'WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1884.
presses Ala he free to every
Person who undertalces to examine the pro
meow. of .the legislature, or any branch of
government; and no law shall ever be made
to restrain the elle thereof. • The free comma
njosaion of thong t and opinions is one of the
invaluable rights , of men; and every citizen
may keelYenetill; write and print omen) , snb-
Jew' being , .responsible for the abuse of that
"twit"; in Drosepotions for the publication of
paper* Investigating the official conduct of offi
cers, or men in public capacities or where the
• matter publishedis proper for public informa
tiro, 1.11. e truth thereof may be given in evi
denoe."—ttazatatlion of Penn ytvania.
Notice to Delinquent Subscribers.
It awell known that the terms upon
which the inekly Intelligencerarepub=
fished are two dollars per annum, in ad
vance. There are quite a number of sub
scribers on our books who ha'fe not yet
attended to this matter, althoughnearly
six months have elapsed since the paper
came into the hands of the present firm.
To all such due hotice is given, that if
their subscriptions are not paid by the
tat of January; 1865, fifty cents addi
tional will be added to pay costs of col
lecting. We cannot afford to publish a
paper on any other than cash terms.
r-{
Cabinet Changes.
Our Republican friends of the highest
type of loyalty, who snuff the spoils of
four years more of horrid war and gi
gantic robbery, are profoundly exercised
Upon the subject of prospective changes
in the President's Cabinet. BERGNER,
of the Harrisburg Telegraph, is break
ing his pious heart to get SI3iON CAM
ERON In again, and our neighbors of the
Examiner and the Express are equally
enthusiastic, and no doubt equally dis
interested, in their advocacy of the
claims of JOHN W. FORNEY. It is not
our fight, and if any of the combatants
should be killed, it won't be our funer
al; but we feel some interest in it for
all that. We are disposed to back up
our Lancaster cotemporaries in their
support of FORNEY. As this is the
meanest, the most insincere, the most
hypocritical, the most unscrupulous and
the most malignant administration that
ever cursed any country in the civilized
world,, it is eminently proper that any
vacancy which might occur in it should
be filled by a man who is fully compe
tent to sustain its reputation in these
respects. In this view of the case, JOHN
W. FORNEY is just the man, and he
stands without a rival to come near him.
The world does not hold, and since the
days of JUDAS ISCARIOT it never has
held, a man in whom the qualities of
hypocrisy and treachery shone forth as
conspicuously as they do in JoitN W.
FORNEY. SIMON CAMERON did well
enough at the beginning, when it was
expedient not to alarm the trusting peo
ple by stealing more than half of the
appropriations, and when it Was neces
sary at least to profess that a restoration
of the Union was the object'of the war.
But now that LINCOLN'S supporters are
expecting to help themselves to all that
they can lay their hands on everywhere,
and the Southern people are to be ex
terminated and their lands given as
" blood-money " to the negroes who are
to be employed in their slaughter,
a Cabinet officer of still hungrier
greed and more transcendently devilish
genius than CAmintoN is desirable.—
Such an one can be found in FORNEY,
and in him only. Before he broke with
the Democratic party, he avowed that
his "ambition was to be rich ; " and he
broke with it for the sole and simple
reason that it refused to load him with
public plunder. The fiendish mal igni ty
with which he has pursued those who
were his friends as long as he deserved
to have a friend, is well known to the
country, and must commend him above
all others to that large and vindictive
class of traitors to the Constitution, to
humanity and to the Christian religion,
who are longing to gloat their eyes on
Southern women and children borne
aloft on JOHN BROWN pikes by brutal
negroes. The unscrupulousness, too,
with which he has gratified his "am
bition to be rich, " is very well known,
and this is a strong fact in his favor with
that large and intensely loyal portion of
our Republican friends, whose ambition
runs swiftly in the same current. And
there is yet another point in his favor.
He has sat with the colored boot-blacks,
coachmen, cooks and waiters of Wash
ington, through a Thanksgiving oration
by FRED. DoroLAss, and has told the
ladies and gentlemen of Philadelphia
and Lancaster that he never saw a more
intelligent or better behaved audience.
When has Simos CAMERON rendered
such homage as this to that superior
race, for the good and the glorification
of which ABRAHAM LINCOLN is about
to drive another half million of white
men into his Dahomian slaughter pen ?
On the whole, we think it must be
plain to every observant mind, that
FORNEY is just the man to "sustain the
national cause" by instructing the un
learned loyalists how to steal from the
public treasury, and by putting into the
President's heart whatever of malignity
he may need to carry him through the
work of exterminating eight millions of
Southern people in revenge for the
hanging of old JOHN BRowN, the fore
runner of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. It is
to be hoped the Examiner and the Er
press will not relax their eflbrts to se
cure an appointment which would so
well represent the hypocrisy and the
malignity of the hard-lieaded and ; bad
hearted Puritan; who now mould the
sentiment of the Republican party.
A Timely Address
We would call the attention of every
reader of the intelligenecr to the truly
able and eloquent address of Hon. C.
L. WAitp, Chairman of the Democratic
State Central Committee, which ap
pears on our outside. It is a most time
ly and fitting document. Coming from
the source it does, it speaks with an au
thoritative voice to the Democracy of
Pennsylvania. The important subjects
to which it alludes are handled in a
masterly manner. The base manner in
Which the meagre majority for Lincoln
was obtained is made clear. It is de
monstrated that it is a very meagre ma
jority indeed under the circumstances.
The complimentary allusion to the
Democratic press of the State is well de
served, an d will be properly appreciated.
We liope every Democrat who reads it
waresolve to do his part faithfully and
liberally in supporting by every means
in his power those who labor so earn
estlysfor the right with so little chance
of commensurate reward. The recital
of- facts connected with the arrest of
citizens of this State by the military
authorities, their sufferings in wretched
prisons, their mock trial by an illegal
tribunal, the contempt thus displayed
for the authorities of the Common
wealth, the bold and defiant disregard
of the ancient, sacred and constitution
al right of trial by jury, will justly alarm
every true friend of liberty in this once
proud old Commonwealth. We com
mend the address to the careful perusal
of every reflecting citizen.
SenatOr Girth and Napoleon.
The Panama Herald says that infor
mation, has been received in San Fran
eiti,h4ely to the effect that Dr. Gwin,
ibMerly.U. S. Senator from California,
obtained, through the intlunceof the
- .F.J;Ktiik7Or Napoleon, and in his interest,
ogugavion from Maximilian as
.Gionrnor-ifaenerallif the
,State of Sonora,
.iV.44:a,OhOrify to induce emigration
49 # 6 ,0ttie the coutyy, and power to
grant lands. * -
e=~tel~'
To have its destinies committed to:the
bands of an ignorant and incompetent
ruler is the greatest misfortune which
can. befall any nation. Such 4 our con
dition to-day. It is painfully•hianifest,
that Mr. Lincoln is utterly - Unfit foZ the
position he occupies. His whole - Weer
has shown It. His public acts liave:
been unwise and hurtful livifie ex
treme. At no time has he given evi
dence of that grasp of intellect which
has been so much needed. Not a single
act of his has been marked by statemtui
like sagacity. He has committed one
gross blunder after another, and wheth
er his attention has been dirdcted to the
ordering of army movements, or to
plans of policy, he has only succeeded
in precipitating disasters upon this un
happy country. His speeches and his
public papers, noted for their weakness
and their entire want of fitness, have been
the laughing stock .pf the world. One
of the Kings of England was made the
subject of the epigramatic remark that
he " never said a foolish thing or did a
wise one." Abraham Lincoln will pass
into history as a ruler whose words and
acts were alike distinguished for their
foolishness.
