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Xitcrarm.
A. Wonderful Dream.
Everybody has heard wonderful stories
of dreams that came true, resulting in
marvelous discoveries of wealth, revela
tions of crime, and mysterious informa
tion of various sorts.. Skeptical people
are at liberty to believe of course, what
they please, but it came to us well au
thenticated, and the finale is, we think,
quite original. Thedreamer was a gen
tleman residing in one of a row of houses
in a street - in a neighboring city. To
mention names might be unpleasant.
He dreamed one night that he had dis
covered at his house a hidden closet,
which was stored with silver and other
valuable articles, sufficient to set him
up in the world as a man of wealth. In
the morning he told his wife, who, like
a sensible woman, asked him what he
had eaten before he went to bed, and
warned him of the ill-effects of latesup
pers.
The same night he went to bed as
usual, when 10l the same dream W 11.5 re
peated. To doubt any longer would be
to fly in the face of fortune that was
opening the portals of wealth to the
dreamer. He resolved upon an explo
ration. Modern built houses, put up in
rows for speculation, to sell or rent, do
not presentany architectural intricacies
where a closet might be stowed away
unperceived ; the lin t re rectangular,
and every inch of is'
saved. The
hidden closet with %‘ easure must
be somewhere in the walls. With a
hammer the dreamer went about the
house, sounding the walls, for indica
tions of the concealed receptacle. At
last his search was rewarded. A blow
struck on the wall brought forth a me•
talic jingle in response. He struck
again, and the same musical echo came
forth. Bewildering visions of wealth
arose before the delighted searcher. He
called his wife to behold the realization
of his dream.
Two or three vigorous blows brought
down the plaster from the wall, broke
through the lath, and revealed an aper
ture, through which Mr. thrust his
hand, brought forth a handful of spoons
and forks. Mrs. now suggested that
they better proceed cautiously, and
keep their good fortune quiet. The hole
in the wall was covered up and the
happy couple retired to discuss their
fortune. In a few minutes they were
startled by a violent ring at the front
door bell. Mr. responded to the
summons, and found his next door
neighbor, in a state of intense excite
ment.
" Are you the proprietor of this
house ?" asked the visitor.
" I am," said Mr. —.
"Then, sir, allow me to tell you that
there is a robber in your house, who has
been committing burglary ou my prem
ises, by breaking through your wall into
my silver ware."
Mr, 's countenance underwent
an extraordinary change of expression
as the truth flashed upon him. He
rushed up stairs to take a closer inspec
tion of his secret closet, when the true
state of the case was soon disclosed.
The houses were separated by a partition
AV all, and ➢ir.
dream, by breaking into his neighbor's
premises, and " struck silver" in the
store room next door. A full explana
tion had to be made to satisfy the injured
neighbor. The spoons were restored,
the wall repaired,and thestrictest secrecy
enjoined and promised, but the joke was
too good to keep, and we publish it as a
caution to people addicted to dreaming.
An Amusing Mistake
Count d' Artoise wore very tight leath
er breeches. He had ordered his tailor
to attend on him one morning, when
his grand-daughter, who resided with
him, had also ordered her shoemaker to
wait upon her. The young lady was
seated in the breakfast room when the
maker of leather breeches was shown
in ; and as she did not happen to know
one handicraftsman from another, she
at once intimated that she wished him
to - measure her for a pair of " leathers,"
for, as she remarked, the wet weather
wascoming, and she felt cold in "cloth."
The modest tailor could hardly believe
his ears.
"Measure you, miss!" said he, with
hesitation.
" If you please," said the young lady,
who Was remarkable for much gravity
of =deportment: "and I have only to
beg that you will give me plenty of
room, for I am a great walker, and I do
not like to wear any thing that constrains
me."
"But, miss," exclaimed the poor fel
low in much perplexity, " I never in
my life measured a lady ;—"
And here he paused.
"Are you not a ladies' shoemaker ?"
was the query camly put to him.
" By no means, miss," said he ; " I
am a leather breeches maker, and I have
come to take the measure, not of you,
but Mr. Gilbert."
The young lady became perplexed
too, but she recovered her self-possession
after a gaud common sense laugh, and
sent the maker of breeches to her grand
papa.
The Deer Chase
Deer swim with great strength and
buoyancy, and when hard pressed gen
erally make for water, or as it is tech
nically termed, "soil." To determine
the best direction in which to make
casts for recovering the scent when lost
at water, demands the greatest perfec
tion of the huntsman's skill.
Occasionally deer have been known
to take to the sea. A stag leaped over a
cliff near Corscombe, a height of some
three hundred and sixty feet, and was of
course dashed to pieces, as were two or
three of the hounds that followed him.
On another occasion an old stag when
hard pressed took to the Bristol channel.
and swam boldly out to sea. He was
observed from a small vessel, and a boat
was sent after him. With much trouble
he was secured, hoisted on board, and
eventually taken to Cardiff, and sold.
In some cases, where a boat has_ been
found at hand, the huntsmen hay. - fol
lowed, and secured the animals when
exhausted by long struggling with the
waves, by means of ropes thrown over
the horns.
The speed of the red deer is very great,
although the animals never appear to
hurry ; it is said to equal that of the
hare.
An instance of the ruling passion
Strong in death is thus related of old
Cook, who was known as a miser, and
had amassed a large fortune. On his
death bed, when the last gasp was ap
proaching, a tallow candle was burning
'upon the stand, and a flickering flame
in the fireplace. He watched the candle,
then the fire. Suddenly he called his
son, saying,—
" Woodbury, come here."
The son approached his bedside, when
the °it:Lai:ma whispered out—
" Wookbury, -blow out that candle ;
most aa•doar as butter.'.
VOLUME 66.
The Last Place
Rev. Thomas Whittemore, D. D., late
ly extensively known through the coun
try as publisher of the " Trumpet," a
prominent Universalist journal, was a
wit, as well as a theologian of no little
celebrity. He loved to give and take a_
good joke as well as heloved a good din
ner, which is saying agreat deal ofhim.
Besides his almdst Herculean labors, as
preacher, and publisher, and editor, his
great business talent made him Presi
dent of the Fitchburg Railroad Com
pany. But, whatever else he did or
was, his belief in universal salvation,
while living and when dying, was
strong and prominent.
Well, soon after he was made presi
dent of the railroad aforesaid, in order
to post himself in all particulars for a
thorough discharge of his duty, he con
cluded to walk the length of the road—
about forty miles—incog, that, while
unknown to the workmen on the road,
he might personally judgeof their faith
fulness. At length, meeting an em
ployee upon the road from " sweet Erin
the jewel of the say," who was very
roughly handling some boards sent for
transportation, much to their injury,
the president accosted him mildly, say
ing :
" My good friend, are you not hand
ling those boards too roughly?"
" Bedad," responded Pat, " and if I
be what's all that to the like of yees?"
"Oh no matter what it is to me" re
plied the president. " You should do
your work carefully."
" Oh, begone ye botheration !" said
Pat, " and Lave me to me own wurruk."
" No," insisted the president. " You
must do your work properly."
