• i 3F?»aaa r esss !^sai Y&fetf&nu ••. V»*n . ; W;..-v. • ■.!:. •> • ~f-. ? _ C/.-:2f-‘lxv >.. ......... ' .. ... .... ’ ....... ..i . ■ -- . .. . i : ! TOL. LXm. JpHB LANCASTER INTELLIGENCER. Mnxs'sxo xrrair tulSdat.at wo. 8 north ottu btbu>» ' BY GEO. BASDEBSON. • '■ •’••'■TEEMS.- • • . SußSmmow.—Two Dollar* per annnm, .payable Jn ad- Ttsca Uojwbscripticm' diseon tinned until all' arrear • - at the option of the Editor. A^VttTiSßMENW*—Advertisement*, hot exceeding one ““ inmare, (12line*,) will be Inserted three time* for one dollar, and twenty-five cent* for each additional Inaer* of greater length In proportion. Job PRnrrrao-—Such a* Hand bUk Poster*, Pamphlets, ’ Blank*, Label*, Ac., executed with accuracy and on - the ehortest notice. : W SPEECH OF HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR, Before'the Democratic State Convention at jSlbany, N. Y., Sept. 10, 1862, on Receiving the Nomination for Gov ernor. • . Mr. President, having uniformly and decidedly expressed my unwillingness to bold any official position, at this time, I did not expeot my name would be brought before this Convention. The nomination yon have made subjects me to great incon venience, whatever'may be the result of the ensuing election. I came to this Convention expecting to aid in placing at the head of the ticket the name of one whom I feel to be more fit than myself for that honorable position. Bat, sir, what- ever may be the injury to myself, I cannot refuse a nomination made in a maDner that touches my heart and fills me with a still stronger sense of my obligations to this great and patriotic party. In addition to my debt of gratitude to partial friends, I am impelled by the condition of our country to saerifioe my personal wishes and interests to its good. Two years have not passed away since a Convention, remarkable for its numbers, patriotism, and intelligence, assembled at thisplaoe to avert if possible the calamities which afflict our people. In respectful terms, it implored the leaders of the poli tical party which had triumphed at a recent election to submit to the people of this country some measures of conciliation which would save them from civil war. It asked that before wo should be involved in the evils and horrors of domestic blood- shed, those upon whom it would bring bankruptcy nnd ruin, and into whose homes it would carry desolation and death, should be allowed to speak. That prayer for the rights of our people was derided and de nounced, and false assurances were given that there was no danger. Thp storm came upon ns with all its.fury—and the war so constantly aDd clearly foretold, It is said no compro- desolated our land mise wnuld have satisfied the South. If we had tried them it would not now be a matter of discordant opinion offers had not satisfied -the South, they would have gratified loyal men at the North, and would have united us more perfectly. Animated by devotion to our Constitu tion and Union, our people rallied to the support of the Government, and one year since showed an armed strength that astonished the world. We again appealed to those who wielded this mighty material power, to use it for the restoration of the Union and to uphold the Constitution, and were told that he who clamored for his constitutional rights was a tiaitor ! Congress assembled. Inexperienced in the oonduct of public affairs, drunk with power, it began its course of agitation, outrage, and wrong. The defeat of our arms at Manassas for a time filled it with terror. Under this influence it adopted the resolution of Mr. Crittenden, declaring, lt That the present deplorable civil war has been forcet upon the country by the Disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the Constitu tional Government, and in arms around the Capital; That in this National emergency, Congress, banish ing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country ; That this war is not their part, in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subju> gation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects are ac complished the war ought to cease.” Again the people rallied around the flag of the Union. But no sooner were their fears allayed than they began anew the factious intrigues—the violent discussions and the unconstitutional legislation which ever brings defeat and disgrace upon nations. In vain were they warned of the consequences of their follies. In vain did the President implore forbearance and moderation. No act was omitted which would humiliate and mortify the loyal men of the South. Every topic calculated to divide and distract the North was dragged into embittered debates. Proclamations | of emancipation were urged upon the I President, which could only confiscate the property of loyal citizens at the South ; for none others could be reached by the power of the government. The confisca tion act had already forfeited the legal rights of all who were engaged in or who aided and upheld the rebellion. These were excited to desperate energy by laws which made their lives, their fortunes, the safety of their families and homes depend upon the success of their schemes. Prom the dragon’s teeth, sown broadcast by Congress, have sprung the armies which have driven back our forces and which now beleaguer the Capital of our country. The aots of the National Legislature have given pleasure to the Abolitionists and victor ies to the Secessionists. But while trea son rejoices and triumphs, defeat and dis grace have been brought upon the flag of our ocuntry and the defenders of our'Con stitution. Every