VOLLXV
tary discretion ' • the king by his judges dispenses
what the law has previously ordained ; but is not
himself the legislator."
The learned commentator then takes
occasion to regret that in being deprived
of those advantages and being subject to
military law, the soldier is placed in a
condition of servitude ; " for," said he
" Sir Edward Coke will inform us that it
in one of the genuine marks of servitude
to have the law, which is our rule of ac
tion, either concealed or precarious."
Another extraordinary measure inaugu
rated by the proclamation, and whioh con
stitutes the climax of despotic power as
sumed bythe Executive, is the suspension
of the. writ of habeas corpus during the
existence of the rebellion. Having usurped
the power of arrest " without due process
of law " in the face of the express pro
hibitions of the Constitution, it wis an
offence of gigantic magnitude for the
President to suspend the operation of this
great and important defence of the liber
ties of the citizen. In those bitter and
unscrupulous civil contests which were
waged between the party of prerogative
and that of the privileges of the people,
which inflamed the heart of England in
the middle of the seventeenth century,
the ancient common-law right of the
habeas corpus was disregarded by Charles
1, as coil as by the Long Parliament.
This was during the long struggle between
the Crown and the people. But after the
constitution was settled as to this particu
lar by the Petition of Bight, and the 29th
of Car. 11, no sovereign had afterwards
temerity enough to attempt an abuse of
this great bulwark of English liberties. IT
is true that in a few instances within the
ON FREEDMEN'S AFFAIRS. I history of the nation for two centuries
February 24, 18134. l back this great writ has been suspended
' b . t, Parliament, tha only power which could
[CONCLUDED.) I legally suspend it. The principle of these
But it will be s.'l that tit_ -,,.. , ,elaleatien was during the transition from the reign
of the 24th of S otember dees, not con- of James II to that of William and Mary,
travene Magna C .rta, since it is confirmed in 1638. All through the American war
by act of Congress. The answer to this of independence the friends and sympa
is that the act of Congress itself contra- thisers of the American cause were bold
venes the provisions of the Constitution, in their condemnation of the policy and
the paramount law. When we turn to measures of the Crown, and it was held
article four of the amendments to that in- that this was but the simple exercise of
strunient we are met by this stern require- the unquestioned right of the subject.
meut : Burke, Fox. and Pitt. al) , thundered in the
"The right of the people to be .secure in their per ears of the court their eloquent denuncia
sons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable tions of the tyranny and injustice of Gov
searches and seizures shall not be violated, and no eminent toward their countrymen in the
warrant shall issue but upon probable cause sup
ported by oath or affirmation and particularly de- colonies, and no One ever proclaimed a
scribing the place to bo searched and the persons or sr military necessity " of silencing them
things to be seized. by forcible restraint of their persons.
Article six alSo requires that
The remarks which I have made in m
ein all criminal prosecutions the accused
gard t., ...rbitT , Ty , rrysts apply with equal
shall enjoy the right to a zpeetly and public trial by
an impartial jury of the State and district wherein fordo to the suppression of journ-is which
the crime shall have been committed, which district have spoken out it, condemnation of these
shall have been previously ascertained by law, and
_,
to be informed of the nature and cause of the seen- al espotiC acts of the Adnainistratiou.
sation; to he confronted with the witnesses against Blackstone says, " the liberty of the press
him; to have compulsory process for obtaining wit- -
Isindeed essential to a free State." The
names in his laver, and to have the assistance of
counsel for his defence." liberty of the press was our common-law
The exercise of such arbitrary powers right as British colonists, and for its pro
it was which lost Charles I of E ng l an d tection, together with the freedom of
;the confidence of his subjects, and led to speech and the right of peaceably assetub
'the establishment of new guarantees ling and petitioning the Government for a
against such flagrant abuses on the part of redress of grievances, the first amendment
the monarch. The practice of a similar was added to the Constitution. These re
tyranny in France, under the letters de I etraints are necessary, it is said, because
cachet, had filled the dungeons of the by the indulgence of free discussion the
Bastile with innocent victims, until at thearm of the Government is weakened, and
commencement of the reign of Louis XVI its ability to carry on the war seriously
that hated prison was leveled to the ground impaired. But what an argument is this
in the indignant uprising of an outraged in a country of constitutional liberty, and
people. where public opinion forms the substratum
What - right, sir, has Congress to author- of all our institutions ! And what. an
WI arbitrary arrests in the face of the argument at a time when, above all others,
prohibitions of the Constitution ? Are free speech and a free press are most
these prohibitions without meaning ? or needed to point, out and drive back the
were they not on the contrary designed to robbers who are daily carrying off the
meet just such exigencies as these in which public treasure ! It'is an old precept to
the country is now placed, when, togetherresist the beginnings of evil. It was
with the possession of the p h ys i ca l and ' Rousseau that said, " Liberty might be
political power of the country, a party finds acquired, but could never be recovered."
itself under the temptation to resort to In addition to all these aggressions the
usurpation in order to maintain its asoen- war policy of the Administration has sad
usurpation
I The Administration cannot, as I died the country with a debt which at the
in England, have recourse to the omnipo- I terminatio i of the struggle will exceed in
tense of the Legislature to justify this magnitude that of Great Britain contracted
abuse of power. The British Parliament in a century of foreign wars. The aggro
assessed of a le
ifi al , omnipotence from gate of the appropriations on tho 4th of
gp
the p nature of the constitution, which is I Match, 186:3, was $2,000,277,000. The
that of a consolidated Government and a
appropriations are first or last the real ex
monarchy. Even there, however, the sub-
penditure.
ject has an adequate security against any The attal of the English debt is a frac
s
violation of those great principles of per-
tion less than 4,000,000,000. The Eng
sonal security, perst'nal liberty, and pri- lish deat bears an interest of three per
vale property, which constitute the so I cent., while the debt of the United States
* much and justly lauded privileges of when consolidated will reach six per cent.
