
feelings of my own heart, they have
been for the colored man. I have owned
slaves and bought slaves, but I never
sold one. I might say, however, that
practically, so farasmy connection with
slaves has gone, I have been their slave
instead of their being mine. Some have
even followed me here, whileothers are
occupying aud enjoying my property
with my consent. For thecolored race,
my means, my time, my all have been
perilled, and now, at this late day, after
giving evidence that is tangible, that is
practical, I am free to say to you that I
do no. like to be arraigned by some who
can get up handsomely rounded periods
and deal in rhetorical talk about ab
stract ideas of liberty, who never per
illed life, liberty or property. This kind
oftheoretical, hollow, unpractical friend
ship amounts to but very little. While
I say that I am a friend of the colored
man, L do not want to adopt a policy
that I believe will end in a contest be
tween the Y-aces, which, if persisted in,
will result in the extermination of one
or the other. God forbid that I should
be engaged in such a work.
Now, it is best to talk practically and
in a common sense way. Yes,T have
said, and I repeat here, that if the col
ored man intne United States could find
no other Moses, or any Moees that would
be more able and efficient than myself,
I would be his Moses to lead him from
bondage to freedom ; that I would pass
him from a land where he had lived in
slavery to a land, if it were in ourreach,
of freedom. Yes, I would be willing to
pass with him through the Red Sea and
the Land of Promise to the Land of
Liberty. But I am not willing, under
either circumstance, to adopt a pol
icy which 1 believe will only result in
the sacrifice of his life and the shedding
of his blood. I think I know what I
say. I feel what I say, and I feel well
assured that if the polfoy'urged by some
be persisted in, it ‘will result in great in
ju*yto the white/ as well as the colored
man. There is a great deal of talk about
the sward in one-band accomplishing an
end, and the ballot accomplishing an
other at the ballot-box. These things
all do very well, and sometimes have
forcible application.
We talk about justice; we talk about
right; we say that the white man has
been in the wrong in keeping the black
man in slavery as long as be has. That
is all true. Again, we talk about the
Declaration of Independence and equal
ity before the law. You understand all
that and know how to appreciate it.—
But, now, let us look each other in the
face; let us go to the great mass of color
ed people throughout the slave States;
let us take the condition in which they
are at the present time—and it is bad
enough we all know—and suppose you
could say to every one, you shall vote
to-morrow. How much woulditameli
orate their condition at this time? Xow
let us get closer up to this subject, and
talk about it. What relations have the
colored man and the white man occu
pied iu the South heretofore? I opposed
slavery upon two grounds : First, it was
a great monopoly, enabling those who
controlled and owned it, to constitute
an aristocracy, enabling the few to de
rive great profitsand rule the many with
an iron rod, as it were. And that is one
great objection to it iu a Government,
its being a monopoly. I was opposed to
it, secondly, upon the abstract principle
of slavery. Hence, in getting clear of
a mouoply we are getting clear of
slavery at the same lime. So you see
there were two right ends accomplished
in the accomplishment of the oue.
Mr. Douglass—Mr. President, do you
wish—
The President—l am not quite through
yet. Slavery has been abolished. A
great national guaranty "has been given
—one that cannot be revoked. I was
getting at the relution that subsisted be
tween the white man and the colured
man ; a very small proportion of white
meu, compared with the whole number
of such, owned the colored people of the
South.
I might instance the State ofTennes
see iu illustration. There weretwenty
seven non slaveholders to one slave
holder, and yet the slave power control
led that Slate. Let us talk about this
matter as it is. Although the colored
man was in slavery there, and owned as
property, in the sense and in the lan
guage of that locality aud of that com
munity, yet in comparing bis condition
and his position there with the non
slaveholder, he usually estimated his
importance just in proportion to the
number of slaves that his masterowned
with the non-slaveholder. Have you
ever lived upon a plantation ?
Mr. Douglass—l have, your Excel
lency.
The President—When you would look
over and see a man who had a large
family, struggling hard upon a poorer
piece of land, you thought a great deal
les9 of him than you did of your own
master.
Mr. Douglass—Not I
The President—Well, I know such
was the case with a large majority of
you in those sections. Where such is
the case we know there is an enmity,
we know there is a hate. The poor
white man, on the other band, was op
posed to the slave and his master, for
the colored man and his roaster com
bined kept him iu slavery by depriving
him of a fair participation in the labor
and productions of the rich land of the
country. Don’t you know thatacolored
man is going to hunt a master, as they
call it? For the next year they will
prefer living with a man who owned
slaves rather than with'one who did
not. I know the fact at al! events.