man who visited Wash ington six months ago could see and feel we were upon the verge of disaster. Dis cord, jealousy, envy, and strife pervaded it’s atmosphere. I went to the camp of our soldiers. Amid the hardships of an exhausting campaign—amid sufferings from exposure and want—amid those languishing upon beds of sickness, or those struck down by the casualties of war, I heard and saw only devotion to our Constitution, and love for our Country’s Flag. Each eye bright ened as ; it looked upon the National Stand tire with its glorious emblazonry of Stars and Stripes. From this scene of patriotic devotion I went into the National Capitol. I traversed its Mosaio pavements ; I gazechj upon its-walls of polished marble; I saw upon its ceilings all that wealth, lavishly poured out, could do to make them sug gestive of our country’s greatness.and its wonderful wealth..and varied productions,' Art had exhausted itself in. painting and sculpture to make every aspect suggestive .of.ihigh and noble thought and purpose. ■Full of the associations which cluster : , about this vast Temple which should be n . dedicated to patriotism and truth, I/chter \:; L e gislativeilatls j their gildedwalls; and gorgeohs'fufnitufe didjiotj] eojjtrast more strongly with the rude scenes of mar tial life than did the glistening putrescence and thin lacquer of Congressional virtue Contrast with the Bterlmg loyalty and noble self-sacrifice of oar country’s defenders. I listened to debates fall of bitterness and strife. 1 saw in thscamp a heartfelt homage to onr national nag—a stern defiance of those 4b dared to touch its sacred folds with hostile. handß. I heard in the Capitol tljjats of mutilation-of its emblazonry— by striking down the life 'of States. He who would rend onr national standard by dividing onr Union is a traitor. He who would put out one glittering star from its azure field is a traitor too. THE PRESENT CONDITION OP OUR COUNTS?. Let us now confront the facts of onr condition, and they shall be stated in the language of those who brought the ad- ministration into power, and who now are politically opposed to the members of this Convention. After the expenditure of nearly one thousand millions of dollars, and the sacrifice of more than one hun- dred thousand Northern lives, in the lan guage of the Evening Pod : What has been the result? Our armies of the West, the noble victors of FortJDonelson and Shiloh, are scattered so that no man knows their whereabouts, while the foe they were sent to disperse is a hundred miles in their rear, threatening the cities of Tennessee and Kentucky, and even advancing tow. ard one of the principal commercial cities of the Free States. There is no leadership, no unity of command, apparently no plan or concert of actioo in the entire region we have undertaken to hold and defend. At the same time, our army of the East, numbering 250,000 troops, fully armed and equip ped, and admirably disciplined, after investing the oapital of the enemy has been driven back to its original position on the Potomao, decimated in numbers, and unprepared to make a single vigorous movement in advance. And it adds : Now it is useless to shut onr eyes to the fact that this is a failure, disgraceful, humiliating, and awful. The Evening Journal, the accredited organ of the Secretary of State, now admits, the truths uttered in this Hall when we assembled here in February, 1861 ; truths then derided and denounced as absorb and treasonable. It says : The war has been a stern schoolmaster to the peo- ple of the loyal States. We have learned the folly of underrating our enemies. We have learned that they are equally brave, equally hardy, equally quick witted, equally endowed with martial quali ties with ourselves. We have learned that they are terribly in earnest in their efforts to achieve their ends. ' The New York Tribune declares that The country is in peril. Viewed from the stand point of the public estimate of ( the situation,’ it is in extreme peril. The Rebels seem to be pushing for ward their forces all along the border line from the Atlantic to the Missouri. They are threatening the Potomac and the Ohio. They are striking at Wash ington, Cincinnati, and Louisville. This simulta- neous movement' is both alarming and encouruging. It is alarming; because through the timidity, des pondency, or folly of the Federal Government, it may become temporarily successful, giving to the foe a lodgment in some portion of the Free States which may require weeks to break up. If these But it is admitted by those who were opposed to us, that debt and defeat are not the heaviest calamities whioh weigh us down. A virtuous people and a pure government can bear'up against any amount of outward pressure or physical calamity, but when rottenness and corrup tion pervade the legislative hall or execu tive department, the heart of the patriot faints and his arm withers. The organ of the Secretary of State admits : * “There have been mistakes. There have been peculations. Weak men have disgraced, and bad men have betrayed the Government. Contractors have fattened on fat jobs. Adventurers have foynd the war a source of private gain. Moral despera does have flocked about the National Capital and lain in wait for prey. The scum of the land has gathered about the sources of power and defiled them by its reek and offensive odor. There has been mismanagement in the departments; mismanage ment wbereever great labor had been performed and great responsibilities devolving. Men—even Presi dents and Cabinet officers and 'Commanding Gen erals —have