His late message is one of the most
wretched state papers ever put_ forth.
In every respect it is weak and unbefit
ting the occasion. He seems to have
made an effort to appear unmoved in the
midst of the present crisis. The occa
sion was a great one. Having just suc
ceeded in re-electing himself, he had an
opportunity offered him for the display
of magnanimity of nature and elevation
of intellect. It is difficult to conceive
how any man could fail to be moved by
the magnitude of the occasion. But, it
is evident that it was too much, to ex
pect that Abraham Lincoln could be
lifted above the level of his oWn vul
garity and littleness by any influences
however potent. He is, and will con
tinue to be while he lives, but a low
bred, vulgar man ; not in any sense of
the word a statesman, but a mere cun
ning and tricky politician. Never has
he risen to the dignity appropriate to
the position he occupies. From the
day when, on his way from his obscure
home in Illinois to he inaugurated, he
disgusted the more sensible men of his
own party by his vulgar and silly
speeches, until the present hour, he
has but continued to give evidence of
his utter inability to comprehend and
appreciate the momentous character
of the circumstances by which he has
constantly been surrounded. He has at
all times suffered himself to be made
the tool of designing fanatics, whose
whole skill and energies have been all
dewted to the work of destruction. They
are - potent to tear down, but utterly
incapable of rebuilding. Among the
whole of them there does not seem to be
one who can comprehend the real con
dition of the country. Utterly unversed
in the science of government, with the
crudest possible political opinions, not
seeming to understand the nature of our
federal system, blinded by fanaticism
and influenced by passion alone, they
pursue the phantom of imaginary good
to the negro as the one and only object
of the war. To carry out the single ob
ject of universal emancipation, and to
elevate an inferior race at the expense
of the superior, they deem no waste of
life too great, no lavishment of treasure
too profuse. 'They seem not to see that
they are injuring - and destroying the
very class they desire to benefit, while
inflicting unheard of and irreparable
misfortunes upon the nation. To the
Utopian dreams and the utterly im
practicable schemes of these political
charlatans of Mr. Lincoln has long
since fully committed himself and his
administration. That it is his fixed
purpose to hold on in the even tenor of
this ruinous course of policy his mes
sage most abundantly testifies.
He has deliberately closed the door
against any possible negotiation for
peace. It will be long before we shall
hear the word uttered again by any
man or any party ~„(If men in the
South. Mr. Lineal, has effectually
crushed out the last chance for a speedy
or honorable end of the war. In
his next annual message he will be
forced to say, as he did in his late
one, "The wa r still con ti hues." And,
unless he changes his policy, he will be
obliged to repeat the expression in each
succeeding message he may deliver un
til the term for which he has been re
elected shall end. The people of the
South have now no choice but to fight
to the bitter end. The door of return
has been shut in their lace, and we are
committed to the impossible task of
completely subjugating the whole of
the vast territory which they occupy.
That we can never accomplish.
Is Democracy Dead ?
" The wish is farther to the thought,"
says au exchange, when the abolition
ists say Democracy is dead. They hope
it may be so, because it is the only thing
that stands between them and a perpet
ual lease of the power of the Government.
They wish it may be so, because they
can then, unrestrained, play out their
game of revolution.
But is it likely they will see their hope
fulfilled and their wishes verified? Why
is Democracy dead or likely to die? At
the last election that party polled nearly
two millions of votes, and that in opposi
tion to the most unscrupulous adminis
tration that ever existed—in spite of
bayonets which were freely used to
overawe, and of proclamations which
were designed to render voting by Dem
ocrats impossible. It is not then be
cause of a falling off in numbers that
Democracy is dead, or likely to be.
It cannot be that Democracy is going
to die because it has been purged of its
dross by the terrible ordeal through
which it is passing. The excrescences—
the effete matter have sloughed off, and
by so much is the party purer to-day
than ever before. The old corruptionists
that have heretofore exerted themselves
to the utmost to destroy it, have found
better champs for plying their trade of
peculation, and „have gone over to the
enemy, and they, not the Democracy,
have to bear the odium of their thefts in
the future. There is but one Ben. But
ler in the country and he is with the
abolitionists, and they must be respon
sible fo• his nets before the country.
And clear down to the unknown Con
gressmeu and members of State Legis
latures does this state of things exist.
The oftice-seekers have left us,• will that
kill us ? They staid so long with us
that it nearly had that effect. The
shoddyites have left us ; will that bring
on dissolution" The ambitious, un
principled men; who for place and power
have gone over to the other side, and
are now found alone in the ranks of our
enemies ; will that be fatal to us ?
In any view of the case, we cannot
see that Democracy is dead, or likely to
die. We have lost the dead weights—
the ruarplots—the selfish and ambitious
—the dishonest eorruptionists, because
these can ply their trades better in the
other party. Their number makes just
about the falling off in the Democratic
votes, but Democracy , was never strong
er lit the hearts of the common people
than itoW ; sp it is not dead and will
not die, but will come up inits.strength
and vigor at the next election, and that
strength will sweep the country and
overwhelm the refuges of lies which Its
enemies have ereeted. Nq,,Democracy
is not dead and will Ttot, die.
Line°lots pooular Knritjolity io pot far
froth soo,m, ' f ake from him the 50.0-
000 - e.ttra office tiold,ers of 1-I).s#Pßoint
ment, and be WOO 4 bff # 1:ablollty,
200,000.
sbrmes
There are some persons who persist in
declaring that the high price of gold, 4
compared with our paper currency, is:
,merely the result oftpeculatiom and
AteriTtire4hme enough
believe such such.
greattignorSnce of the fitedami
401:established laWs witich role the
financial world. field tut a measure
of value. It has beenehosen as the
principal circulating::medium by all
civilized nations, on account of its pe
culiar fitness for such use when coined
into money. Throughout the commer
cial world it has about the same relative
value. A dollar' in geld is worth the
same to-day in New York that it Is In
London, less the rate of exchange. That
is, to say, it would go as far toward pay
ing for any, commodity in London as it
would in New York, less such a per
centage as would insure its safe convey
ance to the merchant in London. If
the balance of trade is even between
any two nations, coin is not carried
from one to the other, because it would
only gave to be transferred back again,
the doing of which is always attended
with some expense and risk. Hence
bills of exchange were early employed.
These are nothing more than orders
from the merchants of one nation to
those in another to pay a certain sum
of the money of the nation on which
the order is drawn to a designated party.