Mr. Douglass—Because they treated
him better.
The President—They did not consider
it quite as respectable to hire to a man
who did notown negroes as to hire to
one who did.
Mr. Douglass—Because he would not
be treated as well.
The President —Then that is another
argument in favor of what I am going
to say. It shows that the colored man
appreciated the9lave holder morehighly
than he did the.nian who did not own
slaves, hence the enmity between the
colored mau and the non-slave holders.
The white man was permitted to vote
before the Government was derived
from him. He is a part and parcel of
the political machinery now, by rebel
lion or revolution, and when you come
back to the objects of this war, you rtud
that the abolition of slavery was Dot one
of the objects. Congress and the Presi
dent himself declared that it waswaged
on our part in orderto suppress the rebel
lion. The abolition ofsla very lias come as
an incident to the suppression of a great
rebellion. As an incident,and as an ac
cident, we should give it the proper di
rection. The colored man went into
this war a slave; by the operation of the
rebellion he came out a freedmau—
equal to a freedmau in any other por
tion of tlie country. There, then, is a
great deal done for him on this point.
The non-slaveholder, who was forced
into the rebellion, and was us loyal as
those who lived beyond the limits of
the State, was carried into'it, and his
property, and in a number of instances,
the lives of such weresaerificed, ami he
who has survived has come out of it
with nothing gained but a great deal
lost. ‘Now, upon a principle of justice,
should they be placed in a condition
different from what they were before?
On the one hand, one has gained a great
deal; on the other hand, one has lost a
great deal, aud in a political point of
view,scarcelyBtauds where lie did before.
Now we are talking about what we are
going to argue. We have got at the
hate that existed between the two races.
The query comes up, whether these two
races, situated as they were before, with
out time for passion ami excitement to
be appeased, and without time for the
slightest improvement, whether the one
should be turned loose upon the other,
and be thrown together at tin* ballot-box
with this enmity aud hate existing be
tween them? The query comes
up, will we not then commence a
war of races? I think 1 under
stand this thing. Especially is this the
case when you force it upon the people
without their consent. You have spoken
about government. Where is power
derived from? We say it is derived
from the people. Let us take it so, and
refer to the District of Columbia by
way of illustration. Suppose, for in
stance, then, in this political communi
ty, which, to acertain extent, must have
government, must have law—puttiDg
it now upon the broadest basis ybu can
put it —take into consideration the re
lation in which the white race has here
tofore borne to the colored race, is it
proper to enforce upon this community,
without their consent, the elective fran
chise without regard to color, making
it universal? Now, when do you be
gin? Government musthave acontrol
ling power, musthave a lodgment. For
instance, suppose Congress should pass
a law authorizing an election to be had
at which all over tweuty-one years of
age, without regard to color, should he
allowed to vote, aud a majority Bhould
decide at such election thatthe elective
franchise should not be universal, what
would you do about it? Do you deny
that first great principle of the right of
the people to govern themselves? Will
you resort to an arbitrary power, and
say a majority of this peoplesnail receive
a state of things they are opposed to ?
Mr. Douglass—That was before the
war.
The President—l am now talking
about a principle, not what somebody
else said.
Mr. Downing—Apply what you have
said, Mr. President, to South Carolina,
for instance.
The President—Suppose you go to
South Carolina, suppose you go to Ohio,
that dosen't change the principle at all.
The query to which I have referred still
comes up, when Government isiunder
going a fundamental change. Govern
ment commenced upon this principle.
It has existed upon it, and you propose
now to incorporate into it an element
that did not exist before. I say, the
query comes up, in undertaking this
theory, whether we have a right to make
a Change in regard to the elective fran
chise in Ohio, for instance ? Whether
i wdshail not let the people In that State
decide, the matter for themselves ?
Each community is better prepared
NUMBER 6,
to determine the depository ofitspoliti
ical power than anybody else, ana it is
for the Legislature, for the people of
Ohio to say who shall vote and not for'
the Congress of the United States. I
might go down here to the ballot-box
to-morrow to vote directly for universal
suffrage, but if a great majority of this
people said no, I should consider it
would be tyrannical and arbitrary ,in
me to attempt to force it upon them
without their will. It is a fundamen
tal text in my creed that the will of the
people must be obeyed when fairly ex
pressed. Is there anything wrong or
unfair in that ?