erred because they couid not grasp the full significance of the drama, and because they were compelled to strike out on untrodden paths." Hear the voice of a leading Republican orator; “I declare it upon my responsibility as' a sena tor of the United States," said John P. Hale, “that the liberties of this country are in greater danger to-day from the corruptions and from the profligacy practised in the various departments of the Govern ment, than they are from the open enemy in the field." The New York World exclaims in an agony of remorse : It is with dismay and unspeakable shame that we, who have supported the administration from the beginning, observe its abuse of its power of arrest. There is no such thing as either justifying or exten uating its eonduct in this particular. Every prin ciple of American liberty, every regard for the loyal cause, every sentiment of justice, every impulse of manhood, cries out against it. The man who thinks at all is absolutely staggered that these things oan be. They seem like some hideous dream. Onecan almost fancy that Mephistophilea himself had got aoaess into the councils of the government, and by some device, fresh from the pit, had diverted its energies from the repression of the rebellion to the suppression of liberty. The New York Times demands a change in the Administration, and in the conduct of affairs. I have thus carefully set forth the declarations and named the witnesses to this lawful indictment, against our rulers, for we mean to proceed with all the care and candor, and all the solemnity of a Ju dicial Tribunal. It is with a sorrowful heart I point to these dark piotures, not drawn by journals of the Democratic party. God knows that as a member of that patriotic organization, as an American citizen, I would gladly ef face them if I could. But, alas, they are grounded upon truths that cannot be gain sayed. Once more then, our Republican fellow-citizens, in this day of our common humiliation and disgrace, we implore you, as respectfully as in the hour of your political triumph, listen to our sugges tions. We do not come with reproaches, but with entreaties. Follow the ,pathways marked out by the Constitution and we shall be extricated from our perilous posi tion. On the other hand, if you will still be governed by those who brought us into our present condition,you will learn too late that there are deeper depths -of degrada tion before us, and greater miseries to be borne than those which now oppress us. Nay, more, the President of the United States appeals to. us all, in his communi cation with the loyal men of the Border States, when he says he is pressed to vio late his duty, his oath of office, and the Constitution .of the by cow ardly and heartless men, living far away from the scenes of war, fattening -npon the wealth coined from the blood and misery t of the land, and living in those localities where official investigations show that this people and Government have been robbed; by fraudulent contracts. Suoh men demand that those who halve,suffered most in "this - contest, who have-shown the highest and pnfest patriotism under the terrible trials of divided families, of desolated homes, of ruinedfortunes, and of .blood-stained fields, , - should have a new and further evil inflicted i upon them by the hands of a Government they are struggling to uphold. ; By the (' ofOcki^an&ihe we will relieve .Rie.Presldeht firdmiithht pressure;; ' y ;/ -• ; r-is*3*B3% ' JO O': «TBA£: _ tle ; the Courts were open*to all; no passports for travel, no Beoret no 'lnformers, ho .bastiles; the right to assemble peaceably, the right to petition;, freedomof j&ligtonr speech, fctrifr ballot, and a free press; ami all ihis time the . , -t ? 'r Q ■ ‘:-t : ..‘. -r:.r -:t' Conitltatlon maintained an&th* Union of Uu B tains preferred. WHY THE REPUBLICAN PARTY CANNOT SAY* THE COUNTRY. On tho other hand, the yeryohmraoter of the Republican organization, makes itiu- eapable of conducting the . affairs of the Government. For a series of years, it has practised a'system of coalitions,' with men differing in. principle, until it oan have no distinctive policy. Insuch chaotic masses the violent have most control. They have been educating their followers for years, through the press, not-to obey laws whioh did not aeoord with their views. How oan they demand submission from whole com munities, while they contend that individ uals may oppose laws opposed to their oon soienoes ? - They are higher law men.— They insist that the contest in which we are engaged is an irrepressible one, and that therefore the South oonld not avoid it, unless they were willing at the outset to surrender all that abolitionists demanded. To deolare that this contest -is irrepressi ble, declares that our fathers formed a government whioh oould not stand. Are .such men the proper guardians of this gov ernment? Have not their speeches and aots given strength to the rebellion, and have they not also enabled its leaders to prove to their deluded followers that the contest was.an irrepressible one 1 But their leaders have not only asserted that this contest was irrepressible, unless the South would give up what extreme Re publicans demand,(their local institutions,) but those in power have done much to justify this rebellion in the eyes of the world. The guilt of rebellion is deter mined by the character of the government against whioh it is arrayed. . The right of revolution, in the language of President Lineoln, is a sacred right when exerted against a bad government. We oharge that this rebellion is most wicked, because it is against the best gov ernment that ever existed. It is the ex cellence of our government that makes re sistance a orime. Rebellion is not neces sarily wrong. It may be an act of the highest virtue—it may be one of the' deep est depravity. The rebellion of our fathers is our proudest boast—the rebel bellion of our brothers is the humiliation of our nation, is our national disgraoe.