Thus, if A in London wishes to pay B
in New York one thousand dollars, he
does not ship gold across the ocean to
satisfy this debt, but goes to C in Lon
don, to whom I) in New York owes one
thousand dollars, and gets an order from
C for D to pay 13. That is what is called
a bill of exchange. To obtain it is a
convenience awl a saving of expense to
the party accommodated, for which he
is willing to pay a percentage, which is
called the rate of exchange. Except
this rate of exchange gold is
_of about,
the same standard valueamong all com
mercial nations. silver and gold coin
are nearly on a par in this respect, but
gold being more valuable and much less
bulky has the advantage. These metals
constitute the circulating medium of
the world, and are the universally
adopted measure of value. They have
both au intrinsic and a nominal value.
Paper money differs from coin' in this.
Its intrinsic value is very small. It is
merely the promise of au individual, an
association of men, or a government to
pay a certain sum. If the promisor or
the maker of the paper, is r e ady an d
able to pay the note In specie as sompas
presented, and this fact is well known,
the paper is-par paper, or nearly so.
But the confidence of the monetary
world in the ability of the maker of
paper money to pay must be perfect
and unshaken. The slightest suspicion
of inability to pay, at once reduces the
value of paper. This is the case with
either bank paper, or paper money is
sued by the authority- of and under the
name of a g,overumeut. Besides this,
paper money, whether issued by gov
ernments or banking institutions, can
only have a home circulation:; it can
not circulate abroad as gold -or silver
will, having no intrinsic value within
itself.
The history of the world has abun
dantly proven that any attempt of a
government to make paper do the legit
imate work of coin was sure to be fol
lowed by the same evil results. It has
always driven coin out of circulation,
and to a greater or less extent out of the
country where government paper was
employed as a circulating medium. De
preciation of the government paper, anti
a consequent proportionate advance in
the price of every article of merchan
dize, has necessarily followed every such
attempt, where the issue of government
paper was large. Gold does not rise in
price. It still relllaillS throughout the
commercial world at the old and well
established standard in value, but gov
ernment paper, being a thing of merely
local ttse, and being dependant for its
value on the ability of the government
which issues it to redeem it iiromptly iu
gold or silver necessarily depreci
ates to a greater or less extent from the
very hour when it is first made manifest
that it cannot be promptly redeemed in
that commodity which constitutes the
only acknowledged circulating medium
of the world.
This inevitable tendency or paper
money to decline in value cannot be
arrested or restrained by any locallegis
lative enaetinents however stringent ;
for the simple reason that no commer
cial nation is dependent upon itself
alone. It might be done in some ex
clusive despoti , lll, where outside influ
ence was never felt, and into whose
ports no strange vessel was ever per
mitted to enter: hut in a commercial
nation like ours, paper money issued
by the, government must inevitably be
influenced by the great laws which rule
the financial world. These are as wide
in their extent as the range of adven
turous merchants, who seek profit in
even the remotest regions of the earth,
and as immutable as the great law of
supply and demand.
The assertion that speculators keep up
the price of gold is a very silly One, ut
terly unworthy to be heard from any
man fit to be the ruler or the financial
secretary of a great nation. Mr. Lin
coln, and his Secretary, Mr. Fessenden,
alike show their want of knowledge of
the plainest and most thoroughly estab
lished laws of finance, when they au
thoritatively pit t forth such a statement.
And Thaddeus Stevens, and all other
authors of bills intended to restrain the
trafic in gold only show their want of
good sense by the impracticable propo
sitions they make. No such laws can
have the slightest etn.ct until the ports
of the United States are all closed, and
our foreign commerce entirely annihi
lated. So long as we maintain any, even
a slight connection with the commer
cial world outside we must yield to
the great laws which everywhere
regulate trafic. Our paper must
necessarily continue to decline as
our debt increases. Our resources are
not by any means inexhaustible, and
so great is the waste of them under the
utterly inefficient management of the
charlatans now in power, that it is most
likely our greenbacks will yet share the
fate of the old Continental currrency.—
There is nothing in the message of Mr.
Lincoln to load us to hope for aspeedy
end of the war; nothing in the report of
the Secretary of the Treasury to lead us
to expect that a wiser financial policy
will be adopted. Speculators do not
control the gold market, and our paper
currency has not yet reached its lowest
point of depreciation.
New York City Election
The New York Cityelection, on Tues
day last, has resulted mainly in the
success of the Democratic Tammany
ticket. The vote was very light, being
less than fifty thousand. The new
Board of Aldermen will contain only
two Republicans, and the Common
Council six Republicans.
Tobacco Manufacturers' Convenlton.
A meeting of segar and tobacco man
ufacturers was held at the Cooper Insti
tute, New York, on Wednesday last.
Several of the New England and Middle
States,. in addition to New York, were
represented. W. F. Lawrence, of New
York, presided. Resolutions were
adopted, askiog for the reduction of the
taxes on manufactured tobacco, com
plaining of the want of uniformity in
the Intsrual• Revenue Law, and reOpi
ixie4ditig }li it fax phoplif be laid
.4)?:
Elie leaf
The recklessness of the French people
during the most terrible scenes of the;
Reiolution has excited the wonder 41!
the world. All who . haN., - o . readof
events Ot those days of terror have been
amazed and appalled. In'quiet,timesfit
is very difficult for the mind to comP*,
bend how; such:; a display ;of mad
thoughtlessness, "et reckless follY, and
of brutal barbarism could have been
possible in any nation pretending to
christianity or enlightenment. Writers
have been accustomed to account for
the strange scenes then and there ex
hibited by telling us of the degraded
condition of the masses,Of the hate deep
seated and long fostered by the rule of
cruel and licentious monarchs. They
talk to us of the terrible rebound of
popular will long repressed ;, bid us not
to wonder at the desire of an oppressed
-people for vengeance upon their oppres
sors ; and prate about the necessitythat
exists for culture of the masses. The
majority of readers have been accustom
ed to look upon the bloody excesses of
those days as an anomaly, to regard
them as a strange exhibition of fiend
ishness, to excuse and attempt to palli
ate them by inQenting apologies for
their perpetrators. To admit that they
were not brutal and outrageous beyond
the ordinary capacity of mankind for
brutality and barbarism was to lower
the standard of manhood and degrade
humanity. Hence the many excuses
sought, the many palliating circum
stances brought to notice, and the -per
sistent efforts to account 'for the heinous
crimes, the mad follies, the utter reck
lessness, the seeming bloodthirstiness
of an entire people.
But how will the historian account
for the scenes of these days in this
country. We profess to lie the most en
lightened and the most christian nation
on earth. We boast of the multitudes
Of churches which everywhere thrust
their tapering spires heavenward. \Ve
point to 6 the school houses which grace
every hill-top and mark every cross
road. We have long presumed to pity
the down-troden masses of Europe, and
have taunted even England with the
degradation of the lower orders of her
people. We have made especially loud
boasts about the meliorating and human
izing tendencies of our institutions and
modes of life. \Ve have paraded statis
tics to show that we were the most
moral and virtuous, as well as the freest
and happiest people of the earth. We
have had peace societies, and have de
plored the existence of war. We have
had speeches from Sumner on' the `bar
barism of slavery, anti Mrs. Harriet
Beecher Stowe has drawn tears from
the eyes of thousands by a ficticious re
cital of the woes of one poor negro. We
were very tender-hearted indeed.