Mr. Douglass—smiling—a great deal
of wrong, Mr. President, with all re
spect.
The President—lt is the people of the
States that must, for themselves, deter
mine this question. I do not want to
be engaged in a work that will com
mence a war of races. I want to. begin
the work of preparation. If a man de
means himself and shows evidence that
this new state of things will operate, he
will be protected in all his rights and
given every possible advantage by the
community ; when they become recon
ciled socially and politically to certain
things, then will this new order of af
fairs work harmoniously ; but forced
upon the people before they are prepar
ed for it it will be resisted and work in
harmonionsly. I feel, too, a con
viction that forcing this matter upon
the people, upon the community, will
result in the injury of both races, and
the ruin of one or the other. God
knows I have no desire but the good
of the whole human race. I would
it were so that all you advocate could
be done in the twinkling of an eye, but
it is not in the uature of things and I
do not assume or pretend to be wiser
than Providence; or stronger-than the
laws of nature. Let us now seek to dis
cover the law governing this question.
There is a great law controlling it; let
us endeavor tofind outwhatthat law is,
and conform our action to it; all the
details will then properly adjust them
selves and work out well in the ,end.—
God knows that anything I can do, I
will do in the mighty process by which
the great end is to be reached. Any
thing I can do to elevate the races, to
soften or ameliorate their condition, I
will do, and to be able to do so is the
sincere desire of my heart. lam glad
to have met you, and thank you for the
compliment you have paid me.
Mr. Douglass—l have to return you
our thanks, Mr. President, for so kindly
granting this interview. We did not
come here expecting to argue this ques
tion with your Excellleney, but simply
to state what were our views and wishes
in the premises. "-.lf we were disposed
to argue the question, and you would
grant us premission, of course wewould
endeavor to controvert some of the
positions you have assumed.
Mr. Downing—Mr. Douglass, I take
it that the President, by his kind ex
pressions and his very full treatment of
the subject, must have coutebiplated
some reply to the views which he has
advanced, and in which we certainly
do not concur, and I say this with due
respect.
The President —I thoughtyou expect
ed me to indicate, to some extent, what
my views were on the subjects touched
upon in your statement.
Mr. Downing—We are very happy,
indeed, to have heaid them.
Mr. Douglass—lf the President will
allow me, I would like to say ouqpr two
words in reply.
The President—All I have done Is
simply to indicate what my views are,
as I suppose you expected me todttfrom
your address. ' /
Mr. Douglass—My own impression is
that the very thingthatyourExcellency
would avoid in the Southern States can
only "be avoided by the very measure
that we propose, aud I would state to
my brother delegates that because I per
ceive the President has taken strong
ground in favor of a given policy, and,
distrusting my own ability to remove
any of those impressions which he has
expressed, J thought we had better end
the interview with the expression of
thauKs. [Addressing the President]
but, if your Excellency will be pleased
to hear, I would like to say a word or
two in regard to that one matter of the
enfranchisement of the blacks, as a
means of preventing the very thing
which your Excellency seems to appre
hend—that is, a condicbof races.
The Presidentr—l repeat, I merely
wanted to indicate my viewain reply to
your address, and not to enter into any
general controversy, as I could not well
do so under the circumstances. Your
statement was a very frank one, and I
thought it was due to you to meet it in
the same spirit.
Mr. Downing—Thank you, sir.
The President—l think you will find,
so far as the South is concerned, that if
you will all inculcate there the idea in
connection with the one you urge, that
the colored people can live and advance
in civilization to better advantage else
where than crowded together in the
South, it would be better for theni.
Mr. Douglass—But the masters have
the making of the laws, and we cannot
get away from the plantations.
The President —What prevents you?
Mr. Douglass—We have not the sim
ple right of locomotion through the
Southern States now.
The President—lf the master now
controls him or his action, would he not
control him in his vote ?
Mr. Douglass—Let the negro once un
derstand that he has an organic right
to vote, and he will raise up a party in
the Southern States among the poor
who will rally with him. There is this
conflict that you speak of between the
wealthy slaveholder and the poor man.
The President —You touch right upon
the point there. There is this conflict,
and hence I suggest emigration. If he
cannot get employment in the South,
he has it iD his power to go where he
can get it.
In parting, the President stated that
they were both desirous of accomplish
ing the same end, but proposed to do so
by following different routes.
Mr. Douglass, on turning to leave, re
marked to his fellow-delegates: The
President sends us to the people, and we
will have to go and and get the people
right.