Britons, because the people themselves, This gigantic debt will tax enormously the
through their representatives in the Com_ earnings of industry for generations, while
mans, make a preponderant power in the the substitution of paper money for the
Parliament, and the venerable landmarks gold and silver currency established by
of the rights of the subject have long been the Constitution* has destroyed the rela
held sacred from encroachment. But in tion of debtor and creditor ; has destroy
this country the National Legislature has ed legal securities as well as the earnings.
no such large and unlimited powers. A of industry in ordinary investments. It
written charter confers expressly all the has increased largely the prices of Govern
powers which the Congress possesses, and I went supplies, thus enhancing greatly the
clearly there is no authority contained in cost of the war. It bears severely upon
any of its provisions to arrest any one the investments of widows and orphans,
" without probable cause," and " upon
and is sacrificing the business of the •coun
oath or affirmation." Neither will the ex-
try in the general ruin of the currency..—
This flood of assignats has stimulated into
tension by Congress of marital law over
the whole country cover the case: There still more pernicious action all that crowd
,
is the same deficiency of authority here as of corrupt and hateful influences which
before. Says Chief 'Justice Blackstone in follow in the wake of war sharks in that
his Commentaries : of the pestilent ship. The miserable.
"Martial law, which is built upon no settled crowd of contractors and speculators on
.
L rin as ciV r es il b a u tt r h i e s w en H t a ir l e e lLazbitrap , in its decisions, the sufferings of their country, like so
many leeches, are sucking out the life
silty no law, but something rv innulg n ei t l r r t a h the a r d th r an
allowed as a law. The necessity of order and disci
plineblood in an army is the only thing which can give unquestioning support of the Administra
it countenance, and-therefore it ought not be per- tion and all its reckless and abortive
milted in time of peace, when the king's courts are
open for all persons to receive justice according to measures as the true test of patriotism.
the laws of the land." The acts of the Administration under
Does this " necessity of order and dis- the double -influence of Republican and
pline," which this distinguished authority Abolition principles are marked by singu
lays down as the only admissible ground lar tergiversation and inconsistency. In
for the application of ui.rtial law, apply their Chicago platform, as in all authori
also to civilians outside of the .ilriny I
Are not the counts as to them, both State
and Federal, except in the States in rebel
lion, just as open now for the proseentian
of offences against the Government and
laws of the United States as under the
condition of the most, profouna peace I
The contrary will na be asserted. There
is therefore no necessity for this extraordi
nary stretch of authority, except in dis-*
tricts, if there be any such, iu which the
regular administration of justice by the
civil tribunals is rendered impracticable
1:!y the operations of war ; and this is
nowhere beyond the lines of the Army,
except as to persons in the military service.
The roles and articles 'of war and the
acts'of Congress for holding courts-mar
tial (chiefly that of the 14th of April,
1814) , by which the. Army. is governed,
were framed chiefly from the English 'sys
tem upon. the same subject. _ha principles
and modestof proceeding•are . quite •differ
exit 'from. those oi , itim-egtnnahni a - W., And in
ta3ferenoe -to- them Blackstone remarked
TliE LANCASTER INTELL_IGENCEE
1:1131,18H1D GE
TUINDLY,EO. SAND .
FCELSON NT No. 8 NON &
SONILI num: snarl.,
Ey G.
TEEMS.
Two 'Dollars per If paid in advance. $2.50. If not
paid before the expirati on of the year. Ail sub.cription •
arei however, expected to be paid in isdrunte
- ••• ADVERTISING DEPAaTSIEIST.
RUBIBBSS AntrZaTlßEßßlits by the year, or fractions of a
„ . „,.year, In Weekly Tapers., to be charged at the rate of
$12.00 per !ignore. of ten lines. 10 per cent. increase on
the pearl* rate for frictions 'of a year.
EXXl;lterarl, PEASONAL PaoPERTY and CIBYBP.AL ADVERTI , •
Ila t 6, be charged at the. rote of Seven cents per tiros fi,r
the first insertion, and ;bur cents per for every .
subesquent•lnsertion.
DeXxxx..MaDleilLe, BITIZES, AXD r'yfacit ADVEttrisr..
ware, by. the column, half, third, or quarter column.
to be charged ea follow,:
One oOluten, yesrly, sloo.fo
One-halt column, yearly, 60 0:1
One third •culunin, yearly-, 40 GO
•
One quarter column, yearly, 30 00
BUSINJOIL9 OARD+3. yearly, not exceadinz t4n lines, $10.00.
.1511 . 311101 , S Cards. 6 'dn.e or lees, 0,5.00.
Lxota, Niencee to be charged a: folio.