— To resist a bad government is patriotism —to resist a good one is the greatest guilt. The first is patriotism, the last is treason. Legal tribunals oan only regard resistance of laws as a orime, but in the form of publio sentiment the character of the government will decide if the act is treason or patriotism. Our government and. its adminstration are'different things ; but in the eyes of the civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly in the conduct of affairs go far to justify resistance. I have read-to you the testi mony of Messrs.. Greeley, Weed, Bryant, Raymond, and Marble, charging fraud, corruption, ’ outrage and incompetenoy upon those in power. Those who stand up to testify to the incompetenoy of these representatives of a discordant party to conduot the affairs of our government are politically opposed to us. Bear in mind that the embarrassments of President Lincoln grow out of the conflicting views of his political friends, and their habits and principles of insubordination. His hands would be strengthened by a Demo oratio victory, and if his private prayers are answered, we will relieve him from the pressure of philanthropists who thirst for blood and who call for the extermination of the men, women and ohildren of the South. The brutal and bloody language of partisan editors and political preachers have lost us the sympathy of the civilized world in a contest where all mankind should be upon one side. Turning to the legislative departments of our Government, what do we see ? In the history of the decline and fall of na tions, there are no more striking displays of madness and folly. The assemblage of Congress throws gloom over the nation ; its continuance in session is more disas- trcus than defeat upon the battle field. It exoites alarm and disgust. The public are disappointed in the re sults of the war. This is owing to the differing objects of the people on,'the one hand, and fanatical agitators in and out of Congress on the other. In the army, the Union men of the North and South battle side by side, under one flag, to put down rebellion and uphold the Union and Con stitution. In Congress, a fanatioal major ity make war on the Union men of the South and strengthen the hands of seces sionists by words and acts which enable them to keep alive the flames of oivil war. What is done on the battle field by the blood and treasure of the people, is undone by Senators. Half of the time is spent in faotious measures designed to destroy all confidence in the Government, at the South, and the rest in annoying our army, in meddling with its operations, embarrass ing our generals, and in publishing undi gested and unfounded Boandal. One party is seeking to bring about peace, the other to keep alive hatred and bitterness by in terferences. They prove the wisdom of Solomon, when he said: “Itis an honor to a man to cease from strife, but every fool will be meddling.” This war oannot be brought to a suc cessful conclusion or our country restored to an honorable peace under the Republi can another reason. Our dis asters are mainly due to the fact that they have not dared to tell the whole truth to the community. A. system of misrepresentation had been practised so long and so successful by that when the war burst upon us they feared to let people know its full proportions, and they per sisted in assuring their friends it was bnt a passing excitement. They still asserted that the South was unable to maintain and Carry on a war. They denounced as a traitor every man who tried to tell the truth, and to warn our people of the mag nitude of the contest. - Now, my Republican friends, you know that the misapprehensions or the North with regard to the South has drenched the land with blood. Was this ignorance ac oidental % 1 appeal to you Republicans, if for years past, through the press and in publications which have" been urged upon your attention, by the leaders, of your party, you have not been taught to de-pise the power and resources off the South ? 1, appeal to you to say if this teaching has not been a part of the machinery by which power has been gained? 1 appeal to you to answer if those who tried to teach truths now admitted'have not been de nounced *- -1 appeal to yon if • a book, yond all others; ftlse, -bloody aiid treason ’'US i.-t'i'i. 1 } ll'.-u 3:;.'-‘Vi. ; .atrvef kht A; ; "J- -i, ;•£»■« >■ i ilit/a C able, was not sent out with the endorsement of all your managers; andis it not true that now, when men blush to own they be lieved its statements, that its author is honored by an official station ? - Itistnowfreely confessed by yon.all that yon have been deeeived with respect to the South. Whe deceived you? . Who, by false teaching, instiUed contempt and hate into the minds of the people ? Who stained oar land with blood? Who caused min and distress ? Ail these things are within our own knowledge. Are their authors the leaders to resone ns from oar calamities ? They shrink back appalled from the mischief they have wrought, and tell yon it is an irrepressible eontest. That reason is as good for Jefferson Davis as for them. They attempt to drown reflections by new exoitenrents and