The President—Yes, sir ; I have great
faith in the people. I believe they will
do what is just, and have no doubt they
will settle this question right, and hope
that it will be submitted to them for full
action.
The delegates then bowed and with
drew
The Loyally of the .Negroes.
The Louisville Journal which ought
to be well posted says:
The flagrant falsehood, so generally
acted upon by the radicals in Congress,
that the negroes were all “ loyal” in the
war, has given to demagogues a strong
weapon before the ignorant masses of
North. We kept pretty well posted as
to currenteventsjwhile the war progress
ed, but we* remember no victory won
nor battle fought by negroes. The suc
cess of our arms was the result of the
skill and courage of the white officers
aud soldiers. Sherman, we believe, had
not a single black soldier with him;
Thomas had only one or two legiments
in thebattlein froutof Nashville ; Sher
idan had «no negro troops, and Grant
none to aid him materially. On the
other hand, it has been Baid that every
officer of the rebel armies had a negro
servant with him ; and of the four mil
lion slaves in the South, not one-tenth
sought the Federal lines, and, during
the war, they were more than usually
faithful to the wives and children of
their masters, most of whom were in
the rebel armies. We know that these
statements are in conflict with the cur
rent assertions among the Radicals, and
will be considered by them as a mon
strous libel upon the character of the
“ loyal blacks,” but they are true, nev
ertheless.
—None of us are either so much praised
or so much censured as we think; and
most men would be thoroughly cured of
vanity if they would only rehearse their
own funeral, and walk abroad Incognito
after their supposed burial.
tgoare of ten lines; ten per cent, lncreaeefor
flMtunuof ftTW;
Rm. Smn, person ALPRor*BTY,and Gre
read Advebtibino, 7 cents a Hue for the
lint, end 4 cents for each snbseauent inner
wtlon,
Patent lunicnns and other saver's by the
column r
One column, 1 year................ _.. M $lOO
Half column, 1 ..... 80
Third column, 1 year, 40
Quarter column 80
BtrsiKxss Carls, of ten lines or less,
one ,jo
yesr oBB Car^a » flve Unesor less, one
Legal and other Notices—”* *******’*”**
Execntors’ notices...
Administrators’ notices”.
Assignees’ notices,
Auditors’ notices .’
Other '* Notices, * ten liaes, or less,
three time 5.........
Keplj of tbe Negro Delegation to tbe
President.
The following is the published reply
of the negro delegation to the Presi
dent after they had their interview with
him on Wednesday;
Mji* President: In consideration of
a delicate sense of propriety, os well as
your own repeated intimations of indis
position to discuss orto listen to a reply
to the views and opinions you tvere
pleased to express to us in your elabo
rate speech to-day, the undersigned
would respectfully take this method of
replying thereto.
Believing as we do that the views
and opinions you expressed in that ad
dress are entirely unsound, and preju
dicial totbehighest iuterestsof our race,
as well as our country at large, we can
not do other than expose thesame.and,
as far as may be in our power arrest
their daugerous influence. It i 9 not
necessary, at the present time, to call
attention to more than two or three fea
tures of your remarkable address. ,
The first point to which we feel espe
cially bouud to take exception is your
attempt to found a policy opposed to
our enfranchisement upon the alleged
ground of an existing hostility on the
part of the former slaves towards the
poor white people of the South. \
We admit the existence of this hostil
ity, and hold that it is entirely recipro
cal; but you obviously commit an error
by drawing an argument from an inci
dent of a state of slavery and making it
a basis for a policy adapted to a state of
freedom.
The hostility between the whites and
blacks of the South is easily explained.
It has its root and sap in the relation of
slavery, and Was excited on both sides
by the cunning of the slave masters. —
These masters secured their ascendancy
over both thepoor whitesand the blacks
by putting enmity between them. They
divided both to conquer each. There
was no earthly reason why the blacks
should not hate and dread the poor
whites when in a state of slavery, for it
wjis from this class their masters re
ceived theirslave-catchers, slave drivers
and overseers. They were the men calU
ed on upon all occasions by the masters
when any fiendish outrage was to be
committed upon the slave.
Now, sir, youcauuotbut perceive that
the cause of this hatred removed, the
effect must be removed also. Slavery
is abolished. The cause of antagonism
is removed, and you must see that it is
altogether illogical, and putting new
wine into old bottles, mending new gar
ments with old cloth, to legislate from
slaveholding aud slavedriviug premises
for a people whom you have repeatedly
declared your purpose to maintain in
freedom.