How is it with us to-day? All the ac
cumulated horrors of the most gigantic,
the most bloody, anti the most brutal
war the world ever saw scarcely excite
our notice. We have learned to hear
of the slaughter of hundreds and thou
sands of men without so much as a
shudder. The daily announcement of
skirmishes, in which from ten to a hun
dred men, full of lusty life, are hurried
out of existence, isdisposed oft in a brief
sentence, a short telegram, read by mil
lions, and forgotten almost as soon as
read. Scenes of horror, the recital of
which, if occurring in India or Ethiopia,
would have made our very blood curdle
before we had become imbruted by this
horrible civil war, now move us no
longer. We have become as blood
thirsty as -the veriest painted devil of
an Indian who once scoured the forests
which grew where on r cities now stand.
Our preachers are no more ministers of
the gospel of the God of peace.' The
churches of the land reek with the sick
ening odors of slaughter, and the mpecu
pants of many of the sacred desks bawl
from Sabbath to Sabbath, like hciwling
dervises for blood.
We are bloodthirsty thought less,
reckless. Our cities were never gayer
than they are now. The theatres are
crowded nightly, and 611 the haunts of
gilded crime are tilled to overflowing.
Extravagance is the order of the day.
Gaudy equipages, the "turn out" of vtll
gar aristocrats, whose purses have grown
plethoric from unlimited public plunder
crowd every avenue ; jewelry glitters
on red fingers, and arms unused to such
adornments ; brown-stone fronts and
marble palaces spring up, at enormous
cost, as if by the stroke of an enchanters
wand they are tilled with gorgeous
upholstry, 11101 the .iiectipants revel in
luxury.
We are running a wild race of bloody
d e eds, of national and social extrava
gance, of folly and of crime, which is
the wonder of the world. The nations
of the earth look on iu utter amaze
ment, while they predict a disastrous end
to this mail career. Is there not good
reason to fear they are right? There
must come a (lay of reckoning. That it
will be a very sad one no thinking man
call doubt.
State Duty
The subjoined letter addressed to the
Commissioners of Mitlin County, by
Brig. Gen. Lemuel Todd, the officer in
trusted with the duty of raising troops
for State defence, will he of interest to
our readers :
ireadquarfrrs Inv. Dee,
Harrisldnrg, _l'm'. 17. 1861. f
1. Are those who hold exemption cer
tificates from V. S. boards exempt
under the State law'?
The certificate of exemption for men
tal or physical disability, given by the
physician of the enrolling board of the
T. S., should not be received as evi
dence of disability or disqualification
for State defence. 'Eadi board ?nits/
make itN. 00 , 11 c.rrmptions, determining
from all the circumstances of each par
ticular case whether the party is a prop
er subject for exemption.
.Are those who paid commutation
to the U. S. or furnished substitutes
exempt ?
The citizen owes allegiance and, as a
consequence, service to both State and
National Governments, and exemption
from service under the provisions of the
Acts of Congress for enrolling and
calling out the National forces, does not
relieve a party from the service lie owes
the State under the militia laws of the
Commonwealth. — lt is a superadded
obligation.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen,
your obedient servant.
LEMUEL TODD.
Inspector C4en'l Penn'a Militia.
At it Again
Abraham can still get (Ulu joke. He says
in his message :
" Men readily perceived that they cannot
be much oppressed with a debt which they
owe themselves.•'
In other words, i f you own a homestead
worth one thousand dollars, and possess
one thousand dollars in cash ; and if
you lend the thousand cash to Abraham
with which to operate against. slavery,
and Abraham gives you his note, as
your agent, promising to pay you when
he receives that amount in taxes from
you, with a lien on your thousand dol
larhomestead, as ultimatesecurity, then
you can't be "much oppressed,":because
you owe yourself the thousand dollars
cash, and,,,,if Abraham can't get taxes
enough 4314,t of you to pay you, why
your homestead is always full se
curity for the amount. Of course, "men
readily perceived" this, and feel perfect
assurance that they_ can't be " much op
pressed'? by it, for, don't you see, when
ever they begin to feel the pressure, they
can forgive themselves the debt, and
—presto, the lien is canceled !—:Patriot
and Unzon.
The horses, earriges, liquors, tkc., be
longing to the establishment of Lord
Lyons, have been sold at auction. The
prices of the wines ranged from thirty
to forty dollars per dozen., and the
brandies at seven dollars and fifty cents
per bottle. This dispositOn of his prop
erty indicate 44 'that Lord Lyons will not
soon tetOrn to thi,3 goinitry, if p,t; all. '
/rebut Itr ?
„;Lthe crazed and fanatical leaders of
: i the Abolition party in this country are
Ao . bebelieved all the well established
;nye : of political eettn been
eintersed by some sort 14'nidiacidens
in
;terposltion in our behalf. I 0 the theOries
.`of Lincoln, and Fessendeni and Aboli
lion.-editors and orators -ate correct, a.
colossal civil war, such2as ouis, is a
great national blessing, and ahuge debt,
such as we have accumulated is national
wealth. Political economy must hence
forth be regarded as an- exploded Sci
ence,: and thn profoundly' thOughtful
voluirtes, froniwhAeb inbars: haye been
accustomed to lenrnirlidoni, as only so
much worn-out rubbish, According to
the theories of these, our modern wise
acres, money expended in the destruc
tive purposes of war is not to be regard
ed as lost, and not to be deducted from
the sum total of the national wealth ;
the labor taken from the fields and the
workshops of the land, from productive
employments, to be used in 'employ
ments not only non-productive but de
structive, is not to be regarded as mis
applied. If they tell the truth, we were
never in so prosperous a condition as we
are to-day ; and the country never was
so rich as it is now— They tell us of the
enormous business doing by our rail
roads, of the activity of our manufac
turers, and of the high prices which our
agricultural products bring. They point
'to the gaudy equipages of the shoddy
nobility, recite stories of the huge for
tunes which have been accumulated,
invite us into the palatial stores of mer
chant princes, bid us look at the surg
ing throngs that fill the avenues of
every commercial metropolis, and ask
exultantly if these things are not sub
stantial and undeniable evidences of
great national prosperity. As in all
things else, sb in this, they deal merely
with the surface of the subject. They
expect to make show do the work of
solid arguments, and too often do they
succeed in blinding the minds of the
masses by the most superficial display
of sophistry. Here, as is too often the
ease in the world, falsehood shows her
self more nimble of foot than truth. It
takes an argument involving tedious
details to show how utterly fal4e, tow
entirely unreliable these seeming evi
dences of national prosperity really are.
The masses are moved most readily by
what immediately strikes their senses.