" Divil a bit do I care for yees!" re
turned Pat, growing irate at the persist
ence of the stranger. " You go to hell!"
"Oh no," said the doctor; "that is
the very last place I should think of go
ing to."
"Troth," said Pat "an' it will be the
very last place ye will go to, intirely."
lie Waded
It waselection day, and Grimes having
assisted on the occasion by the deposit
of his vote and the absorption of about
as much old rye as he could walk under
started with two of his neighbors, who
were in the same state of elevation, to
make their way down to their homes.
They had to cross Brandywine Creek,
by a foot-bridge constructed of a single
log thrown across, and hewn flat on the
upper side, but without any hand rail to
aid in the transit.
There would have been no difficulty
with a clear head and steady legs in
crossing ; but with our party it was felt
not to be devoid of difficulties "under
existing circumstances."
However, the Creek must be crossed.
Grimes' two friends took the lead, and
with much swinginc , of arms and con
tortion of body reached the fartherside.
It was now Grimes' turn to face the
music, and making a bold start he
succeeded in getting about one third of
the way over, when a loud splash an
nounced to his friends that he was over
board. Emerging from the water, it
being about to his breast, he quietly
said, as if this course was the result of
mature deliberation, "I guess I'll
wade!"
The Work of Restoration Going on
Smoothly.
Important Message from the President
President Johnson, in compliance
with a request from the Senate, asking
him to furnish them with information
as to the progress of the work of restora
tion, yesterday sent in the following
message, which will prove eminently
satisfactory to the country, however
the radical majority of that body may
regard it•
To the Senate of the United States:
In reply to the resolution adopted by
the Senate on the 12th, I have the
lihnor to state that the rebellion waged
by a portion of the people against the
properly constituted authorities of the
Government of the United States has
been suppressed ; that the United States
are in possession of every State in
which the insurrection existed, and that
as far as could be done, the courts of the
United States have been restored, post
offices re-established, and steps taken
to put into effective operation the reve
nue laws of tile country.
As the result of the measures institu
ted by the Executive with the view of
inducing a resumption of the functions
of the State, comprehended in the in
quiry of the Senate; the people in
North Carolina, South Carolina, Geor-,,,
gia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Arkansas and Tennessee, have recog
nized their respective State govern
ments, and are yielding obedience to the
laws and Government of the United
States with more willingness and great
er promptitude than under the circum
stances could reasonably have been an
ticipated. The proposed amendment to
the Constitution providing for the abo
lition of slavery forever within the lim
its of the country has been ratified by
each one of those States, with the ex
ception of Mississippi, from which no
official information has been received ;
and in nearly all of them measures have
been adopted, or are now pending, to
confer upon freedmen the privileges
which are essential to their comfort,
protection and security.
In Florida and Texas the people are
making commendable progress in restor
ing their State goverments, and no doubt
is entertained that they will at an early
period be in a condition to resume all of
their practical relations with the Federal
Government. In that portion of the
Union lately in rebellion the aspect of
affairs is more promising than, in view
of all the circumstances, could well have
been expected. The people throughout
the entire South evince an audible de
sire to renew their allegiance to the
government, and to repair the devasta
tions of war by a prompt and cheerful
return to peaceful pursuits. An abiding
faith is entertained that their actions
will conform to their professions, and
that in acknowledging the supremacy
of the Constitution and the laws of the
United States, their loyalty will be un
reservedly given to the government
whose leniency they cannot fail to ap
preciate, and whose fostering care will
soon restore them to a condition of pros
perity. It isrtrue that in some of the
States the demoralizing effects of the
war are to be seen in occasional disorders,
but these are local in character, not fre
quent in occurrence, and are rapidly
disappearing as the authority of civil
government is extended and sustained.
Perplexing questions were naturally
to be expected from the great and sud
den change in the relations between the
two races, but systems are gradually de
veloping themselves under which the
freedmen will receive the protection to
which he is justly entitled, and by
means of his labor make himself a use
ful and independent member of the com
munity in which he has his home.
From all the information in my pos
session, and from that which I have re
cently derived from the most reliable
authority, I am induced to cherish the
belief that sectional animosity is surely
and rapidly merging itself into a spirit
of nationality, and that representation,
connected with a properly adjusted sys
tem of taxation, will result in a harmo
nious restoration of the relations of the
States to the national Union.
The report of Carl Sohurz is herewith
transmitted, as requested by the Senate.
No reports from the Hon. John Covode
have been received by the President.
The attention of the Senate is invited
to the accompanying report of Lieu
tenant General Gran', who recently
mr de a tour of inspect o a through sev
en.' of the States a h >se inhabitants
participated in the rebellion
(Signed) . AIiVREW JOEMON.
Washington, Deo: 1885.
pigallautouo.
Report of Lieutenant-General Grant.
ti'DQ'S ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,
WeaurNarox, Dec. 18, 1861.
His-Excellency Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States:
SIR: In reply to your note of the 16th
inst., requesting a report from me, giv
ing such information as I may be pos
sessed of coming within the scope of the
inquiries made by the Senate of the
United States in their resolution of the
12th inst., I have the honor to submit
the following, with your approval, and
also that of the Hon. Secretary of War.
I left Washington City on the 27th of
last mouth for the purpose of making a
tour of inspection through some of the
Southern States or States lately in rebel
lion, and to see what changes were ne
cessary to be made in the disposition of
the military forces of the country ; how
these forces could be reduced and ex
penses curtailed, etc., and to learn as tar
as possible the feelings and intentions
of the citizens of those States towards
the General Government.
The State of Virginia being so acces
sible to Washington city, and informa
tion from this quarter, therefore, being
readily obtained, I hastened through
the State, without conversing or meet
ing with any of its citizens. In Raleigh,
N. C., I spent one day ; in Charleston,
S. C., two days; Savannah and Augusta,
Georgia, each one day. Both in travel
ing and stopping I saw much, and con
versed freely with the citizens of those
States, as well as with officers of the
army who have been stationed among
them.
The following are the conclusions
come to by rue : lam satisfied that the
mass of thinking men of the South ac
cept the present situation of affairs in
good faith. The questions which have
heretofore divided the sentiments of the
people of the two sections—slavery and
State rights—or the right of a State to
secede from the Union, they regard as
having been settled forever by the high
er tribunal, arms, that man can resort
to. I was pleased to learn from the
leading men whom I met, that they not
only accepted the decision arrived at as
final, but now that the smoke of battle
has cleared away and time has been giv
en for reflection, this decision has been
a fortunate one for the whole country,
they receiving the like benefits from it
with those who opposed them in the
field and in the council.
Four years of war, during which the
law was executed only at the point of
the bayonet throughout the States in
rebellion, have left the people possibly
in a condition not to yield that ready
obedience to civil authority the Ameri
can people have generally been in the
habit of yielding. This would render
the presence of small garrisons through
out those States necessary until such
time as labor returns to its proper chan
nel, and civil authority is fully estab
lished. I did not meet any one, either
those holding places Kider the govern
ment, or citizens of the Southern States
who think it practicable to withdraw
the military from the South at present.