Executors' Notices
Administratnes' Notices,
Assignees' Notices,
Auditors' Notice -
All Notices not exceeding tail lines. or loss,
for three insertions
SetCUAL NOTICES, inserted In Local Departannt, to be
charged fi.fieen cents per line.
BLBUOYs.—AII advertireurut. , vreceding the Mort tgrs ,
Markets to ba charged at ti e rite tcn rents par tttd
for the first Insertion, and firs ,er, to per 'ire 4 , every
subsequent Insertion.
LIdELRIAGILS to be cbargeti 25 ernts -,rll ill/ thertp-r
first
publishing the same.
OBITUARY NOTICLY to be chart' ,1 et ne vertirtLg
TRIBUTEB 07 REel'rer, ittSUL UT IL, N., , L b gel 10
route per Hue.
Oetertuoinimoss setting forth the tloi 06 of Irdivldu for
office, Ac., to bu charged 10 I,lltS permee
December 18th, 1863, the shove erhte Priees wns
e
unanimously adopted by the u refert 0
he Oily of Lancaster. Pa.
JNO. A. HIESTAND k 11) en-A.loler /frraht.
PEARSOL & 11E1.81', Pally P Ifoo:Aiy E.rp, gs
JOHN BAER'S SONS '
OEO. SANDEDSON S ~tettigen,...,
S. A. WYLIE, Daily a` nquirrr .
WM. It. WILEY, Job Minter.
E. H. TIIOBIA Church Adtocate
S EC 11 0
HON. JOHN L. DAWSON,
OF PENNSYLV,V,CA,
.. , Aene.of.the greatest. adiantages - of .the. English
lawiallud , not.only_the.arimenthemseluas N.hi oh it
pruibles, but alio the penalties which it inffirds,are
amertainild and notorious ; nothing is left to arbi-
*Daniel Webster says
•• But what is meant by. the ,' , ,oonatitutional. cur
rency,' about which so rough iS said ? Whats_pecies
or forms of currency • dods the ConititutiOn
and what does di forbid? ..It, is, plain enough that
.
this depends on what we understand by currency.—
Currency, in a large and perhaps inajust sense, in
cludes not only gold andsilver,. andbank notes, but
bills of exchange also. It may include all that ad
justs eichanges and settles balances in the opera
tions of trade and business. .13iit - if balances, in
by curronoy the livgal money of the country, and
that which constitutes a lawful tender for debts, and
is the statute measure of value, then, Undoubtedly,
nothing is included but gold and silver. — Most un
questionably there is no legal tender, and There can
be no legal tender, in this country, under the au
thorities of this Government or anrother, btiV gold
and silver, either the coinage of our, own mints or
foreign coins, at rates regulated by Congress. This
is a portstitutional principle, perfectly plain, and of
the very highest importanee. The States are ex
pressly prohibited from ,making anything bat gold
and silver a tender in payment of debts ; and-al
though no such expresa.prohibition is applied to
Congress, yet, as Congress has no power granted to
it in this respect bat to coin money and to regulate
the value of foreign coins, it clearly has no power
to substitute paper or anything else for coin as a
tender in payment of debts and in discharge of con
tracts. Congress has exercised this power fully in
both its branches. it has coined money,iand still
coins it; it has regulated the value of foreign.coins,
and still regulates their Value: The legal tender,
therefore, the constitutional standard'.of Nellie, is
established, and, cannot be overthrown. To over,
throW . lt Would shake the Whine tlystsin."-4TrAiter'i
Works, vol. 4, pages 270, 271. .
LANCASTER CITY, PA., TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 12, 1864.
tative declarations, they declared it to be
their intention not to interfere with slavery
in the States, and to administer the Gov
ernment according to the Constitution.—
In the territorial governments organized
shortly after Mr. Lincoln's advent to
power, in New Mexico, Colorado and Ne
vada, when they had the power to insert a
provision for the exclusion of slavery, no
such exolusions was inserted ; and al
though the Crittenden resolutions were re
jected by Congress until the first battle of
Bull Run, they were passed with great
unanimity after that event. Notwithstand
ing these facts, however, and also Mr.
Lincoln's message to Congress exhorting
that body to prosecute the war solely for
the restoration of the Union, we soon find
leaders of the party introduiing into Con
gress bills for the conversion of rebel
States into Territories, for an indiscrim
inate confiscation of estates, and waging
the war for the liberation of the slaves.—
We also find Mr. Lincoln, under these in
fluences, recommending in his annual
message in December, 1862, the call of a
Convention to secure the emancipation of
the slaves in the States; and, without
waiting for such constitutional authority,
under the pressure of the Abolition por
tion of his party, proceeding to issue
proclamations of emancipation. Could
human weakness and inconsistency fur-
ther go ?
The great and paramount object of all
Governments is the protection of private
property. It is the great basis of all
civilizations. Without its recognition and
stable protection there can be no such
thing even as communities. The framers
of the Constitution, regarding history as
philosophy teaching by example, aimed
to insert in that instrument a clause which,
even in the midst of the most fearful corn
motions and party violence, would prevent
a re-enactment on this continent of those
barbarous confiscations which marked the
civil wars of the Romans, and are a stigma
upon the history of modern Europe.—
They therefore, in the third section of the
third article, used this clear and unmis
takable language that—
" Lto attainder of treason shall work corruption
of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of the
person attainted."