They do not generally stop long enough
to think. If they did they would see
that every dollar expended in warlike
material is a dollar sunk, that every
man withdrawn from productive pur
suits and sent to war is a loss to the
nation, first of what he would have
earned at some legitimate employment,
and secondly of all that it takes to feed,
clothe and pay him as a soldier.
For more than three years past we
have been engaged in the most gigantic
war the world has ever known. We
have had the largest armies the world
ever saw, have drawn more men away
from the productive pursuits of life than
ever were engaged in the work of
destruction by any 'liaion, and that at
the greatest expense for each and every
individual thus employed. It would be
strange indeed, if, under such a condi
tion of attinrs, we should still be pro
ducing to the same extent we were when
the war began. It is true there is still
great activity among our manufacturers,
but a vast proportion of this activity is
employed in preparing material to be
given to destruction in war. It is thus
all the time a drain upon the national
resources to this extent, a deduction
from and not an addition to the sum
total of the national wealth. Single
shells of certain descriptions cost many
dollars. When these are exploded that
much money is lost to the nation and
to the world forever. Every suit of
clothes worn out by the soldier, every
bullet fired by him, every accoutrement
lost, or rendered useless, every gov
ernment wagon broken down or de
stroyed, every horse killed, every beef
devoured, even down to every ounce of
bread eaten by the soldier is so munch of
the national wealth destroyed, con
sumed, lost and sunk forever.
The huge debt which we 'owe, every
dollar of it, but represents a portion of
what has been destroyed by us in war.
We have no material equivalent to show
for it. There is nothing, left us of all
which has been purchased with it,if we
take out of the account the war vessels
added to the navy, c3ieept the horses
which our cavalry ride, the wagons
which follow our armies, the tents un
der which our soldiers sleep; the clothes
which cover their backs, and the
weapons with which they fight. Looking
at the matter in a material point of view,
these things, of no available use to us
in a time of peace, are till we have-to
show for a debt so huge that it must
burthen our posterity through all com
ing tune to pay the interest thereof
alone. Every dollar spent in this war
is a dollar subtracted from the wealth
of the nation and sunk forever. How
vast an amount of wealth has been thus
destroyed it would be ahno.st useless to
attempt to calculate, since the ascer
tained debt is already so great that the
mind staggers in its effort to compre
hend it. But it must be remembered
that that is only a small proportion of
the grand sum total. To arrive at a
correct estimate of the wealth destroy
ed, we must add to our own debt the
debt of the South, and all which has
been destroyed by acts of the contend
ing armies in either section. Nor is
this all; there still remain to be
computed and added thereto theamount
which the labor of all the men who
have been taken from the productive
pursuits of lift. would have earned, all
that the horses would have earned, and
all that the labor of all the men em
ployed in the manufacture of warlike
material would have earned. If some
one will be kind enough to compute
how much these things would amount
to, we can tell him what the war has
cost the country in money alone.
Mr. Lincoln's Latest Joke
The President's message says to the
Democrats of this Congress : Your vote
prevented the two-thirds majority for
the constitutional amendment abolish
ing slavery at the last session. Now,
please lay aside your constitutional
,scruples and your devotion to local
self-government, and change your vote.
Make up a two-thirds majority of this
Congress, carry the amendment, be
cause in the next Congress we shall
have a two-thirds majority, and sod
can't help yourselves.
Being eager to crack a skull or snatch
a purse, scamp A says to honest B, come
help me now in this job. I can't do it
alone to-day, but have an arrangement
which wilt make it a "sure thing" to
morrow. But let's do it now ; the sooner
the better. Be my,accomplice, since
you can't prevent the crime:
Mr. Lincoln's joke lies—it is a dismal
one—in the assumption'that the Demo
cratic members have no Democratic
principles.— World.
Our Toast.
Geo. Washington, the Father of
Our Country: Abraham Lincoln its
Stepfather.—Mitscatine Journal.
If stepfathers resemble stepmothers,
and we presume they do not differ ma
terially, the Toy rnal pays a questionable
compliment to its faxeilte.
Washington was IV great and a good
He loved his country and adored
its Constitution. In Mr. Lincoln it is
hard to detect any qualities of character
which entitle him ton comparison with
him,
who was first in war, first, In peace
and . first in the hearts of his country
men.
_ .
Report of the Secretary of the Treas.
ury.
In the financial columns of the N. Y.
Herald, a paper which has been sup
porting the Administratieff, we find the
followingscathilig review of the Report
of the Secretary of the Treasury. That
the wholesale condemnation . therein
contained is.,perfectly well deserved
,we
have'not the Slightest hesitation in af
firming. The article is as good a com
mentary as we could possibly get up,
and we, therefore, give it entire. Corn
ing from the source it does it cannot fail
to carry the weight of conviction with it.
The report of the Secretary .of the
Treasury is, as we expected it would be,
about the weakest and most evasive
document that could possibly hiive been
concocted, and the vast importance of
the theme contrasts remarkably with
the insignificance of its treatment on
this occasibn, when the eyes of the
whole people were turned to it in the
expectation that Mr. Fessenden would
at length have found a policy. But the
entire tenor of the report shows that he
has no policy, and that he has thrown
the burden of the responsibility which
properly belongs to himself on Congress,
pretty much as if the captain of ship
laboring in a heavy sea and badly leak
ing resigned the control of her to his
crew and passengers. We need hardly
say that the report is a public disap
pointment. There is nothing either
definite or decided about it, and the
future course of the Treasury may be
anything that caprice or circumstances
may dictate. This is by no means credit
able to Mr. Fessenden, as a statesman,
least of all as a financier. The experi
ence of the past should have led him to
the adoption of a decisive course, and
his recommendations to Congress ought
to have been emphatic and decided. He
had an opportunity such as seldom in
the world's history falls to the lot of a
minister of finance for personal distinc
tion and public usefulness. But having
neglected that opportunity, and failed
to prove himself equal to the task he
has assumed, we can only regret that
the control of the national finances at
this critical period in out history should
be vested in one who has proved himself
so utter a failure, and who still clings
pusillanimously to the wreck of the
policy which was Mr. Chase's legacy to
the country.
The Secretary does not appear to know
his own mind - exactly, judging by the
tone of his clumsy report. It abounds
in con tra( ict ions,a m bigu it ies and incon
sistencies, and shows hesitation and
confusion at almost ever turn.
Henceforward Nv ha tev er hopes may
have been entertained of Mr.Fessenden 's
fitness for the important (Mice overwh ieh
he presides must he dispelled, and the
people must look elsewhere for a Secre
tary of the Treasury who can extricate
the country- from that labyrinth:of finan
cial embarrassment into which it has
Having said this much of the general
features of the report, we shall glance
hastily at the few material points to
which, with excessive prolixity, it. re
feis.
We are able to obtain a clearer idea of
the amount of the national (kid from
the last monthly return, dated October
ftlst, which stated it at 52,017,099,515,
than from this report ; and as for its
estimates, they are necessarily unre
liable. 'l'lle receipts for customs duties
for the first qlr rter of the current fiscal
year, ending - Vember in, were 519,-
271,001, or at I 'le rate of seventy-seven
millions a yea c; and the receipts have
since dwindled so that even the Secre
tary's estimate for the current year, of
370,272,091, from this source, may prove
excessive. The total estimated revenue
for the current year is only 5419,512,389,
which includes z'7.5,000,000 in certificates
of indebtedness—an item that ought to
have been placed under another head.