The white and black mutually require
the protection of the General Govern
ment. There is such universal acqui
esence in the authority of the General
Government throughout the portion of
the country visited by me, that the
mere presence of a military force with-
out regard to numbers is sufficient to
maintain the order.
The good of the country, and economy,
require the force kept in the interior
where there are many freedmen. Else
where in the Southern States than at
forts upon the sea-coast no force is ne
cessary. They should be all white
troops. The reasons for this are obvi
ous, without mentioning many of them.
The presence of black troops, lately
slaves, demoralizes labor both by their
advice and furnishing in their camps a
resort for the freedmen for long dis
tances around. White troops generally
excite no opposition, and, therefore, a
small number of them can maintain
order in a given district. Colored troops
must be kept in bodies sufficient to de
fend themselves. It is not the think
ing portion who would use violence to
wards any class of troops sent among
them by the General Government, but
the ignorant in some places might, and
the late slave seems to be imbued with
with the idea that the property of his
late master should by right belong to
him ; at least should have no protection
from the colored soldier. There is dan
ger of collision being brought on by
such causes.
My observations lead me to the con
clusion that the citizens of the Southern
States are anxious to return to self-gov
ernment within the Union as soon as
possible. That whilst reconstructing
they want and require the protection
from the government that they think is
required by the government not humil
iating to them as citizens, and that if
such a course was pointed out they
would pursue it in good faith. It is to
be regretted that there cannot be a
greater commingling at this time be
tween the citizens of the two sections,
and particularly of those entrusted with
the law-making power.
I did not give the operations of the
Freedmen's Bureau that attention I
would have done if more time had been
at my disposal. Conversations on the
subject, however, with officers connect
ed with the bureau, led me to think
that in some of the States its attkirs
have not been conducted with good
judgment or economy, and that the be
lief widely spread among the freedmen
of the Southern States, that the lands
of their former owner will, at least in
part, be divided among them, has come
from among the agents of this bureau.
This belief is seriously interfering with
the willingness of the freedmen to make
contracts for the coming year.
In some form theFreedmen's Bureau
is an absolute necessity until civil law
is established and enforced, securing to
the freed men their rights and full protec•
tion. At present, however, it is inde
pendent of the military establishment
of the country, and seems to be operated
by the different agents of the bureau ac.
cording to their individual notions.—
Everywhere General Howard, the able
head of the bureau, made friends by the
just and fair instructions and advice he
gave ; but the complaint in South Caro
lina was, that when he left, things went
on as before. _Many, perhaps the ma
jority, of the agents of the Freedmen's
Bureau advises the freedmen that by
their own industry they must expect to
live. To this end they endeavor to se
cure employment for them, and see that
both contracting parties comply with
their engagements. In some instances,
I am sorry to say, the freedman's mind
does not seem to be disabused of the idea
that the freedman has a right to live
without care or provision for the future.
The effect of the belief in the division
of lands is idleness and accumulation in
camps, towns and cities. In such cases
I think it will be found that vice and
disease will tend to the extermination
or great reduction of the colored race.
It cannot be expected that the opinions
held by men at the South for years can
be changed in a day, and therefore the
freedmen require for a few years not on
ly Jaws toprotect them, but the foster
ing care of those who will give them
good council, and on whom they rely.
The Freedmen's Bureau, being separa
ted from the military establishment pf
the country, requires all the expense of
a separate organization. One does not
necessarily know what the other is do
ing, or what order they are acting un
der.
It seems to me this could be corrected
by regarding every officer on duty with
troops in the Southern States as agents
of the Freedmen's Bureau, and then
have all orders from the head of the bu
reau sent through Department Com
manders. This would create a respon
sibility that would secure uniformity of
action throughout the South, would
ensure the orders and instructions from
the head of the bureau being carried out,
and would relieve from duty and pay a
large number of employees of the gov
ment. I have the honor to be, very re
spectfully, your obedient servant,
U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. •
Tan funeral of Hon. Thos.• Corwin
toot place in Wasbington yesterday.
LANCASTER, PA., N,T)NESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 27, 1865.
The Great Cavalry Chief of the South.
His Peculiarities of Charaeter--Blogra-
Pby of Gen. J. E. B. Stuart.
A correspondent of the New York
_Yews, and evidently a strong admirer
of the Prince Rupert of the Confederafr..
army, furnishes a long biographiuM
sketch of this bold trooper, from which
we make some extracts of interest:
One of the marked traitsof this preux
chevalier was his indifference to danger,
which impressed every one. It would
be difficult to imagine a coolness more
supreme. It was not that he seemed to
defy peril—he appeared unconscious of
it. At the battle of Oxhill, in Septem
ber, 1862, he advanced a piece of artil
lery down the road to Fairfax Court,
house, and suddenly found himself in
the presence of a buzzing hornet's nest
of Federal sharp shooters, who rose from
the tall weeds a few score yards distant,
and poured a deadly fire into the can
noniers. Stuart was at the gun direct
ing the firing, and sat on his horse, full
front to the fire, with so perfect an air
of unconsciousness" that it was
hard to believe that he realized his
danger. When a staff officer said, "This
fire is rather peculiar, General," Stuart
seemed to wake up, as it were;to whist
ling bullets, and said indifferently,
"It isgetting rather warm." Hemet his
death in this way, and the only matter
for astonishment is that he was not kill
ed long before. He was constantly on
the most advanced line of skirmishers,
cheering them on, the most conspicuous
mark to the enemy. He used to laugh
when he was warned against such ex
posure of himself, and said that he was
not afraid of any ball "aimed at him,"
but I know that he never expected to
get through the war. He deeply de
plored its existence, and said, one day,
"I would lay down my right hand and
have it cut off at the wrist to end it."
But he was conscientious in his espou
sal of the Southern cause, and was ready
to die for it.
Neither in him nor in any other lead.
er of eminence on the Southern side did
I observe any rancor. It was only at rare
intervals that any expressions of indig
nation escaped him. The habitual tem
per 01 his mind toward his adversaries
was cool and soldierly. Federal pi taw:k
ers were treated by him with uniform
courtesy, and often left his headquar
ters declaring that they would never for
get the kindness they had experienced.
I remember an appeal once made to him
by a prisoner which amused everybody.
One of his escort spoke roughly
to the prisoner, when the latter,
seeing the General, exclaimed :
" Gen. Stuart, I did not come here to be
blackguarded," at which Stuart laugh
ed good-humoredly, and reprimanded
the person who had addressed the pris
oner. When old acquaintances, or of
ficers who could give him news of former
army friends, were captured, he treated
them with the greatest courtesy, gave
them the best his table could furnish,
and seemed to enjoy their conversation
greatly.