new appeals to oar passions. Having already, in iegisla lation, gone far beyond the limits at which, by their resolutions, they were pledged to stop, they now ask to adopt measures whioh they have heretofore de nounced as nnjnst and unconstitutional. For this reason they cannot save our oountry. * -As onr national calamities thicken around ns an attempt is made by- their authors to avoid their - responsibilities by insisting that onr failures are due to the fact that their measures are not oarried out, although Government has already gone far beyond its pledges. The demands of these men will never cease, simply be oanse they hope to save themselves from condemnation by having unsatisfied de mands. At the last session, Congress not only abolished slavery in the Distriot of Colombia, bnt, to quiet clamorous men, an aot of Confiscation and Emancipation was passed, whioh, in the opinion of leading Republicans, was unconstitutional and un just. By this act, the rebels have no property—nor even their own lives—and .they own no slaves. But to the astonish ment and disgust of those who believe in the polioy of statutes and proclamations, these rebels still live and fight and hold their slaves. These measures seem to have reanimated them. They have a care less and reokless way of appropriating their lives and property, whioh by aot of Congress belong to us, in support of their oanse. But these fanatical men have learned that it is necessary to win a victory before they divide the spoil—and what do they now propose 1 As they oannot take the property of rebels beyond their leaoh they will take the property of the loyal men of the Border States. The violent men of this party, as you know from experience, my conservative Republican friend, in the end have their way. They now demand that the President shall issue a Proclama tion of immediate and universal emancipa tion ! Against whom is this to be directed ? Not against those in rebellion, for they come within the scope of Congress. It oan only be applied to those who have been true to the Union and our flag. They are to be punished foa their loyalty. When we consider their sufferings and their cruel wrongs at the hands of the secessionists, their reliance npon our faith, is not this proposal black with ingratitude 1 The scheme for an immediate emancipa tion and general arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for the butchery of women and ohildren, for scenes of lust and rapine ; of Srson and murder unparalleled in the history of the world. The horrors of the French Revo- lution would become tame in comparison Its effect would not be oonfined to the walls of oities, but there would be a wide spread scene of horror over the vast ex panse of great States, involving alike the loyal and seditious. Such malignity and cowardice would invoke the interference of civilized Europe. History tells of the fires kindled in the name of religion, of atrooities committed nnder pretexts of order or liberty ; but it is now urged that, scenes bloodier than the world has yet seen shall be enaoted in the name of philan thropy ! A proclamation of general and armed emancipation at this time, would be a cruel wrong to the African. It is now officially declared in Presidential addresses, which are fortified by Congressional action, that the negro oannot live in the enjoyment of the full privileges of life among the white race. It is now admitted, after our loss of infinite blood and treasure, that the great problem we have to settle is not the slavery, but the negro question. A terri ble question, not springing from statutes or usage, but growing out of the unchange able distinction of race. It is discovered at this late day, in Republican Illinois, that it is right to drive him from its soil. It is discovered by a Republican Congress, after convulsing our country, with declara tions in favor of his equal rights, and as serting that he was merely the viotim of unjust laws, that he should sent away from our land. The issue is now changed. The South holds that the Afrioan is f(t to live here as a slave. Onr Republican Govern ment denies that he is fit to live here at all. The Republican party cannot save the Country, because through the powerful press it teaohes contempt for the Laws, Constitution, and constituted authorities. They are not only destroying the Union, but they are shaking and weakening the whole structures of State as well as of the National Government,-by denunciations of every law«and of all authority that stands in the way of their passions or their pur poses. They have not only carried discord into, our churches and legislative halls, but into onr armies. Every General who agrees with them upon the subjeot of slavery is upheld in every aot of insubor dination and snstained against the.clearest proofs of incompetence, if not of corrup tion. On the Other hand, every com mander who differs from their . views upon the single point of Slavery, is denounced, not only for incompetenoy, tilt constantly depreciated in every aot.' No man is "al lowed to be a Christian ; no man is regard ed as a statesman; no man is suffered molested to do bis duty as a solder* unless he supports measures which no one dared to urge eighteen months since.. They insist that-martial law is superior to . .constitu tional law, that thewills of Generals - in the field are above all restraints ; but they demand for themselves the right to direct and control those Generals. They, claim an influence higher than that they will al low to the laws of. the land. Are these displays 'of insubordination and violence Safe at this time ? ' .' The weight of annual iteration will |est ( severely .the •8f people .of the ' Nofth. RCphdiatioh ofourfinabaiaLobli- I . • BAHty* a*!