In disregard of this constitutional pro•
hibition, this House passes a joint resolu
tion explantory of the confiscation act for
the purpose of confiscating the fee and
making it operative against the innocent
as well as the guilty.
Mr. Speaker, I have thus endeavored to
state the origin cud true theory of the
Government, and to assign with fidelity the
causes of the present troubles. 1 have
also noticed the measures with which the
Administration haq undertaken to meet the
extraordinary emergency, and have point
ed out their unconstitutional and pernici
ous character, and their• utter deficiency
in a true policy. Since we have thus fhr
failed in reducing the rebellion with the
unconstitutional weapons of restraints
upon the liberty of the person, of speech
and of the press—of martial law, emanci
pation proclamations and confiscation acts,
it is fitting for us now to inquire whether
the armory of government does not furnish
others of more potent energy and efficiency.
There can indeed be no permanent peace
upon those principles. The complete con
quest and subjugation of an intelligent
and high-spirited people history amply
demonstrates to be a work of long dura
tion and uncertain result. Superior re
sources and physical power may be suffici
ent to scatter military organizations, but
it is quite a different thing to conquer and
to subjugate. The history of the Anglo-
Saxon race is full of illustrations of this
truth. The Normans conquered that race
at the battle of Hastings in 1066, but
after a struggle of six hundred years the
Saxon element had re-asserted itself, and
the English Constitution was restored as
it was before the conquest.. A great
standing army would be necessary to keep
the South in subjeetion, and she would
occupy a position to the rest of the Union
such as Ireland and India occupy to Eng
and, as Hungary to Austria, and as Po
.and to Russia.
This war was inaugurated to put down
military usurpation. The calm, just and
ever patriotic judgment of a confiding peo
ple approved and cheered it on in its pro
gress. It was not intended to be a war
against communities, individuals, or their
property and rights, but a war in defense
of the Constitution, the laws, and for the
preservation of the Union. This is still
its true and proper object, and to this, if
we would look for an early and stable
peace, the Administration must return.—
The proclamations must be withdrawn,
the confiscation acts repealed, and we
must get back to the resolutions adopted
by Congress after the first battle of :Bull
Run. Mark well its clear and patriotic
import :
"Resolved, That the present deplorable civil
war has been forced upon the country by the die
unionists of the Southern States, now in arms
against the Constitutional Government, and in arms
around the capital; that in this national emergency
Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or
resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole
country ; that this war is not waged on their part
in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of
conquest or subjugation or purpose of overthrowing
or interfering with the rights or established institu
tions of those States, but to defend and maintain
the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve
the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights
of the several States unimpaired ; and that as soon
as these objects are accomplished the war ought to
cease."
Upon the principles upon which the war
is now waged, there is no rallying-point
f'r Union sentiment in the South. It is
unusual for an invading army to advance
without propositions of peace. Our Army
has none. Unconditional submission to an
enemy whose declared purpose is the de
struction of their rights of property and
social system is all that is offered them.
Is it surprising that the Union sentiment
should be crushed out, that the South
should be united almost to -a man, and
that its resistance should be intensified and
embittered with an energy derived from
desperation ?
Above all things, Mr. Speaker, do I
desire a restoration of the Union as it was.
It is the grand experiment of civil liberty.
Any sacrifice, any concession, any appro
priation should be made to prevent its
failure. We bave a great mission, and no
trivial consideration of the negro, or any
other, abduld be permitted to interrupt it.
It is our mission to demonstrate "the prob
lem of self-government, and to.revolution
ize other Governments by the silent force
of a great example. While the common
1 law and all the privileges and advantages
of . oivilization have been tranderied to this
continent, nothing hut.the stable •eontin
uanoe of our admirable system of govern*
ment is needed to attract within it the peo
ple of every clime. .
Never were an , aggregation of free and
independent political communities better
circumstanced geographically for the pur
poses of snoh a Union. On the scale of
magnitude far surpassing the petty States
of Greece, Switzerland, and the Low
Countries on the Rhine, there was, as
between themselves, the' happiest adapta
tion for a common government. Looking
on the north and east to New England,
there was there no conflict of pursuits with
any other section. Her climate was
rigorous and her soil sterile, and her only
means of development were found in corn- ,
merce and in matinfaetn - ati: She was in
a position to do the carrying trade for her
neighbors, and to work up their raw
material. Crossing westward into the
State of New York, we find her the pos
sessor of great and peculiar resouraes, and
of the national metropolis, designed by
nature as the commercial emporium of the
continent. A little further south was
Pennsylvania, filled with iron and coal,
and favored pm haps more highly than any
individual State with a combination of
agricultural, mineral, manufacturing, and
commercial advantages. To the west, in
the great valley of the Mississippi, the
production of the cereals was
. a wonder.
Bat none of the States thus noticed pro
duced rice, sugar-cane, cotton or gold.
These, again, were the peculiar products I
of the States lying between Pennsylvania 1
and the Golf, and of those on the Pecific.
There was, therefore, among the several' .