I have mentioned his constant expo
sure of himself. Numberless instances
could be given of this ,• his escapes were,
indeed, very frequently wonderful. At
Sharpsburg he galloped alone along the
front of a Federal regiment, and receiv
ed the fire of the entire regiment at
about seventy-five yards, escaping with
out a scratch. At Fredericksburg he
kept his position in front of hisartillery,
though ball after ball, only half spent,
struck him, and one cut off a lock of his
hair, and another passed through the
collar of his coat. On many other oc
casions he remained in exposed posi
tions until he was forced to gallop off
under a shower of bullets. It wash' the
neglect of his ordinary precaution, in
the immediate vicinity of the enemy,
that his recklessness was shown most
clearly. At Verdiersville, iu August,
1862, he stopped at a deserted house on
the roadside, and lay down with his
staff and escort, without videttes, pick
ets, or other precaution.
The consequence was that he was
aroused by the tramp of Federal caval
ry close on him, and had just time to
throw himself, hatless on his unbridled
horse, leap the fence, and fly. He left
his hat, coat and gloves, which his ad
versaries carried off in triumph ; but
at Catlett's soon afterward he retorted
by capturing Gen. Pope's coat and hat,
which was a fair offset. These roving,
adventurous habitudes seemed to have
a strong attraction for him, and he
would never hesitate to ride outside of
his lines to see a lady, or call at a house
where friends were. These marks of
friendly remembrance made him a
prime favorite with young ladies, who
were not seldom, indeed, laughed at for
their propensity to " follow his feather."
When a Major-General of romantic
renown exposes his person to snatch a
hasty interview, the object of this atten
tion is naturally flattered. But Stuart
had a hundred traits which made him
popular with the fair sex. Gay, witty,
gallant, charmed with female society,
he made himself charming in return.
Countless were the fair ones who de
manded and received appointments on
his staff; and in the case of one young
lady of Fairfax Court House, the con
sequences were unfortunate and yet
amusing. Arrested by the Federal au
thorities for supposed complicity in a
surprise by partisans, this lady's trunks
were searched ; her commission as aid
de-camp, signed duly and officially by
Stuart, discovered; and this paper was
actually regarded as an evidence of a
secret understanding with the authori
ties at Richmond.
The young ladies everywhere were his
strong friends, as I have said, and made
him their " hero of romance." This
was natural, if not very desirable. It
was a gallant figure which moved before
them, with the bright blue eyes, the
gallant curling moustache, the black
plume floating from his hat, and the
saber rattling gaily against the golden
spurs. Add his reputation for reckless
courage, his numerous escapes, his hard,
obstinate fighting, and the obvious
pleasure which he took in their society,
and it will not be considered strange
that young girls covered his horse with
garlands, and gave him the dangerous
reputation of the " pet of the ladies."
Such a reputation makes enemiesand
Stuart had plenty. These could never
understand that under these flowers
was the keen-edged saber ; that, once
" at work," Stuart was no longer the
gay insouciant trifler, but one of the
sternest, ablest, and most dangerous ad
versaries ever encountered.
The gay, humorous, and high spirits
of the man, however, did not wholly
desert him even on the most serious oc
casions. Nothing was more common
than to hear him humming a song du
ring an engagement, and I was reading
the other day somewhere a soldier's de
scription of a fight in Culpepper, and
what an electric effect was produced
upon the infantry by the appearance of
Stuart riding in front of them, singing
gaily and cheering them on. At Chan
cellorsville, when Jackson fell, he was
called to command the corps and
led the assault in person on the
next morning. An eye witness says
that he could not get rid of the idea that
Henry , of Navarre had come back, ex
cept that Stuart's "plume" was black !
Everywhere, like Navarre, he was in__
front, and the men " followed the feath
er." At the risk, however, of spoiling
this romantic picture, and passing from
the sublime to what some persons may
call the ridiculous, an additional fact
may be stated, namely : That Gen.
Stuart; attacking with Jackson's veter
an corps, and carrying line after line
of works, moved at the head of his men,
singing, " Old Joe Hooker, will you
come out of the wilderness?"
There was nothinknotable in Stuart's
habitsexcept his abstinence from all stim
ulants, coffee excepted. He never used
spirits in any form, nor touched tobacco,
though it seemed a matter of indiffer-
enceto him how densely his tent was
filled with it. Coffee was his luxury,
and this beverage produced a marked
effect on him mentally and physically.
Under its Influence he brightened up
and grew mirthful as othermen dofrom
wine. He would call for it at anyhour,
and said that so he bad "coffee and
candles"._ he was satisfied. At his
broad, paper-eovered desk in "the long
winter evenings, in hutted. himself not
with " official" work only. A favorite
amusement with him was the composi
tion of parodies in verse, some of them
exceedingly good. He was not a great
reader. He was fonder of .society, of
telling stories, jesting, and whiling
away time with his staff. No boy could
be m6rrYti than Stuart at such moments,
and he dearly laved a practical joke.
If he could not have that he would
still find some jest at the expense of
every one, which he would press with
_sough cavalry humor, delighted if it
worried the " victim." It was "give
and take" on such occasions. He ex
pected you to strike in return, and
though sometimes sorely "hit," he
never remembered it for two moments.
Indeed, I think he liked a rough adver
sary, as he preferred a hearty, loud, off
hand, unceremonious address. His
horror was the air of the petit maitre,
and he ridiculed it unmercifully. He
evidently liked the jingle of spurs, the
rattle of the sabre, and the sound of
hoarse, rough voices. Lounging in his
tent or lying on the grass, he liked to
play with his hounds—two handsome
puppies, one of which he brought be
fore him on his saddle in falling back
from Culpepper—to play marbles, pitch
quoits, or fence with anything be could
pick up. So passed the hours, with song,
laughter, fun, and frolic, and a sad want
of " dignity"—at least in the estimation
of those dumbfounded civilians who
came expecting to see a grave, solemn,
awful " Major General commanding."
These familiar details are noted down
for the benefit of those readers who
prefer homely sketches to philosophic
generalizations upon character. It is
hoped that they will not appear frivol
ous or trifling ; for such was a man
whose career filled a great space in the
public eye.
No analysis. of military movements
or discussion of military endowments
is here intended ; but it is almost im
possible to separate Stuart, the man,
from Stuart, the soldier. He was al
ways ready for a "fight or a frolic," and
gifted by nature with an enormous
animal physique, which enabled him
to defy fatigue, whether .produced`Thy
marching night and day; or dancing
until dawn. Ambitious, fond of glory,
and sensitive to blame or praise he was
yet endowed with a hold and indepen
dent spirit which enabled him to defy
all enemies. He was warm-hearted,
and never did man love friends more
dearly. There was little sentiment
about the gay young cavalier—in his
manner that is to say—but I believe a
kinder heart never existed.
I terminate my sketch ofa remarkable
man by adding that Stuartslways seem
ed to be a perfect embodiment of the
traitsgenerally attributed to the English
cavaliers. There was in him a rollicking
love of frolic, a gallantry toward ladies,
a fondness for bright colors, brilliant
spectacles, and gay adventure, which
made him resemble strongly the class
of men who followed the fortunes of
Charles 1., and at ` . ...N"aseby died rather
than retreat or surrender. Stuart's
nerve was of stern stuff and under all
that laughter there was a soul that no
peril could touch. That bright blue eye
looked into the very face of death with
out a quivez of the lid, and dared the
worst. A manikore absolutely indiffer
ent to danger, - I believe, never lived ;
and, like some chevalier of olden days,
he rode to battle with his lady's glove
upon his helm, humming his son, and
determined to conquer or fall.