* 1 oaf-. « KEI O* ! ■n ' T gations would causa disorder and endless; moral evils. Pecuniary rights will neVer. -be held more sacred than personal -rights; Repudiation of tho;. Constitution, involves repudiation of national debts, of its- guar anties .of rights of property, of person,and of conscience. . The .-moment we show the world that we do not. hold the. Constitution to bo a sacred compact, we not only de stroy all sense of seonrity, but we turn away from onr shores the' vast tide of foreign immigration,. It oomes here now not because there are not other skies as bright and : .other landsas productive as oars. It seeks here seonrity for freedom —for rights of eohsoienee—for immunity from -tyrannical interferences, and from meddling-impertinence. The home and fireside rights heretofore enjoyed by the American people—enjoyed undee> protec tion of a. written Constitntion—have made os great and prosperous. I entreat yon again, tondh them not with saorilegious hands! • We are threatened with the breaking np of our sooial system, with the overthrow of State, and National governments. If we begin a war npon the compromises of the Constitution we mast go through with it. It contains many restraints upon our National rights. It may be asked with what right the six small New England States, with a population less than that of New York, have six times its power in the Senate, whioh has beoome the controlling branch of government? By what natural right do these States with their small united population and limited territories, balance the power of New York, Pennsyl vania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana and Michi gan ? The vast debt growing out of this war will give rise to new and angry discussions. It wilt be held almost exclusively iu a few Atlantio States. Look upon the map of tho Union and see how small is the terri tory in whioh it will be owned. We are to be divided into oreditor and debtor States, and the last will have a vast pre ponderance of power and strength. Un fortunately there is no taxation upon this national debt, and its share is thrown off upon other property. It is held where many of the government eontraots have been exeeuted, and where in some instanees gross frauds have been practised. It is held largely where the Constitution gives a disproportional share of politioal power. With all these elements of diseord, is it wise to assail Constitutional law, or bring authority into contempt ? Is it Bafe to encourage the formation of irresponsible committees, made up of impertinent men, who thrust themselves into the conduot of publio affairs, and try to diotate to publio rulers ? or will you tolerate the enrollment of armies which are, not constituted or organized by proper authorities 1 Are such things just towards those who have placed their fortunes in the hands of the Government at this crisis t We implore you do not be deceived again with this Syren song of no danger. There is danger, great and imminent , of the destruction of all government, of safety for life and property, unless the duty of obedience to law and respect for authori ties, and the honest support of those in the publio Bervioe both military and civil, are taught and enforced, by all the means within our control. * With us there is no exonse for revolu tionary action. Our system of govern ment gives peaceful remedies for all evils in legislation. WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY 'PROPOSE Mr. President:—lt will be asked what do we propose to do. We mean, with all our powers of mind and person to support the Constitution and uphold tho Union ; to maintain the laws, to preserve the publio faith. We insist upon obedience to laws and respect for Constitutional authority ; we will defend the rights of oitizena ; we mean that rulers and subjeots shall reßpeot the laws ; we will put down all revolution ary committees ; we will resist all unau thorized organizations of armed men, we will spurn officious meddlers who are im pudently pushing themselves into the councils of our Government politically op posed to those in< authority, we demand they shall be treated with the respect due to their positions as the representatives of , the dignity and honor of the American \ people. We do not try to save our country by abandoning its government. In these times of trial and danger we cling more closely to-the great principles of civil and religions liberty and of personal right; we will man the defence and barriers which the Constitution throws around them ; we will revive the courage and strengthen arms of loyal men by showing them they have a living government about whioh to rally; we will proclaim amidst the oonfu sion and uproar of civil war, with louder tones and firmer voices, the great maxims and principles of civil liberty, order and obedienoe. What has perpetuated the greatness of that nation from whioh we derive so many of our maxims ? Not its victories upon land nor its triumphs upon the seas, but its firm adherenoe to its tra ditional policy. The words of Coke, of Camden and Mansfield, have for long periods'of time given strength and vitality and honor to its social system, while bat tles have lost their significance. When England was agitated by the throes of violence—when the person of the King was insulted; when Parliament was be sieged by mobs maddened by bigotry; when the life of Lord Mansfield was sought by infuriated fanatics, and bis house was burned by inoendiary fires, then ho uttered those .words which checked at onoe un lawful power and lawless violence. He deolared that every citizen was entitled to his rights according to the known proce dures of the land. He showed to the world the calm and awful majesty of the law, unshaken amidst convulsions. Self reliant in its strength and purity,-it was driven to 110 acts which destroy the spirit of law.. Violence was- rebnked,' thehearfc of the nation was reassured, a sense of se curity grew up, and the storm was still.