Mr. Fessenden believes that if Con
gress adopts measures for increasing the
internal revenue at an early day, fifty
millions a year may he added (to three
hundred millions) from that source,
leaving a deficiency of only :482,374,188
to be provided for during the current
year. But why only fifty millions—and
who knows what the deficiency to be
provided for may he? The estimated
fight on the Ist of Ju1y,1865, isput down
at 82,223,004,677, and on the Ist of July,
1866, at 82,645,320,682. Considering the
amount of the debt at the end of Octo
ber, these estimates appear hard of rea
lization.
The tabular statements in this report
are so imperfect and badly arranged
that the public will find them about as
easy to comprehend as a Chinese puzzle.
Mr. Fessenden can see no better way
of reducing the premium on gold than
by the exemplary punishment of gold
speculators, and, notwithstanding the
evil effects of legislation on the subject
already experienced, he suggests the
passage of a law to that effect.
He acknowledges the impropriety of
further increasing thegold-bearing debt,
and yet believes that we should, in
future, rely upon securities bearing in
terest in currency for the first three
or five years, and then convertible
into five-twenty gold bonds. What
difference is there in principle between
gold bonds direct and the same three or
five years hence by conversion. He
give 110 promise that there shall be no
further issues of paper money, and
avoids the currency evil entirely, and
his recommendations to tax sales and
tobacco in the leaf as well as incomes
on a comprehensive and ascendingscale
are without point, and he shuns the
discussion of the subject of taxation by
suggesting a commission to examine
into it.
The report does not propose a single
measure to avert the financial disasters
which threaten the country under its
present policy, and therefore it devolves
upon Congress to frame a new policy
and make it law as soon as possildc.
Ito•2s The New York Teibune, says the
Trenton T nr Amcric•an, urges upon the
Congress which has just'assembled that
the fate of the republic depends perhaps
upon the vigor and promptitude of their
action, and it reminds them of some
facts which it is well for the 1,44)1)1010
understand. It says:
We are now borrowing money in
etlect nt • ti%fy cent:, on Mc dollar, which
comes too near bankruptcy to be a
pleasant subject of contemplation. Let
us pay anything, do anything, to bring
the war to a speedy close, but let us not
double the cost of the war through a
cowardly dread of taxation."
The election is over and the Tribunc
can afford to he , •andid, but if it looked
at the matter in its true' light it would
find that it is not the lightness of taxes
(they are heavy enough, heaven knows)
which has occasioned what it complains
of. We are borrowing money at more
than fifty cents on the dollar, because
of an unwise and improvident financial
policy, which, in defiance of all expe
rience, pretends to put paper money on
a par with specie for the ordinary pur
poses of the people, while it is rejected
for the uses of the Government. The
Treamc again says truly :
h" Every dollar of debt contracted in it
is a mortgage on all the property in the
country."
And what is more, we may add, every
dollar thus contracted, for which only
fifty cents have been received, will have
to be paid, capital and interest, at one
hundred cents to the dollar. What are
the nature of taxes proposed to meet
such a drain, besides a daily expendi
ture of millions of dollars at the same
rate, in excess ofincome? The "coward
ly dread of taxation," which the Tribune
alludes to, was nothing more nor less
than the dread of losing political power.
If taxes had been levied; as they ought
to have been, to meet the emergencies
of the hour, Abraham Lincoln could
not have been 're-elected.
The landed interests would have felt
the effects of the emancipation war
which is impoverishing the country
and reducing it to bankruptcy, and
would have rebelled ; but the election is
over—Aholitipopism is triumphant,
and the truth can be no longer be dls
guisedtaxes, taxes, taxes are now the
order of the day. There is to be no more
" cowardly dread "of them.
Hudson county, N. J. is the banner
Democratic couhty in thei State, having
given the largest . inajority against 'Liu-
She is uow a widciw, with four pen
"ion?: Dging a pocya btletuess.
iVashlngton City.
On Monday, the sth of this month,
Congress reassembled—thOtimp Con
gress of a disorganized nationality, a
broken land, an impoverished and cor
.rUpted people. There was another Con
gress assembled there, a body which has
been growing gradually by the regular
:process of accretion, as filth accumulates
in unpurged sewers, as fedstgring matter
:aecuntulates' in an: unwashed wound,
since March 4th, 1861. A COngress dele
gated from the sweepings of thekennels
of all nations; from the eiuptyings of
the sinks and jakes and foul places of
large cities ; from the off-scour
lugs of the dirty linen of
every people. A Congress of foul
things engendered by feverish disease,
and fed upon purulent corruption. A
Congress made up of idle and shame
less villainy; purveyors of scandal and
fosterers of lies; true children of Beelze
bub; filthy god of the blow-files ; place
hunters, time-servers, dirt-eaters, dung
rakers, carrion-probers ; half-penny buf
foims and ballet-masters to monkey
dancers ; players of faro and of sweat;
horse-jockies, horse-thieves, and chif
foniers ; masters'of muscle and masters
of the art of living without muscle;
ringers-in, buffers, bummers, tramps;
killers of their own time, thieves of the
time of others ; bravos and panderers ;
heroes of debauch, and bullies for kept
women; blatant fanatics, who substi
tute loudness for sincerity, and pruri
ency for innocence; the whole class of
those daughters of Eve who have flung
away the fig-leaf and have chosen to
stand naked in the market-place ; courte
sans and panel-thieves, prostitutes and
mistresses ; kept-women who betray
their keepers, and wives who betray
their husbands; maidens whose' only
blushes are painted on to make them
durable, and matrons with harpy-claws
and eyes of hyenas; confideoce-men,
hotel-thieves, bludgeoners, bounty
jumpers, koniackers, knueks, pocket
book-stuffers, body-snatchers, assassins,
and poisoners. This Congress and that
Congress are holding their joint sessions
at Washington. This Congress and
that Congress are legislating tor the
government, and deciding upon the
welfare of America!
It is a pitiable thought for a once hap
py and innocent people to reflect upon,
that their capital city is at this moment
the most corrupt place in Christendom.
The slums of Loudon, the quarters of
Paris, the sinks of Rome, the stews of
Naples, the bagnois of Venice, are out
done and hide their diminished heads.