States those elements of unity, an adapta
tion to supply each other's wants and a
mutual dependence. They were further
tied together by great rivers reaching far
into the interior, and facilitating inter
course between remote points. There
were on the Atlantic slope the Hudson,
the Susquehanna, the Delaware—to omit
others of minor name—and there was in
the heart of the continent the great inland
sea of the Mississippi, flowing due south
from almost the Arctic circle, and stretch
ing his long arms of the Missouri and Ohio
from the Allegheny to the Rocky moun
tains. The great chain of the Alleghenies,
extending from the lakes to the Gulf of
Mexico, seemed also designed by Provi
dence as another physical bond of union.
There was in all this evidently the most
admirable foundation for union, for that
very government, indeed, adopted by our
fathers, combining in itself all the, advan
tages of a consolidated empire for all pur
poses of defence against foreign aggression,
and containing within the State organiza
tions every provision to meet the wants of
particular localities. Experience proved
its great economy and eminent benefits
and the people of every State grew warm
in their attachment to it, and wished for
its perpetuity.
The North had profited largely by her
connection with the South, and by every
variety of exchange. She had 'profited
largely by the products of slave labor.
New England, with her barren soil and
severe climate, had yet, by her manufac
turing industry with a tariff protection,
and her coastwise and foreign trade, grown
rich and more populous than any other
portion of the Union of the same area,
She had also disproportionate power for
shaping the policy of the country to her
own advantage in having with a small ter
ritory a representation of singular in
equality in the Senate. With a total
population of 3,135,283 she speaks through
the mouths of twelve Senators in the
National Legislature ; while the State of
New York, with a population of 3,880,735,
is heard only through two. In view of
the superior benefits which the North has
derived from the Union, it must be admit
ted to be the expression of a grave truth
that the Cavalier held the cow while the
thrifty Puritan, steadily milked her.
This war will be pro,ecuted, and its
great purpose should be peace upon the
basis of the Constitution. If we fail to
accomplish this, through the obstinate and
misdirected policy of the Administration
we shall have no permanent Government
left in the North under the present Con
stitution. The cohesive power whist'
constitutes the national bond would be
gone, and with it would speedily perish
the national debt. In the competition for
commerce resulting in a line of free ports
from the capes of the Chesapeake to the
Rio Grande our foreign commerce, too,
would dwindle, and the revenue derived
therefrom would perish.
It would be impossible in congressional
legislation to reconcile the commercial in
terests of New York and the agricultural
interests of the Northwest with the manu
facturing industry of New England and
Pennsylvania ; free trade and protection
alike would be obstinately demanded. An
unceasing border war would be the inheri
tance of the States bounded by the line of
separation.
It is a still graver consideration that in
the event of such a calamity no man of
reflection can wink so fast as not to, see
that a portion of the States must become
reunited by the instincts of empire, as
well by every consideration of interest, of
trade, commerce, and security. Cast your
eye over the map of the States, and you
see that all the rivers, from the Hudson
to the Rio Grande, have their outlet to
the ocean through the southern States.
The trade of the lakes, which is alone
greater than all our foreign commerce,
reaches tidewater west of New England,
while that of the great basin of the Mis
sissippi, with its tributaries, comprising
fifty thousand miles of beatable navigation,
clan find its way cheaply by the currents
alone to Gulf of Mexico. The products of
this mighty valley and the cotton of the
South constitute the basis of the commerce
of New York. It is idle to suppose that
she can exist without a union with these
grand divisions.
Pennsylvania must have a market for
her ironland coal, and the products of her
varied industry ; while the Northwest is
sure to follow her destiny marked by the
water-courses, as every producing and
trading people that had the power have
always done from the days of the Pheni
oians down to the present time.
While t ie South has all the resources
and geographical advantages which I have
described, in all probability it cannot ex
ist alone, even if successful, for any great
length of time as an independent power.
A union with the Northwestern and Mid
dle States would become a necessity. For
the present, perhaps a generation, the
vast stake which European governments
lave in the division of a government based
upon the popular will, and in the article
of cotton, would secare.pretectionAu the
Southern Confederacy. The keen eye of
commercial and manufacturing capital,
with the prejudice against slavery, would,
however, render its life a short one. The
world at large is too ranch interested in
the growth and supply of cotton to trust,
as heretofore, almost exclusively to the
South for that supply in the future.
European capital and enterprise, stimu
lated by the lessons of experience, will,
within the next quarter of a century, open
np commercial communications, plant set
tlements, and make the cotton grow in the
interior of Africa, Australia, the East In
dies, as well as Mexico, Central America
and the adjacent' isles of the sea. When
the supply is thus secured equal to_ the
demand, independently of the South, then
will the truce be at an end. An alliance,
holy or political, would again send an
army on the march, and the g 4 anaconda "
would then become a stern reality. The
policy, then, which governs the war and
is carving out the dissolution of the Union,
if adhered to, is but laying the foundation
for a Union in the valley of the Missis
sippi as an inevitable consequence and
result.