—. Listen to his words : it Miserable is the oondition of individuals, dan* gerooa is. the oondition of where there is no certain law, or, what is the same thing, ho certain administration of law by which individuals may be protected and the State made see ore.” Thus, too, -will 'we stand oalmly op amidst present disasters. We have warned the public that every act of disobedience weakened their claims to protection. We have admonished onr. rnlers that every violation of right destroyed aentimentaof loyalty and, duty, that obedience and pro tection were obligations. He wlto withholds' his earnest and oheerfal stkpport to 1 &ny legal 1 ' demand of his Hpv- on the pert of those in authority. The pnblio servant who. oversteps his jurisdic tion or traujptes nppn the rights, person, property or prodddnre'of the governed, in stigates rwistanes and revolt. Under abuse and detraction we have faithfully aoted -npon these preeepts. If' our purposes were factious, the elements of disorder are everywhere within, our reaoh. If we wers. is disobedient to this Government and asr dennnoiatory of-.its officials as those whtrplaoed them in po vfor, we could make them tremble in their seats of power.- We have been obedient: under - all oiroumstanoes. But let no .man mis take this devotion to our country and* its Constitution for unworthy fear. We have no greater stake in good order than other men. Our arms are as strong, our endu ranoe as great, our fortitude as unwaver ing as those of our political opponents.— But we seek the blessings of peace, of law, of order. We ask the public to mark, our polief. and duir position. Opposed to the election of Mr. Lincoln, we have,loyally-sustained him. Differing from the, Administration as to the course and oonduot of the war, we have oheerfully responded to every demand made on us. To-day we are putting forth - our utmost efforts.to reinforce our armies in.the field. Without, conditions or threats we are exerting our energies to strengthen the hands of government, and to replaoe it in the commanding position it held in the eyes of the World •' before reoent ; disasters. We are pouring, out-our.blood, our trea sures, and our men, to resoue it from:apo sition in whieh it oan .neither propose peaee nor .conduct successful war. . And this support is freely and generously ac corded. We wish to see our Union saved, our laws vindicated, and peace onoe more restored to onr landl We do not olaiiix more virtue or intelligence than we award to our opponents, but we now hayo the sad and bloody proof that we aot upon sounder principles of government. Animated by the motto we have placed upon our banner —“ The Union, the Constitution, and : the Laws”—we go into, the political ooutest confident of the support of a People who cannot be deaf or blind to the teachings of the last two. years. . rpnn LiSOASTBB UmiiIOBSOPB 1 JOB PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT” No. 8 NORTH DUKfI : STREET, LANCASTER, PA. The Jobbing Department is. thoroaghly tarnished .with new and elegant type of every description, ; and la: tinder the charge of a practical and experienced Job The Proprietors are prepared to PRINT CHECKS, NOTES, LEGAL BLANKS, CARDS AND CIRCULARS, BILL HEADS AND HANDBILLB, • PROGRAMMES AND POSTERS, PAPER BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS, BALL TICKETS AND INVITATIONS, PRINTING IN COLORS AND PLAIN PRINTING, with neatness, accuracy and dispatch, on the most reason*? ble terms, ana in a manner not excelled by any establish ment in the city. - Orders from a distance, by mail or otherwise, promptly attended to. Address . 5 ' GEO. SANDERSON-4 SON, Intelligencer Office, No, 8 North Duke street, Lancaster, Pa. THE HORACE WATERS MODERN IMPROVED OVERSTRUNG BASS FULLTRON- ;. - FRAME PIANOS ate Justly pronounced by the Press and Mnsio Masters to be superior Instruments. They are bnllt of the best - and most thoroughly seasoned materials, and will stand any climate. The tone Is very deep, ronnd, foil and mellow; the touch elastic. Each Piano warranted for three years. Prices from $175 to $7OO. Opinions op the P&ess.—" The Horace Waters Pianos are known as amqog the very best. We are enabled to' speak of these instruments with some degree of confidence, from personal knowledge of their excellent tone and dorable quality.”— Intelligencer. $1 5 0 NEW 7-OCTAVE PIANOS in Rosewood, cases, iron frames, and over-strung bass, of different makers, tor $150; do., with mouldings, $160; do , with carvedlagtand inlaid nameboard, $175, $lB5, and, $230; do., with pearl keys, $225, $250 and $300; new‘6^octave, $135; do., 6%* octave, $l4O. The above Pianos are fully warranted,'and are the greatest bargains that can be found In ther city. Please call ancFsee them. 'Becgnd-handPiairos ats2s/$4O, $5O, $6O, $75, and slod. - v THE HORACE WaTERSMELODEONS, Rosewood Cases, Toned tho Equal Temperament, with the Patent Divided Swell and-Sdo -Stop. Prices from $35 to $2OO. Organ Harmoniums with Pedal Bass, $260, $276 and $3OO. School Harmoniums, $4O, $6O, $BO and 'sloo.