He fell at Yellow Tavern in May, 1864,
leading a desperate assault, which alone
saved Richmond, and on Hollywood
Hill, above the capital which he died
defending, the good knight sleeps his
last sleep. No enemy can reach him
_there—detraction's voice falls cold
-- " Mative domestic, foreign levy, nothing
Can touch him further."
Let the penny trumpets of small poets
and boughteulogists blow shrill in praise
of those enormous personages who came
after Stuart fell, to ride rough-shod over
his weakened and decimated cavalry—
he can afford to wait until the august
lips of history are opened. No braver
heart ever beat in human breast. No
truer soldier ever bore the blood-red
Southern flag on victorious fields. He
"died game," as he said he would.
Peace to his ashes.
Partisanship and Statesmanship in Con-
At one end of Pennsylvania avenue,
on Monday, we saw Thaddeus Stevens,
the partisan leader of the radicals and
jacobins, tossing the constitution in the
air, proclaiming that the relations be
tween the United States and the South
ern States, growing out of the war, were
those of conquerors or conquered, and
that the will of the conqueror was the
measure of right between them. He
boldly threw aside all considerations of
patriotism and justice, and sinking the
legislator iu the huckster of political
majorities, avowed his rule of action to
be so to mould the representatives of the
States as to secure majorities in Con
gress which should effectually exclude
democratic influence from the halls of
Congress. The country, the true prin
ciples of constitutional government,
justice, equality, faith between the
States, all must give way before the in
exorable necessity of perpetuating the
power of a faction.
At the other end of the avenue, the
President of the United States, acting
for the whole people in the name of the
constitution, at the same time directed
to the provisional governor of Alabama
a message announcing that the time
had arrived when, in the President's
judgment, the affairs of the State of Ala
bama may safely be committed to the
constitutional authorities thereof. The
provisional governor is relieved of his
duties, and the civil authorities rein
stated, with the assurance of the hearty
co-operation of the general government
in whatever may promote thepermanent
prosperity and welfareof the State. The
bane and the antidote go thus together.
Mad legislators are endeavoring to des
troy; the executive is endeavoring to
rebuild and restore. With the first go
the fears of corrupt politicians, interes
ted factionists, the fermenters of do
me-tic disease—the real enemies of the
Union. With the other are the prayers,
the hopes, the encouragement of all
who love their country and respect its
constitution. For a time radicalism
may seem to triumph, but the States
restored, through the action of the
executive, will, in defiance of its des
tructive influence, soon shine again in
the galaxy of the Union, and under the
amended constitution, as now proclaim
ed, extinguishing African slavery by the
paramount law.—Baltimore Sun.
Singular Case of a Cure of Insanity.
A Kalamazoo, Mich., correspondent
of the Detroit _Advertiser, relates the
following:
A Mrs. Howland, who had long been
a resident in this county, and who had
been hopelessly insane for nearly thirty
years, was sent for by her husband in
California. Accompanied by a daugh
ter-in-law, she left here and proceeded
on the journey by steamer. When out
about four days from New York a most
violent storm arose, which lasted three
days, seriously threatening the destruc
tion of the steamer and all on board.
When, however, the storm abated,
what was the surprise anddelightof the
daughter to find that the old lady had
suddenly recovered her mind and was
-perfectly sane; though she was at a loss
to know how she was in the place, and
under the circumstances she found her
self on awakening from such a long
sleep of the intellectual faculties. On
arriving at San Francisco, what was the
astonishment of the husband to meet
her whom he had not seen for nine
years, and whom he deemed hopelessly
a maniac, sound and well, and joyfully
recognizing him. This was a year ago.
Letters recently received by her friends
here state there has been no return of
the disease whatever, and that she is
-well and entirely cured. Is there an
other such case of cure on record?
THE rebellion in Hayti has revived.
-The rebel leader SaWare is , at Monte
Cristo, with an army which is receiving
constant accessions. , Geffrard - has of
fered $40,000 for thtoaptureof
Southern Exiles in Mexico.
How they Fare—What they are Doing.--
Letter from Ex-Governor lotto= G.
Harris.
Isham G. Harris, once Governor of
Tennessee, is in Mexico. A letter from
him, dated at Cordova, November 12th,
and addressed to George W. Adair, of
Atlanta, Georgia, is published in the
Atlanta Neu, Era. It gives an account
of his own performances since,his flight
•to Mexico, and describes the fortunes of
other refugees:
* * * I lingered near Granada, en
deavoring to arrange some business mat
ters, until the 14th of May. I n the mean
time I had a skiff built, and on the
morning of the 14th I embarked, some
six miles east of Greenwood, and set
sail for the Trans-Mississippi, the party
consisting of General Lyon, of Ken
tucky, -myself - and two servants. We
navigated the backwater for one hun
dred and twenty miles, and on the
morning of the 21st, just before daylight,
I crossed over to the Arkansas shore.
I crossed at the foot of Island No. 75,
just below the mouth of the Arkansas,
river; proceeded westward as far as the
backwater was navigable, and, on the
morning of the 27th, I left my frail bark,
bought horses, mounted the party and
set out for Shreveport, where I hoped
to find an army resolved on continual
resistance to Federal rule ; but before
reaching Shreveport learned that the
army of the Trans-Mississippi had dis
banded and scattered to the winds, and
all the officers of rank had gone to Mex
ico.
Having no further motive to visit
Shreveport, I turned my course to Red
river county, Texas, where a portion of
my negroes and plantation stock had
been carried some two years ago. I
reached there on the 7th of June; was
taken sick and confined to my to - ,d
week. On the 15th of June, with my
baggage, cooking utensils and provisions
on a pack mule, I set out fur Man Antonia,
where I expected to overtake a large
number of Confederate: civil and mili
tary officers on their way to Mexico.
Reached San Antonia on the 26th and
learned that all Confederates had left
for Mexico some ten days or two weeks
before. On the morning of the 27th I
started to Eagle Pass on the Rio Grande
—the Federals holding all the crossings
of that river before Eagle Pass. I reach
ed Eagle Pass on the evening of the 30th,
and immediately crossed over to the
Mexican town of Piedras Negras.
On the morning of the Ist of July, set
out for Monterey ; arrived there on the
evening of the 9th. Here I overtook
General Price and ex-Governor Polk, of
Missouri, who were starting to the city
of Mexico the next morning, with an
escort of twenty armed Missourians. As
I was going to the city, anti the trip was
a long and dangerous one to make alone,
I decided to go with them, though I was
literally worn out with over one thou
sand five hundred miles of continuous
horseback travel. I exchanged my
horse, saddle, &c., for an ambulance,
put my two mules to it, gave the whip
and lines to Ran, bought me a Spanish
grammar and dictionary, took the back
seat, and commenced the study of the
Spanish language. We made the trip
at easy stages of about, twenty-five miles
per day, and reached the city of Mexico
on the evening of the 9th of August.