- -
The question of slavery in the Territo
ries led to the disturbance of a harmony
which might otherwise have been perpet
ual. The Chicago platform inaugurated
revolution. The States being sovereign-
ties, and the public domain having been
acquired by deeds of cession, by purchase
and by conquest, in the absence of a jti
dioial decision recognizing the equal rights
of the South in the Territories, upon what
principle of equity or justice ooald that
equality be denied I A legal, constitu
tional right, however recognized, it was
well known could not have resulted in the
spread of slavery ; and yet a denial of it
is the sad pretext of our troubles. Wash
ington, impressed with a full knowledge
of the antagonisms of society and the vio
lence of party struggles for supremacy, at
the (nose of his administration, still
doubtful of the permanency of the experi
menti:Twarned his countrymen to a constant
vigilance for its preservation. Jefferson,
with th - it unerring sagacity which charac
terized his knowledge of human nature,
admonished the people of the whole coun
try that the array of parties upon a geo
graphical line would result in the destruc
tion of the Government.
This war cannot last forever. Sooner
or later contending parties must become
exhausted, the armies dwindled, credit
destroyed, the land filled with graves and
clothed in mourning, and an adjustment
upon some terms will be the only cure for
the evil. The uncompromising obstinacy
of Charles I lost him his head; that of
James II his crown ; that of George 111
his colonies. Shall these States again be
lost by imitating the example I Shall we
not rather learn a lesson from that chapter
in our history in 181'2, when Mr. Clay,
aided by Calhoun, pressed the war of that
period upon the Administration of Mr.
Madison in resistance to the British pre
tension to the right of search? The war
lasted for three years and some months.--
There was great sacrifice of life and vast
expenditure of money. During that period
the Navy upon the waters of the Chesa
peake and the Atlantic covered itself with
imperishable glory, and our soldiers poured
out their blood like water upon the river
Raisin and the Thames, at Tippecanoe and
Lundy's Lane. And yet Mr. Clay, at the
head of the American Commission, met
the British Commissioners at Ghent, and
there negotiated a treaty of peace without
saying one word of the matter . in contro
versy, and which was deemed honorable
and satisfactory. Nearly fifty years have
elapsed since that period, and the right
remains unadjusted to this day. In the
meantime our relations with England, so
cial and commercial, have grown more in
timate and important.
Mr. Speaker, there is everywhere an
anxious and earnest looking forward to a
termination of this contest. I believe
there is no obstacle so potent against a
return to peace as that spirit which has
given a new policy and a new object to the
war. To refuse, because of the institution
of slavery in the Southern States, to ad
here to the Union of our fathers is all one
if we should refuse to treat with_the Otto
man Porte or the Barbary Powers, be
cause the me is the sovereign of a nation
recognizing polygamy, and the other the
slavery of the whites as well as the blacks.
The man possessed with a single idea is of
all the most unfitted for a Statesman.—
That high character implies a condition of
mind which contemplates things as they
are, and which forbears the removal of a
less mischief when this would be produc
tive of a greater. He must aim in his
policy at the production of the best good
of society, but will carefully refrain from
great, sweeping innovations, preferring to
leave the correction of evils to the.gentle
hand of time, which, as Lord Bacon ex
presses it, " is the greatest innovator,"
well assured that no Government can be
successful which does not adapt its policy
to the various characters of the people to
be affected by it, and to its diversities of
industry and sectional interests.
Statesmen in every European Govern
ment may be impressed with the superiori
ty of republican institutions. They would,
however, be deemed infatuated to the last
degree, if, taking advantage of some par
tial indications among the people, they
should seek to bring on a crisis. They,
with better judgment, adhere to the exist
ing order of things, well knowing the
ohanges, to be beneficial, must be perma
nent. It was not at a single bound that
England, the freest of the monarchies,
leaped from the fetters of the feudal sys
tem. That was the accomplishment only
of centuries of struggles against the power
of the barons, under the guidance of en
lightened princes, great statesmen, and
able lawyers ; and after all, some of the
most objectionable features of that system
cling to her still. France, indeed, at
tempted, by a single convulsive effort, to
shake from her the bondage under which
she had groaned for centuries.' She suc
ceeded in obtaining a feverish interval of
freedom, only to relapse into the old des
potism ; and nen, with her journals silent
and liberty prnrate, how much better is
her condition than before the revolution of
1789?
It was error, maddened error, as well
as treason in the „South seceding as a
remedy for her grievances. , Great revo
lutions are only justified by great oppres
sions. The South Aould have remained
in the - Union, and fought her battle with
the abolition phalanx under :the toes of
"tbo Contitibition. „ She, laid . the.fonwistion
of the GOvernment and reared ita. stiPEF-
structure, and,the broad folds_ of its flag
furnished her ample protection. She
would have done this from patriotic con
siderations and ancestral recollections, and
sternly discarded igr►is fatuus counsels of
her Yanoeys.
But let New England remember that
the South, in rebellion, is but acting out
doctrines once maintained in all sincerity
by herself. Let her remember that south
ern slavery was planted by her own enter
prise, her ships reaping nearly all the
profits of the slave trade, which the Con
stitution protected till 1808. These re
flections should incline, while still prose
cuting the war for the support -of the Con
stitution and the integrity of the Union,
to moderate our demands according to the
standard of justice. Let ns all remember
that it is an easy thing to destroy ; but a
long and difficult one to build up. The '
struggle for the establishment of human
rights upon a positive basis of constitu
tional law has been long and tedious, suc
cessful, and then doubtful.