-' Also, Melodeons and Harmonenms of the following makers, Prince & Co’s, Carhart & Needham, Mason dr Hamlin, and S. D. A H. W. Smith, ail of which will be sold at extremely low prices. These Melodeons remain in tone a long time. Each Melodeon warranted for three years. _ ' A liberal discount to Clergymen, Churches, Sabbath Schools, Lodges, Seminaries and Teachers. The trade supplied on the most liberal terms. THE DAT SCHOOL BELL 35,000 COPIES ISSUED. A new Singing Book for Day Schools, called the Day School Bell, isnow' ready. 11-contains about 200 choice •songs, rounds, catches, dnett*, trios, qaartetts, and ‘phor eses, many of them written expressly, for this work, be sides 82 pages of the Elements of Music. The Elements are so progressive, that ordinary teachers, will find themselves entirely successful In instructing even young scholars to sing correctly and scientifically; while the tunes and words embrace such a variety of lively,* at tractive, and soul-stirring music and sentiments, that no trouble will be experienced in inducing all beginners to go on with zeal in acquiring skill In one-of the most health-giving, beauty-improving, happiness-yielding, and order-producing exorcises of school life. In slmpltcty of its elements, in variety and adaptation of music, and in excellence and number of its songs, original, selected,' and adapted, it claims by much to excel all competitors. It will be found the beet .ever issued for. seminaries, acade mies and public schools. A few sample-pages of the-ele ments, tunes and songs, are given In a circular; send and get one. It is compiled by Horace Waters,-author of “ Sabbath School Belt,” Nos. 1 and 2, which have had the enormous sale of 735,000-copies. Prices—paper cover, 20 cduts, $l5 per 100;.bound, 30 cents, $22. per 100; cloth bound, embossed gilt, 4Q cents, $3O per 100. 25 copies for* nished at the 100 price. Mailed at the retail price. HORACE WATERS, Publisher, 481 Broadway, New York, SABBATH SCHOOL BELL Ho. 2. 85,000 COPIES ISSUED. It is an entire new work of nearly 200 pages, ; Many of the tones and hymns.were written expressly for this vol ume. It will soon be as -popular as Us predecessor, (Bill No. 1) which has mn up to the enormous number of 660,- 000 copies—outstripping any Sunday school book of Its size ever i-sned in this country. Also, both volumes are bound in one'to accommodate schools wishing them in that form. Prices of -Bell No. 2, paper covers, lficents, $l2 per 100; bound, 25 cents, $lB per 100; doth bound, em bossed gilt, 30 cents, $23 per 100. Bell No. 1, paper covers, 13 cents, $lO per 100; bound, 20 cents, $lB per 10Q; cloth bound, embossed gilt, 25 cents, $2O per hundred;' “Bells Nos. I and 2 bound togetfaer.'4o cents, $3O per 100, cloth bound, embossed gilt; 50 cent% $4O par 100,' 25 copies fur nished at the 100 price. Mailed at the retail price. ; HORACE WATERS, Publisher, AS\ Broadway, New York* NEW INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC. President Lincoln’s Grand March, with the beet Vignette of his Excellency that has yet been published; music by Helmsmnlior, leader of the 22d Reglment-Baad;. priceso cents. Oar Generals’ Quick-Step, with vignette'Of 35 of our generals; music by Grafnlla,Tleader of the. 7th--Regiment Sand, 50 cents. The Sev<-n‘ Sons’ Gallop, and'Laura Keene Walts, 85 cents each. Comet Schottiaehe, 25 eebts; all by Baker. Metric Box Gallop, by Herring, 35 cents.. Union Walts, La G'rassa, : 2s eenta. Volunteer Polka, UddbeCk, .25 cents- Spirit Polkas General Scott’s Farewell. Grand March, 25 cents each; Airy Castles; 30 cents, all by ~ ArE. Parkhuret. Freedom, Truth and Bight Grand March, with splendid vignette; music by Carl Hehmman,' 50 ets. All of which are floe productions. NEW VOCAL MUSIC. I will b* true,to tbee; A penny for your thoughtsj Lit tle Jenny Dow; Better times are coming;X dream of my mother and my home; Merry little birds are we, (a song for children ;) 81nmber, my darling, Llxzle dies tonight, Jenny’s coming o’er the groan ; Was my Brother_ia -the Battle, and Why b»ve my loved ones gone, by Btepheri. O. Foster. Shall we knaw.«ach>other there?.by the Rev. R. Lowry. Pleasant words for all, : by J. Roberts. There is a beautifnl I 'world/by IM. Holmes: Price '25 cents each. Freedom,,Truth and Bight, a national song and') grand chorus; music by Carl Heiuemann, with English'and Ger man-wordsv 30 cents. Where liberty.dwells Is.my country, Plumley. Forget if you can, but forgive; I hear sweet voices singing, and Home is home, by J. : B. Thomas,' 30 cents each. These songs are very popular. -Hailed fine at retail pride. r "' - Foreign Sheet Music at 2 cents' per page, All: kinds of Mode merchandise at war prices. HO&ACB WATERS, Publisher,-: 48lBroedway, Nef^York. NEW MUSIC FOR THE; MtLLION» - J IN CHiiP VORM, ABRANUKD-Aft QTJABTEWIS AOT’CHOXCIBS VO SCOBICAL SOCIETIES, jOHOIBS, tUKpAX SCSgCIAf pubuo fcoaooLs, .snqwaips, • *• Shall we know each othertbere the river! Be to,time; yhereJe. tMgijU JOTldi fion't you bear tbeAngelaoomlogrWhere lbert, dw«l» L (hit Mjuotty ; Jreedom,Troth*nd Right, (tutlonAteonra.)- It there, tand ofloVe! Sorrow dull oonie agku notnore. Price 8 rent* 2S rente per dot; $1 pnrltt- -Pom««e:V:'Mnt. ' In .beat form, with FuDo.aroompamlmebt, 2fi cebta.. ■: , pabnsbed~byHORAOHWATERB,4BL Brredwnyj Steer Tort And/or ealeb; V. P. Kemp, Breton; Cbw.B- Imtber, PhUsdelpblA; O. Croeeby; Cincinnati; Tomlinson* ABroi., Oblc.go,midJ.W.MolntjrftatbonU,!, Tt/rAKUAi. akd ‘ present dav. bv nil dtotrlirtliß United Sfattes Army. -■-Sri T& J