Our reception upon the part of the
Government officials here was all that
we could have expected or desired. We
were invited to an audience with the
Emperor at the palace, the far-famed
halls of the Mon tezumas. At the time
fixed we called, and were there most
kindly received by the Emperor and
Empress, and were assured of their sym
pathy in our misfortunes, and of their
earnest hope that we might find homes
for ourselves and friends in Mexico.
The Empress was our interpreter in the
interview. She speaks fluently the
French, Spanish, German and English
languages and is in all respects a great
woman.
We overtook, at the City of Mexico,
General Magruder, Commodore Maury,
Governor Allen, of Louisiana; Judge
Perkins, of Louisiana ; Governor
Reynolds, of Missouri, and Governor
Murrah and Governor Clark, of Texas,
with many other and lesser Confederate
lights. On the sth of September the
Emperor published a decree opening all
of Mexico to immigration and coloniza
tion, and Commodore Maury and my
self and other Confederates were re
quested to prepare regulations to ac
company the decree, which we did, and
which were approved by the Emperor
on the 27th. The decree and regula
tions offer very liberal inducements to
immigration, amongst which area dona
tion of public lands at the rate of six
hundred and forty acres to each head of
a family, and three hundred and twenty
to each single man, a free passage to the
country to such as are not able to pay
their own expenses, freedom from taxa
tion for one year, and from military
duty for five years, religious toleration,
&c., &c.
Commodore Maury has been appoint
ed Imperial Minister of Colonization,
which makes his authority in the matter
of colonization second only to that of the
Emperor. General Price, Judge Per
kins and myself were appointed agents
of colonization,and requested toexamine
the lands lying upon and near the line
of railroad, from the City of Mexico to
Vera Cruz, for the purpose of determin
ing whether they were suited to Amer
ican colonization. 'We are engaged
atthis time in the discharge of that duty.
have selected six hundred and forty
acres about ten miles from here, where
I propose to surround myself with the
coffee plantation, in the midst of which
I will nestle down, constantly inhaling
the odors of the rich tropical fruits
and gaudy colored and fragrant tropical
flowers, in an atmosphere of perpetual
spring; yet, turning the eye to the north
west, you constantly behold the snow
capped peaks of Orizaba and Pepocata
peti, from which I can draw my ice at
all seasons of the year.
There are about thirty Confederates
now here, all of whom will locate their
lands and commence the work of settle
ment within a week or ten days.
The place where we begin the first
colony was highly improved and in a
high state of cultivation a hundred
years ago. The extensive ruins of what
were once magnificent structures show
that these haciendas were highly pro
ductive and the homes of wealth, lux
ury and refinement, but about fifty
years since slavery was abolished in the
State of Vera Cruz, and the proprietors
of these magnificent estates left the
country with the large fortunes they
had amassed. The church seized the
lands and allowed them to lie idle and
go to ruin. The buildings upon each of
these places must have cost from $lOO,-
000 to $500,000.
The church held the property until
about five years since, when it was ta
ken by the Government, and the Gov
ernment now sells it to us for coloniza
tion at one dollar per acre in quantities
of six hundred and forty acres to each
head of a family and three hundred and
twenty to each single man on a credit
of one, two, three, four and five years.
This is the beginning of the first Con
federate colony in Mexico. Amongst
those who propose to settle immediately
are Gen. Price and Gen. Shelby, from
Missouri ; Judge Perkins, of Louisiana,
and myself. The resources of this coun
try are such as to insure fortune to the
energy and industry that have usually
characterized our people. The wonder
is that they have been permitted to re
main undeveloped so long, but this is
the most indolent, lazy and worthless
population on earth.
PORTIONS of the interior of Georgia
are said to be in a deplorable condition,
the country being bare of provisions,
the roads nearly impassible, and the ne
groes disposed to idleness and maraud
ing.
THE-War Department has issued an
order mustering out a large additional
-11=nbar of troops, •both whits and car
orad.
NUMBER 51.
The Radical Programme
Thaddeus Stevens Makes a Violent As
sault upon the Policy of the President
—lie Adheres to Ria Doctrine of State
Suicide--The Southern Stakes not to be
Admitted until They Comply with his
Requirements—Slavery not Dead Yet
he Constitutional Amendment not
Ratified—Congress to Govern the South
ern States as Territories for Years to
Come—No Admission for Them until
the Negro is Made the Equal of the
White Man—This not a White Man's
Government.
The House sitting in Committee of the
Whole on the State of the Country, and the
President's Message being under consider
ation, Mr. Stevens spoke as follows:
Mr. STEVENS said: A candid examina
tion of the power and proper principles of
reconstruction can be offensive to no one,
and may possibly be profitable by exciting
inquiry. One of the suggestions of the mes
sage which we are now considering has
special reference to this. Perhaps it is the
principle most interesting to the people
at this time. The President assumes what
no one doubts, that the late Rebel States
have lost their constitutional relations to
the Union, and are incapable of represen
tation in Congress, except by permission of
the Government. It matters but little ' with
this admission, whether you call them
States out of the Union and now conquered
Territories, or assert that because the Con
stitution forbid them to do what they did
do that they are therefore only dead as to
all national and political action, and will re
main so until the Government shall breathe
into them the breath of life anew and permit
them to occupy their former position-in other
words that they are not of the Union,
but only dead carcasses lying within the
Union. In either case it is very plain that
it requires the action of Congress to enable
them to form a State Government, and send
representatives to Congress. Nobody,l be
lieve, pretends that, with their old Consti:
tutions and forms of government, they can
be permitted to claim their old rights
under the Constitution. They have
torn their Constitution into atoms,
and built on their foundation fabrics of a
totally different character. Dead men can
not raise themselves; dead States cannot
restore their own existence as it was.
Whose especial duty is it to do it? In
whom does the Constitution place the pow
er? Not in the judicial branch of the Gov
ernment, for it only adjudicates and does
not prescribe laws. Not in the executive
for he only executes and cannot make laws.
Not in the Commander-in-Chief of the ar
tnies, for he can only hold them under mil
itary rule until the sovereign legislative
power of the conqueror shall give them law.
There is fortunately no difficulty in solving
the question. There are two provisions in
the constitution under one of which the
case must fall. The fourth article says "new
States may be admitted by the Congress in
to this union." In my judgment this is the
controlling provision in this ease. Unless
the law of nations is a dead letter, the late
war:between two acknqwledged belligerents
severed their original compacts, and broke
all ties that bound them together. The fu
ture condition of the conquered power de
pends on the will of the conqueror. They
musteome in as new States, or remain as
conquered provinces. Congress—the Sen
ate and House of Representatives—with the
concurrence of the President, is the only
power on earth that can act on the
matter. But suppose as some dream
ing theorists imagine that thee
States have never been out of the
Union, but have only destroyed their State
Governments so as to be incapable of polit
ical action then the fourth section of the
iourth article applies, which says "the
United States shall guarantee to every State
in this Union a republican form of Govern
ment." Who is the United States? Not the
Judiciary, not the President{ but the sov
ereign power of the people exercised through
their representatives in Congress with the
concurrence of the Executive. It means
the political Government, the concurrent
action of both branches of Congress and the
Executive.' The separate action of each
amounts to nothing, either in admitting new
States or guaranteeing Republican Govern
ments to lapsed or outlawed States. Whence
springs the preposterous idea that either the
President, or the Senate, or the House of
Representatives, acting separately, can de
termine the right of States to send members
or Senators to the Congress of the Union?