Civilization may be said to have com
menced its march on the plains of Judea
with the establishment of the Jewish the
ocracy. Spreading thence to India and
Egypt, from the latter it was transported
to Greece, where it shown brightly in its
classic literature, and its efforts toward a
system of self-government. Thence it
was transferred to Rome, where it beamed
with renewed lustre. Peculiar causes
operating in Italy resulted at the same
time in the Roman republic. These, the
first recorded efforts for. . a democratic
Government, possessed inherent dcfects,
and both, at the period of the Christian
era, were absorbed in the imperial despot
ism of Octavius Caesar. The Empire ran
its career of centuries till at length the
hopes of the human race lay buried for a
time in the tomb of the dark ages. They
awoke again with the revival of learning
in the twelfth century, and receiving an
undying impetus in the ages of the Refor
mation, and of discovery which followed - .
With the exception of the Italian repub
lics, which possessed no enduring vitality,
and at a later day those of Holland and
Switzerland, monarchy, everywhere, the
world over, was the only accepted form of
policy.
It was at length, after six thousand
years of struggle by the race for the at
tainment of a perfect government, that our
wise forefathers, struck with the favorable
conditions for a renewal of the experiment,
resolved to attempt it on this continent.
Starting with the representative feature
and the free principle of the English mon
archy, they searched the storehouse of free
commonwealths for enduring materials for
the new structure. To the selection and
arrangement of the political machinery
which they needed, they brought qualifi
cations never before equalled by the
framers of States. Deep, insight into hu
man nature, the profound knowledge of
history and of law, and unblemished pa
• triotism were theirs. Their perfect work
stands before us ; nay, it is to our keep
- ing. Oh ! let us _not ? let us not, I
im
plore you, permit the grand experiment to
I fail through any remissness or perversity
- of ours.
It is indeed an easy thing to destroy ;
but to call into being, whether in material
affairs or in those of morals and politics,
great and useful works, taxes the highest
faculties and resources of man. It is es
pecially so in framing the institutions of
government. For this, the learned sage
and the man versed in practical affairs•
must join their anxious and patriotic la
bors. For the adoption, amid opposing
interests, of any system, is needed the
long and patient conference, the steady
forbearance, the timely concession and
compromise. The selfish principles must
be held in check. A curb must be laid
upon the passions. Bat for the destruc
tion of the same system it is needed only
that we forbear the exercise of the virtues
and benevolent affections and give full
sway to the selfish principles.
'1 he temple of Diana of Ephesus was
the boast of the ancient world. The
treasures of kings and all the art skill of
the times had been profusely lavished upon
it to render it the richest and most mag
nificent of the structures of earth. Yet
the torch of Eratosthenes, infatuated with
the ambition of immortality, though it
should be one of infamy, was sufficient in
a few hours to lay it in ashes.
Alas ! that these reflections should find
so practical an application in the events of
the times. We had a good Government.
We possessed already what revolutionists
in other Governments set out to attain,
and no pretensions to statesmanship should
have been admitted which sought to jar the
system or break it up.
I have read of a knight of the middle
ages who was the possessor of a shield of
extraordinary richness and workmanship.
The material was of the finest gold, and
the device was emblazoned with the rarest
skill of the artist. The whole was of
matchless beauty.
It was yet disfigured by a single blem
ish. In an evil hour its possessor listened
to the persuasion of an artificer who pro
posed to remove it by again subjecting it
to the heat of the furnace. The experi
ment was made ; but the same heat which
removed the stain destroyed also the im
age upon the shield, and the whole was
reducedlto a shapeless mass in the crucible.
He might make a new shield of the gold,
but the one's° cunningly sculptured, and
so highly prized, was gone, alas! forever.
The people of the Eli.ited States are jrt the
positon of the knight, and their priceless
shield is their constitutional Government.
The slain, if you will, is the institution of
slavery. In the fires of civil war to which
the empirical artiste have resorted to remove
it, it may be obliterated, but the Government
itself, under the operation, will be dissolved.
New Governments may indeed be formed of
the materials, but that (*the American fath
ers will-be no more.
Under Democratic rule, prior to the triumph
of the , Chicago platform, the nation was at
peace, united, prosperous, and happy. Instead
of a frightful civil war, desolating the land
and filling with strife and bitterness the paths
which lead to bur dwellings, we pointed with
pride to our. national power, our commerce,
our manufactures, our constitutional liberty ;
to our national monuments and works of art,
which everywhere decorated the line of pro
gress, and were held up as the trophies of a
Christian civilization.
But, alas tithe change. Bryon, the immor
tal poet, when writing his immortal verse
amid the ruins of the Roman empire, said :
Alas! She lofty city! and alas !
Ales! for Tully's voice, and Virgil's lay, •
And Livy's .pictured page; but these shall be
Her resurrection; all beside—decay."
In the gloom that eoliers the land,! from the
greatatiantis,mhtird thi light of the morning
sun is first seen, to' where his setting rays •go
down in the western -without some
patriotic sacrificer to re establish the broken
columns of a once mighty , llitiernment, she
time may not be far-remote when the genius
of American liberty may say, Alas tfor, the
fame of Washington and the memory; of
Franklin, the eloquent stories of Irvingand
of Prescott, the eloquence of Cler:itud - of
Webster ; these may be her restureOloti--eill
beside decay.
T R. LANCASTER INTELLIGENCER
JOB PRINTING BSTABUSHMSNZ
No. 8 NORTR DUKE STREET, LANCASTER, PA.