To find a parallel for Washington in
the world, we must rake among the
sweltering lanes and alleys of Luck
now; we must ransack the feculent
wharves of Canton, or hold our noses in
the loud-stinking purlieus of Hong-
Kong. To find a parallel in history,
we must go back to Rome under Nero
or under Borgia ; we must visit Avig
non when Aretine wrote his letters; we
must go to the powdered Paris of the
Regent d'Orleans, or the blood-beslob
' hexed Paris of the Jacobins ! or, we must
visit London when Charles the Second
held his court at Whitehall, when Ro
chester played mountebank, and Buck
ingham murdered Shrewsbury, and
Grammot robbed at faro, while the
King's mistresses quarrelled in his
palace, and King's ministers black
guarded one another in the Council
Chamber, and the King himself disse6t
ed the bastard babies of his maids of
honor en pk-ini roar.
nder the old regime there used to be
a certain degree of corruption and filthi
ness about Washington, but it was the
mediocre corruption and filth that waits
upon a commonplace Congress—faro
banks, assignation houses, and a certain
attendance of predatory wire-pullers,
log-rollers and claiio agents—a state of
things disagreeable enough, yet quite
tolerable, because always hid away in
the dark and never suffered to become
rampant. But now, the mass has seeth
ed and sweltered beyond control, it has
quite broken through the crust of de
cency, it has swelled up and boiled over,
and perVaded the whole place with a
lava-flux, tile sulphurous vapors whereof
have spread abroad such au impetig
inous leprosy that every man's skin
itches, and every man's face is as white
Gebazi's.as This false, jeering, scurvy,
godless profligacy has attained to a sub
limity of height and depth, an
all-absorbing pervasiveness never
before known. Its traits are written
in bold, staring type upon the whole
city, from one end of the Avenue
to the other; from the licensed jester in
his palace, devising " plans" for carry
ing elections, over a bottle of Bourbon
whisky, to the salaried rogues and fa
natics who jangle in the national halls
over the nation's dead body, embruiting
themselves like followers at a Con
naught wake, and quarreling for their
shares of the plunder in this great cause
of Jarmlyce e.s. Jarndyee ; from the
pampered favorites who loaf about Stan
ton's headquarters, to the miserable
black wretches in rags who snarl over
the and cast out from the negro
camps. There is a hardened shame
lessness, a bronze-faced effrontery in
the manner of perpetrating these vil
lanies which is beyond measure, horri
ble to contemplate. The infection has
pervaded all ranks, no corner of society
has escaped. The Massachusetts tran
cendentalist, the New York merchant
prince, the - Western Reserve free-lover,
the fervid preacher, the smooth-faced
country boy, the peach-checked girl,
the jabbering negro from the rice fields,
all of them, as soon as they come here,
are caught in the debauched whirl, are
sucked into the giddy maelstrom of
brutal orgies, are infected with the lick
erish pollution, and straightway run
races who shall soonest pander away
their favors and their virtue for the
highest price. Mammon and millinery,
letehery and lust, turpitude and selfish
ness, intemperance, epicurism, sensual
ity, shoddy and greenbacks, these be
your gods, oh Capital of the United
States ! This new polytheism of infamy
has been the growth of four short years
under the fostering tutorage of a reform
ing Government. Four years more of
such growth, such progress, and such
reform, and Hell will have been so clean
raked of its vampyres and fiends and
devils to people the streets of our nation
al caravanserai, that it will be a safer
place of residence for ordinary men than
Washington City ! —...Vetvard
Jonornal.
Honest Old Abe.'
When every other argument failed the
advocates of Lincoln's election ; when
he was denounced as a usurper by the
ablest Republicans in Congress; when
Fremont boldly declared his Adminis
tration to be " financially,
and militarily a failure ; when his vul
garity hail disgusted all right-thinking
people; when nothing else was to be
said in his behalf, his paid advocates al
ways played the card of honesty.
thrtunately, whatever• Mr. Lincoln may
have been before he was re-elected, his
late message is a very sad commentary
upon his honesty. If ever he was honest
he must have become greatly corrupted
by the associations which have sur
rounded hint since his residence in
Washington. Encircled as he has been
by public plunderers, living as he has
done in daily contact with thieving
Government officials, •he must' have
been very sternly honest, indeed, if he
did not feel the deteriorating influence
of such villainously bad company. We
very much fear ho must henceforth be
looked upon as a living illustration of
the old saying, "evil communications
corrupt good manners."
His message is in all respects very
common-place, yet in a curious finan
cial recommendation he deviates for
once into originality ; but it is an origin
ality which gives the lie to to the oft
repeated epithet of " honest old Abe,"
arid which is suggestive of a very low
tone of moral feeling. In speaking of
this passage the N. V. World says:
He gravely recomniendsthat our Govern
ment shall raise money from our citizens by
corrupting their sense of pecuniary honor!.
lie wants Congress to pass an act to pro
tect the purchasers of Government bonds
from paying their honest debts ! He gravely
recommends that this species of property
shall be placed beyond the reach not - only
of taxation but of ckeditorg. This, from the
President of the United. States, is a credita
ble proposal ! But when foreign. ruitibmi,
who never hit upon this refinement, shalt:
see our Government suggesting to our citi
zens a safe method of evading their private
obligations,
Will not be apt to infer"that
where such morality. prevails, it will be an
easy ste to, nubile repudiation.? Private
and Public debte stand on the same ground
of Torsi obligation, but the average con
science Of men is coininottly'supposed to be
the' weaker in .relation to public - engage
ment. It is a spectacle as astounding as it
is melancholy to see theehief Magistrate of
a ginat nation asking, Congress to
citizens to cheat their creditors ont - oftheir
• L,
Tb Pigle of Honey Hill
Thespedareornsioalieliceitthe N. York
Herald g ives_ a full amount of the late battle
at Honey Hill; near Glahamsville, on the
Charleston and Savannah Railroad, be
tween General Foster's troops, and a rebel
force under General Gustavus Smith. His
report corroborates the claim .made of a
decided victory by the rebels. We subjoin
his account of the battle:
Upon the approaith of our forces, the
rebels continued to fall back up the road,
pursued by our troops, and annoying them
as much as possible. Part of the way the
woods were so dense that the advance was
necessarily in column along the road, with
only a few thinkers out, struggling along
through a vine undergrowth, wiatmire be
neath. The rebel infantry retreated to near
their Honey Hill battery, and there made a
stand, with their field pieces at the head of
the road, in front, their infantry deploying
in line of battle in their rear.
The Honey Hill battery was located just
beyond a turn in the road, with a marshy
tract between and a small run, crossed by a
bridge. The battery had four embrasures,
each containing a gun, as nearly as the
smoke would permit of ascertaining. It
was on the brow of small hill, with an out
work in front and flanking breastworks.
The rebel forces were quickly disposed in
these works, with a heavy line of skirmish
ers on each flank, a large force of infantry
in the fort and works in the centre, and a
body in the rear as reserve. The rebel
flanks had thick woods for cover, while our
whole line from the formation of the ground,
was necessarily much exposod.
The Thirty-second Unnted States colored
troops were ordered to charge the rebel fort
as soon as we had got in position at the head
of the mid. They attempted but got stuck
iu the marsh, which they found imptuisable
at the point of their assault, and a galling
tire of grape, canister and musketry being
opened on them, they were forced to retire.
The Thirty-tilth United States colored
troops also essayed an assault, but could
not get near enough to produce any effect
upon it. These regiments, however, only
fell back to the line of battle, where they
remained throughout the entire tight.
, .