To prove that they are and have been out
of the Union for all legal purposes, and are
now conquered subjects to the absolute dis
posal of Congress, I will suggest a few ideas
and adduce a few authorities. If the so
called Confederate States of America were
an independent belligerent, and were so
acknowledged by the United States and by
Europe, or had assumed and maintained an
attitude which entitled them to be consider
ed and treated as a belligerent, that during
such time they were precisely in the condi
tion of a foreign nation with whom we were
at war, nor need their independence as a
nation be acknowledged by us to produce
that effect.
Mr. Stevens then quoted from Mr. Justice
Grier in the prize cases all•the law on these
points. After such clear and repeated de
cisions, he said, it is something worse than
ridiculous to hear men of respectable stand
ing attempting to nullify the law of nations,
and declare the Supreme Court of the United
States in error, because as the Constitution
lorbids it, the States could not go out of the
Union de facto. After proceed ingfurther in
his argument, he remarked, his obvious that
the first duty of Congress to pass a law de
claring the condition of these outside de
funct States, and providing proper civil
government for them. Since the conquest
they have been governed by martial law.
Military rule is necessarily despotic, and
ought not to exist longer than is absolutely
necessary. As there are no symptoms that
the people of these provinces will be-pre
pared to participate in a Constitutional
Government for some years, I know of no
arrangement so proper for them as terri
torial Governments. There they can learn
the principles of freedom, and eat the limit
of foul rebellion under such governments.
While electing members to the Territorial
Legislatures they will necessarily mingle
with those to whom Congress shall extend
the right of suffrage. In the Territories,
Congress „fixes the qualifications of elec
tors, and I know of no better place or bet
ter occasion for the conquered rebels and the
conqueror to practice justice to all men,
and accustom themselves to make and to
obey all laws. As to these famed rebels,t hey
cannot at their option re-enter the heaven
which they have disturbed, nor the garden
of Eden which they have deserted, as flam
ing swords are set at the gates to secure their
exclusion. It become important to the na
Lion to inquire when the doors shall be re
opened for their 'admission. According to
my judgment they ought never to be recog
nized as capable of acting in the Union or
being counted as valid States, until the Con
stitution shall have been so amended as to
make it what its framers intended, so as to
secure a perpetual ascendency to the party
of the 'Union, and so as to render Republi
can Government firm and stable forever.
The first of these amendments is to change
the basis of membership to actual voters.
Now all the colored 'freemen in the Slave
States and three-fifths of the slaves are rep
resented, though none of them have votes.
The Rebel States have 19 representatives of
colored slaves. If the slaves are now free,
then they can add for the other two-fifths,
13 more, making the slave representation 32.
I suppose the free blacks in those States will
give at least five more, making the repre
sentation of non-voting people of color about
37. The whole number of representatives
now from the Slave States is 70 ; add the
other two-fifths, and it will be 83.
If the amendment prevails, and those
States withhold the right of suffrage from
persons of color, it will deduct about 37,
leaving them but 45. With the apportion
ment unchanged, the 83 Southern members,
with the Democrats that will in the best
times be elected from the North, will al
ways give them a majority in Congress and
in the Electoral College. They will at the
very first election take possession of the
White House and the halls of Congress. I
need not depict the ruin that would follow.
The assumption of the rebel debt or repudi
ation of the Federal debt would be sure to
follow. The oppression of the freedmen,
the re-amendment of the State Constitu
tions, and re-establishment of Slavery
would be the inevitable result. That they
would scorn and disregard their present
Constitutions, forced upon them in the
midst of martial law, would be both natural
and just. No one that has any regard for
the freedom of elections can look upon those
governments, forced upon them in duress,
with any favor. If they should grant the
right of suffrage to persons of color, I think
there would always be Jnion white men
enough in the South, aided by the blacks,
to divide the representation and thus con
tinue the Republican ascendancy. If they
should refuse thus to alter their election
laws it would reduce the representatives of
the late Slave Statesto abant4s, and,render
them powerless for evil. It is plain that the
amendment must be consummated before
the defunct States are admitted to be capa
ble of State action, or it nevercan be. ' The
proposed amendment to allow Congress Ao
lay a duty on exports is precisely in the
same situation. Its importance cannot
well be overstated. It is very obvious that
for many years the South will not pay
much under our internal revenue laws.—
The only article on which we cari raise any
considerable amount is cotton. It.will .be
grown largely at once. With ten wntsper
pound export duty it would be furnished
cheaper to-fOridiprizatketittlistitbey-Could
lit*Tll2o 4111 r, *DVS AI oe--,
Ihninuns Airmeruinizzas,..lll2 s_teir per
sanareof - teniinan ten per oentancrease for
feantinhaiati(restr. 0
BTALIIIRITATE, Piwpsirri; and Gra
stutz-Apporrpmsre, 7 cents - a-line Ar the
drat, und 4 menu foi am& • littbsequell*
lDaer-
PATeN'l' lifilildOrnms and °Mir ' adver t s IV 3 44
column:
One column, 1 year , . 1100
Hall column, 1 80
Third column, 1 40
aHarter olumn„..— 80.
Csans, of tear num or less,
Boninyr,.R
a3;7wCai;lls7aUrria, O O .O
.. 5
LEGAL AND .
Executors' n0ttce5.......... 200
Administrators'
Assignees' notices 2.00
Auditors' notices. 1.50
Other "Notices ,'' ten lines, or less,
three times - .51)
obtain it from any other part of the world.
The late war has shown that. Two mil
lions of bales exported at 500 pounds to the
bale, would yield $lOO,OOO 000. This seems
to be the chief revenue we shall ever derive
from the South. Besides it would be a pro
tection to that amount to our domestic
manufactures. Other propoSed amend
ments, to make all laws uniform, to
prohibit the assumption of the Rebel debt,
are of vital importance and the only thing
that can prevent the combined forces of Cop
perheads and Secessionists from legislating
against the interests of the Union whenever
they may obtain an accidental majority.