The Jobbing Derartment is thormighlY Itirnithed: with
new and elegant typo of every, deseeptien,andhLunder
the charge of a practical and experienced Job Prtntere -
The Proprietors are prepared to .•-
PRINT W1T.011.8,
NOTES, LEGAL.BLANKS,
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BILL HEADS AND HANDBILLS,
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PRINTING IN. COLORS 'AND PLAIN PRINTING,
with_neatness, accuracy and dispatch, on the nmerreseene.
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Orders from from•a distance, mail or otherwise
promptly attended to. Address
aEo. SANDREISON &ks,
Intelligencer Office,
• No. 8 North Duke strest,Leneaster,Pa.
TIIRRF,' 18 NO 81/OR WORD AS FAIL."
TARRANT'S
COMPOUND SETRAOT,OI
OUBERS AND COP4l2lail
• .
This preparation is particularly recommended to the
NIED;CAL PROFESSION and the RIIBLIO, en combining,
In the most ; convenient and. etficacioria - ftfin_b the wall
established virtues and properties of Crubebi and.Conalbs.
For the speedy and effeetpal relief and cure of all BB.XUAL
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frequently effecting a cure in three or four days. • In Its
preparation as en extract or a paste, the' usual'vmaeghe
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interfere with the digestion, while, from Ito greater On
contrition, the dose is much reduced. • It May, tra Kelienpp
as the beet mode for the adininistrafirai of these re/ Podia*
in the large dam of diseases of both sexes to which' they
are applicable.
N.'B.—Purchasers ate advised to ask for •• • -
TARRANT'ti COUPOUND EXTRACX OF CIIBRB/3 AND
COPAIBA,
and to take nothing else—as imitations and warthleea
preparations, under similar names, are in the market..
Pamphlets accompany the medicine, 'containing and
ample directions. Price, $l.OO. Sent by express on receipt
of price.
Prepared and sold wholesale and retail, by
TARRANT & CO.,
No. .278 adxf.Nwiod STREET CORNICE OP WAR/UM 8210111 . ,
NE'4 YORK,
And For Salo by Druggista Generally.
ly 16
rrili.RE•lll LIU aiDLLEG - D INVALIDS,
have boon cured since November, 1862, by the yari
ousruodificetiona of Electricity es applied et the Electrical
Institute on Orange street, between Duke end Lime 'treats,
Lancaster, Pa
NOT ONE CERTIFICATE
has boon published since the Electrical Institute has . been
establiabed in Lane&Stet, but this system of practice ban
been loft to sink or swim upon
ITS OWN MERITS,
some of the most respectable and substantial citizens of
Lancaster county, have been treated and cured, as eau be
seen by reference to themselves, or the books of the
Institute.
DI9 'ASES
of every kind bars been to . ated sacce,afully, and in a
number of instate . .., after all other systems and medicines
had failed, and the indlvidualehad been pronounced In
curable and
GIVEN UP' O DIE.
Pulmonary Consumption, Liver Diseases, Diabetis, Pile%
Dyspepsia, Oatarrh, Paralysis, Hemipiegie and Paraplegia.
Idemeopia, 'Aphonia, Laryngitis Trachelismns, and all
diseases of the throat and vocal organs, Bronchitis iand
Plenritis, Neuralgia, Sciatic, Spinal weakness, EpUppisy,
when arising from Inaction:il disturbance of the Orgsn4m;
Chorea or St. Vitus Dance, complaints incident to Patnales,
and especially
PROLAPSUS UTERI
or falling down of the Uterus, can be permanently Cared,
and all uervoas affections yield to the action of the: Gal•
verde and Electric currents, whoa properly applied... ..
Ono would be led to suppose, from the pradtca l demon
stration given of the wonderful healing properties of.Hai
vauista in the above diseases, that its efficacy as a There
on...tic would be doubted by no one, and yet we ocOasional•
ly come accuse an iadividoat who w.II nut believe. simply
because the Medical Faculty, as a genoral thing, have not
taken hold of It; toll:teem - we would - say thatfthate is hard
ly a Bralthwaites Retrospect published but what refers to
the Lumina; properties of Electricity, and that .0 the
faculty undetstood more about IL they would prefer It to
all other remedies, also, that some of the best :Phy
sicians in the Unite t States have adopted it. Hereafter,
however, in order to gratify all, there will be at the 'natl.
tote an etsinebt Physician of
• FORTY YEARE ACTUAL PRACTICE,
and we cordially invite the diseased of all clams 1/0 • can
and domino into the merits of this system, as consulta
tion and advice, together with pamphlets, will be given
Pre.- of U !Large.
tlEflit I e; W. FREED, Medical Electrician,
Urail4o Strout, between Duke and Lime streets,
oct 27 tl -121 Lancaster. Pa.
d OLIDAY PltitlNE NT 8I
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PHOTOGRAPH ALBUMS!
The largest and finest assortment ever offered in the city
ALL FUZES aND STYLES,
Holding from 12 to 200 pictures each, and ranging in
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TWO THOUSAND CARD PHOTOGRAPHS'.
The largest assortment in Lancaster. The ,greatest
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A good assortment for snle cheap at
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ILNTIIRIA 9 . V.F.AIe
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