Our front, as gradually established, reach
ed to the right anti left about half a mile
for a considerable portion of the way along
a rough path or road, and with the centre
in the turn of the main road. Here Lieut.
Col. Ames brought up all the artillery that
could lie used, and until after dark kept up
a contain and effective tire on the rebel
works and lines. Ile personally superin
tended the tiring, and excited general ad
miration by his coolness and bravery.
The Fifty-fifth Massachusetts (coloreds
went into this fight on the right of the bri
gade, commanded by ('ol. Hartwell. I
did not note the time, but it was in
the heat of the action, when the bri
gade had got separated by sending tIV
taVIITIIeIItS to different weak points and all
that was left of it on the spot where it was
first located was ft mere detaehment.
lire became very hot, lint still the regiment
did not waver—the line merely quivered.
I'aptain ;oratttl, of tb Foster's stall;
whose gallantry was conspicuous all day.
rode up just as I 'ol. Hartwell was wt a unded
n
in the hand. and advised him to retire, but
the Colonel thYlined, and was anxious to
charge the works, l'aptain tit - wand declined
to give the order, but rather favored the
movement, the bullets all this time flying
like hail. Colonel I fart well gave the order,
the colors eame to the extreme front, when
the Colonel shouted, " Follow your colors!"
and then led the way himself, and - marched
off obliquely, in column by division. Col.
fartwell was mounted, and su was Captain
Crane, his Adn. Oen. Just as they reached
the marsh in front of the turn in the road,and
within a short distance if the rebel works,Col.
Ilartwelfs horse, while struggling through
the mud, was litterally blown in pieces by
a discharge of canister. The Colonel was
wounded at the same time, and attempted
to jump from Ins horse; but the animal
1141 on hint, pressing hint into the mud. Al
this time he was riding :it the side of the
column and the men pressed out past. Rut
as they neared the fort they met a murder
ous fire of grape, canister and bullets at
short range. :As the numbers of the advance
were thinned, the lbw who survived began
to waver, and finally the regiment retreat
ed. In retiring, Lieut. Ellsworth, with a
few men, extricated the I" angel from his
perilous position after nitwit delay and by
cutting the saddle from his horse. In car
rying hint away he was again wounded in
the side, and advised Lieut. Ellsworth to
leave him behind ; but the Lieutenant and
a few men brought him from the field with
out further injury, and he will probably
survive. He is now in hospital at Beaufort,
doing well.
The One Hundred and Twenty-seventh
New York were at this time on the left of
the road, under command of Lieutenant
Colonel Woodford, who, at his own request,
was temporarily relieved from duty on
General Foster's staff that he might take
his place with his regiment. Ile led the
regiment across the road to (.0-operate with,
the fifty-fifth, and got very near the fort,
but were obliged finally to retire. Consider
ing that they had skirmished in the front
all day, their behavior was splendid. I
the (line of the farthest advance Colonel
Gurney was on the right of the road, in the,
extreme front, in command of a skirmish,
line where he displayed much gallantry.
The fifty-fourth Massachusetts, heroes of
all hard tights that have occurred in the de
partment since their arrival here, were too,
much scattered in this battle to do full jus
tice to themselves. Only two (.ompanies
went into the fight at first, under Lieut.
Col. Hooper. They were posted on the left,
Subsequently they were joined by Ila:
more ,mitpanies, who were left on duty
in the real,
The twenty-fifth Ohio, soon after the
commencent u•nl of the engagement, were
sent to the right, where they swung around
and fought on a line nearly perpendicular
to our main front. A portion of the Fifty
fifth Massachusetts were with them. One
or two elm rgl'S were essayed, hut were 11Y1-
suecessfn I ; but the front was maintained
there throughout the afternoon. The 25th
had the largest loss of all the regiments.
Counter charges were made at various
times during the tight by the enemy, but
our infin and artillery mowed them
down, and they did not at any time get very
near our lines. 'Whenever a charge of our
men was repulsed, the rebels would nook
out of their works, whooping like Indians;_
but Ames* guns :111(1 the terrific volleys of
our infantry would soon send them hack.
The musketry firing was terrific. For
seven hours the din was kept up, almost
drowning the artillery discharges. Some
times volley would follow volley the whole
length of the bite, and then a scattering fire
would intervene, but Mr a nunnent only, to
be succeeded by deafening discharges. The
result: would have (aeon more apparent 11l
killed and wounded on both sides but for
the trees, which Slop of many bullets.
General Foster the enemy's posi
tion at I loney 11i11 too strong to be easily
taken,, anal not of sufficient importance,
considering the object of the expedition, to.
warrant a contintnuico of the engagement,
withdrew to a strong position on the Sav
annah road, from which he will be able to.
conduct to t ure Operations.
The total casualties foot up eight linndrea
and ten, but the loss to the service will only
be three or ti or hundred.
A Tremendous Blunder
An awkward error, probably of some
subordinate clerk in the Treasury Depart
ment, reports the total of our notional debt
at about eight hundred times as much its it
really is, tool four hundred times larger
than the national debt of great Britain.
This error appears verbatim in the Presi
dent's message, and is repeated verbatim:
in the leaded type of tt mornbigiournal. Ii
is in these alarming words : "Ome billion,
seven huntlred and forty thousand million,
six hundred and eighty-nine dollars and
forty-nine cents. - If we understand arith
metic one billion is the same as a thousantr
millions. But take off the billion. 'Then
we have seven hundred and forty thousand
millioris with the odd dollars turd cents.
Now the debt is less than two thousand
millions of dollars. If the-Treasury clerk
had stuck to the plain way of statement
which everybody understands he would.
not have made a blunder that would dis
grace a school boy ten years of age. The
trite expression of the debt is seventeen
hundred and forty millions, six hundred
and ninety thousand, four hundred and
eighty-nine dollars and forty-cents.—X. F.
Evening Rost, Dee. 7th.
It may serve the purpose of the Post
to throw the blame of this "blunder"
upon "some clerk." But we do not
believe that a clerk committed it.—
Clerks usually give their statements in
figures, but this occurs in the Presi
dent's Message spelled out in words. It
was, therefore, no doubt a " blunder"
in theiwriter'of the message; a "blunder"
in the printer of the Message also.—
Was it ignorance? Doubtless it was.
But the Post does not correct the
" blunder ;" It only makes the matter
worse. " A thousand millions," is not
a "Billion," unless Webster is in error.
For that distinguished lexicographer
says "a billion" is a million of millions.
Hence, our President has with one
stroke of his pen placed our national
debt far beyond that of all the nations
of the civilized world' combined.
More Loyal Co pperheadlem.
We are informed that an individual
residing at the Gap, Lancaster county,
named Elijah Pugh, who holds the
position of . Inspector ill the Custom
House, under Col. Thomas, lgayes his
home for Philadelphia, via Penneylva
nia Railroad e yry morningat 8 o'clock,
and returns a 3 the same day. Now
does this NEL ugh attend to the duties
required of him in accordance with his
oath to the GovermAent, or does -be
speculate in groin for .the Collector?
Who can answer .this .qattry ?--Sunday
Mfrou7.