But this is not all we ought to do before
these inveterate Rebels are invited to parti.
cipate in our legislation. We have or are
about to turn loose 4,000,000 of slaves with
out a hut to shelter them or a cent in their
pockets. The infernal laws ofSlavery have
prevented them from acquiring an educa
tion or from understanding the commonest
laws of contract or from managing the ordi
nary business able,. The Congressis bound
to provide for them until they can provide
for themselves. If we do not furnish them
with homesteads and hedge them around
with protective laws, if we leave them to the
legislation of their hate masters,we had better
have left them in bondage. Their condi
tion would be worse than our prisoners at
Andersouville. If we fail in this great duty
now, and when we have the power we shall
deserve and receive the execrations of his
tory and all future ages. Two things are of
vital importance. So to establish a princi
ple that none of the Rebel States shall be
counted in any of the amendments of the
Cogaitution until they are duly admitted
into the family of States by the law-making
power of their conquerors. For more than
six months the Amendment of the Consti
tution abolishing Slavery has been rati
fied by the Legislatures of three-fourths of
of the States, that acted on its passage by
Congress which had Legislatures, or which
were Stales capaple of acting or required to
act on that question. I take no account of
the aggregations of white-washed Rebels,
who, without any legal authority, have as
sembled in the capitols of the late Rebel
States and annulated legislative bodies.—
Nor do 1 regard with any respect the cun
ning by-play into which they deluded the
Secretary of State by frequent telegraphic
announcements that "South Carolina had
adopted the Amendment," "Alabama has
adopted the amendment, being the twenty
seventh State," &c. This was intended to
delude the people and accustom Congress to
hear the names of these extinct States as if
they were alive, when in truth they have no
inure existence than the revolted cities of
Latium, two-thirds of wlipse people were
colonized and their property confiscated
and -their right of citizenship withdrawn
by conquering and avenging Rome.
It is equally important to the stability of
this republic that it should now be solemn
ly decided what power can revive, recreate
and reinstate these provinces into the fami
ly of States, and invest them with the rights
of American citizens. It is time that Con-
gress should assert its sovereignty and as
sume something of the dignity of a Roman
Senate. It is fortunate that the President
invites Congress to take this manly attitude.
fur stating with great frankness in his
able Message his theory, which, however,
is found to be impracticable, and which I.
believe very few now consider tenable, he
refers the whole matter to the judgment of
Congress. If Congress should fail firmly
and wisely to discharge that high duty, itis
not the fault of the President. This Con
gress owes its own character to set the seal
of reprobation upon a doctrine which is be
coming too fashionable, and, u niess rebuked,
will become the recognized principle of our
Government. Governor Perry and other
Provisional Governors and orators pro
claim that this is the white man's Gov
ernment. The whole Copperhead party,
pandering to the lowest prejudices of the
ignorant, repeat the cuckoo cry, "This Is
the white man's government." Dema
kogues of all parties, even some high in
authority, groveling, shouting, "This is
the white man's government." What is
implied by this? That one race of men is
to haVe the exclusive right forever to rule
this nation and to exercise all acts of sov
ereignty, while all other races and nations
and colors are to be their subjects and have
no voice in making the laws and choosing
the rulers by whom they are to be governed.
Wherein does this differ from slavery ex
cept in name? Does not this contradict all
the distinctive principles of the Declaration
of Independence? When the great and
good men promulgated that Instrument
and pledged their lives and sacred honors
to defend it, it was supposed to form an
epoch in civil government. Before that time
it was held that the right to rule was vested
in families, dynasties or races—not
because of superior intelligence or virtue,
but because of a divine right to enjoy ex
clusive privileges. Our fathers repudiated
the whole doctrine-of the legal superiority
of families or races, and proclaimed the
equality of all men before the law, upon
that they created a revolution and built the
Republic. They were prevented by slav
ery from perfecting the superstructure
whose foundation they had thus broadly
laid. For the sake of the Union they con
sented to wait, but never relinquished the
idea of its final completion. The time to
which they looked lorward with anxiety
has come. It is our duty to complete their
work. If this Republic is not now made
to stand on their great principles, it has no
honest foundation, and the Father of all
men will still shake it to its centre. If
we have not yet been sufficiently scourged
fqr our national sin to teach us to do justice
to all God's creatures, without distinction
of race or color, we must expect the still
more heavy vengeance °fan offended Father
still increasing his inflictions as He increas
ed the severity of the plagues of Egypt un
til the tyrant consented to do justice,
and When that tyrant repented:of his reluc
tant consent, and attempted to re-enslave
the people, as our Southern tyrants are at
tempting to do now, he filled the Red Sea
with broken chariots and drowned horses,
and strewed the shores with dead carcasses.
Mr. Speaker—l trust that the Republican
party will not be alarmed at what I am say-
ing. Ido not profess to speak their senti
ments, nor must they be held responsible
for them. I speak for myself and take the
responsibility, and will settle -with iny in
telligent constituents. This is not a white
man's Government in the exclusive sense
in which it is used. To say so is political
blasphemy, for it violates the fundamental
principles of our gospel of liberty. This is
man's government, the government of all
men alike. Not that all men will have
equal power and sway within it ; accidental
circa mstances,natural and acquired endow
ment and ability will vary their fortunes—
but equal rights to ail the privileges of the
Government is innate in every immortal
being, no mailer what the shape or color of
the tabernacle which it inhabits. If equal
privileges were granted to all I should not
expect any but white men to be elected to
office for long ages to come. The prejudice
engendered by Slavery would not soonper
mit merit to be preferred to color. But it
would still be beneficial to the weakevraces.
In a country where political division will
always exist their power, joined with just
white men, would greatly modify if it did
not entirely prevent the injustice of majori
ties without the right of suffrage in the late
Slave States. I do not speak of the Free
States. The slaves had far better been
left in bondage. I see it stated that very
distinguished advocates of the right of suf
frage declared in this city that they do not
expect to obtain it by Congressional legisla
tion but only by administrative action ; be
cause E. 9 one gallant gentleman said the
State had not been out ,or the Union ;
then they will never get it. The
President is far sounder than they.
He sees that administrative action has
nothing to do with it. If it ever is to come
it must be Constitutional amendments, or
Congressional action in the territorial and
enabling acts. How shameful these men
of influence should mislead and miseducate
the public mind. They proclaim this is
the white man's Government, and the
whole coil of Copperheads re-echo (hiss)
the same sentiments, and upstart, jealous
Republicans join the cry. Is itany wonder
ignorant foreigners and illiterate natives
should learn this doctrine and be led to de
spise and maltreat a whole raceof their fel
low-men. Sir, this doctrine of a white
man's government is as atrocious as the
infamous sentiment that damned the late
Chief Justice to everlasting fame, and I
fear to everlasting fire.
Correspondents at Washington.
The Washington correspondents are
all at their posts. The Philadelphia
Press has C. W. Heneline and assist
ants; the Inquirer, U. H. Painter; the
Bulletin E. C. Wallace; the Ledj7er,
G. W. Adams ; the N. Y. Tribune, Carl
Schurz and three assistants ; the Herald,
Mr. Cadwallader and two assistants;
the Times; Mr. Swinton and two assist
ants ; the World, Mr. Adams ; the Ex
press, James Brooks; Evening Post
and Independent, D. W. Bartlett; the
Citizen, Miles O'Reilly ; the Boston
Journal, Benjamin Poore; the Balti
more Sun, A. G. Allen ; Cincinnati Ga
zette, Whitelaw Reid; Cornmercial, Jos.
B. McCullough ; Chicago Journak B.
F. Taylor ; Chicago Republican, J. H.
Joggart ;Sacramento Union, Nish
Brooks.
, .
Jornt H. GEE, ex keeperef the Salis.
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thd-at