Besides, even if it were true, as you
allege, that the hostility of the blacks
toward the poor whrtes must necessarily
project itself into a state of freedom, in
the name of Heaven wo revereutiy ask
how can you, in view of your professed
desire to promote the welfare of the
black man, deprive him of all means of
defense, aud clothe him who you regard
as his enemy in the panoply of political
power? Can it be that you would re
commend a policy which would arm
the strong and cast dowu the defense
less? Can you by any possibility of rea
soning regard this as just, fair or wise?
Experiencejproves that those are often
est abused who can be abused with the
greatest impunity. Men are whipped
oftenest whoare whipped easiest. Peace
between the races is not to be secured
by degrading one race and exalting an
other, by giving power to one race and
withholding it from another, but by
maintaining a state of equal justice be
tween all classes, first pure and then
peaceable.
On the colonization question you were
pleased to broach, very much could be
said. It is impossible to suppose, in
view of the usefulness of the black man
in time of peace as a laborer in the
South, and in time of war as a soldier
at the North, aud the growing respect
for his rights among the people, and his
increasing adaptation to a high f*tate of
civilization in this, his native land,
there can ever come a time when he
can be removed from thiscountry with
out a terrible shock to its prosperity
and peace.
• Besides, the worst enemy of the nation
could not cast upon its fair name a greater
infamy than tosuppose that the negroes
could not be tolerated among them in a
state of the most degrading slavery and
oppression, and must be cast aw r ay and
driven into exile, for no other cause than
having been freed from the chains of
slavery.
[Signed,] George T. Downing,
John Jones,
Wm. Whipper,
Fred. Douglass,
Lewis H. Douglass,
uud Others.
Washington, Feb. 7, 18G0.
Fresh Eggs In Winter.
During no season has the writer felt
better repaid for the troubleandexpense
of keeping poultry, than during the last.
His stock of hens numbers about a
dozen, mostly a cross between Chitta
gong and Dorking, with a slight infu
sion of the Bolton Gray, and all but four
hatched in April last. From this source
his larder has been supplied with two
dozen eggs, on an average, through the
coldest weeks of the winter, while they
were commanding in the market five
cents a piece. In return for this outlay
of the biddies, they have been satisfied
with an outlay of their owner of about
one quart and a half of shelled corn
daily, washed down with a dish of our
milk, with occasionally crumbs from
the master's table. They have been,
moreover, confined in a snug hen house,
well lighted by one large window on the
south side, and provided with a box of
air-slacked lime for them to pick materi
als from for their eggshells another box
of gravel, and another of wood ashes,
for them to wallow iu at pleasure. Now
and then a bone has been thrown in for
them to pick, and a chunk of refuse
meat, besides all the eggshells from the
kitchen. The time spent in their service
has averaged fifteen minutes daily. Be
sides the fresh eggs, their other drop
pings have already amounted to two
barrels of manure, equivalent to guano,
with an unfailing supply in prospect.
Their average weekly bill of expense
has certainl v not exceeded eighty-seven
cents, and their payment in eggs alone
have been worth at least $1.25 per week,
and often more. The writer takes par
ticular satisfaction in publishing these
facts, because there never wasva winter
in which fresh eggs weremore^iluxury,
and to confute the too prevalent notions
that hens are not worth caring for du
ring the season when they ' certainly
will not lay without proper care.—Or.
New England Farmer.
Just, think of prosaic Connecticut
originating in our day such a romance
as the following:
Norwalk is exercised about body
snatchers, who, on Sunday night last,
dug up the body of a young lady who
had been buried that afternoon, and suc
ceeded beyond their anticipations. She
had been buried while in a cataleptic fit,
and, upon being exposed to the night
air, animation was restored. The resur
rectionists fled, and she walked home.
Her parents refused to admit her, be
lieving her to be aghost. Shethenwent
to the house of a young man to whom
she was engaged. • He took her in, and
on Monday morning they were mar
ried.
The Secretary of the Treasury con
templates having the waste notes and
securities, that are now destroyed by
burning, converted into pulp for paper
stock. The quantity destroyed in the
last fiscal year was about thirty tons,
and in the present year it is estimated
that this sort of waste will amount to as
forty tons. It has been sug
gested that out of that stock, which
would have to be reduced to pulp in the
Treasury, paper,and envelopes could.he
manufactured for Government use. The
value of envelopes now required in the
Treasury, is about ten thousand dollars
per year.
2.00
2.00
.. 2.00
1.20