lidattgericei - • 080. BASDBBSOS, EDITOE. A. lAIDEBBOS. A».oelat«. \ craouiiATioif, s»ooo copiebi BiuDummi Baa, >3)00 pavannum. r'.; '; 4 Oo.*aknw*igng Aaaaz, 87 Park . . B. MTSmSSi JMJo, ar»'Agent. tn TUZmauia- MdUgmoer, &&d the moet influential tsd largest drcul*- ting In the United States anti the Cwn*ri**--“~ fSusj aw antiioriied to contract for us at cmr «-Hima £ ABBOT*, No. 835 Broadway, Now York, are authorized to receive advertisements fbr The inteia ameer, at our I overt rates. . . „ - the American Newspaper Agmt, N. 'BrTOnier gifth&nvzßmgHa Aggror is located at ~TT0750 Northfithstreet, Philadelphia. 'Hateauthorized to' receifpadvertfaemeittsandsubsmriptlonßlbr The Lancaster JnMUMnccr » - SVIL Nilß. No. 18collay*s BoUding, Court Boston, ls our authorized Agent ftr receiving advertisements, Ac. OUR FLAG. •Now our flog is flung to the wild winds free, Let it float o’er our father land, ' And the guard of its spotless fame shall be Colombia’s chosen band. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET. FOR AUDITOR GENERAL: ISAAC SLEKKER, Union County. s’ FOR SURVEYOR GENERAL: JAMES P. BARR, Pittsburg. ■ MEETING OF THE DEMOCRATIC CO. COMMITTEE. The Democratic County Committee met for the purpose of organization at Shober’s Hotel, in this city, on Wednes day last,' at 11 o’clock, A. M., and was called to order by H. B. Swale, Esq., Chairman. Mr. 8. said that he was glad to see so large an attendance of the members, and especially at this terrible crisis; it was an earnest that the Democratic party was yet alive to the interests of the country, and was ready at all times and nnder all circum stances to devote its energies and organization to restore the Union as It was and maintain the Constitution as it is* He hoped the proceedings of the Committee would be con ducted with harmony and for the best interests of the only Union party of the Nation—the great Democratic party. Mr. S. was heartily applauded daring bis remarks. On motion, Mr. Hiram R. Hull, of Penn, was chosen temporary Secretary. The roll was then called, and the following members answered to their names. John J. Eeylor, Bart; David McColm, Brecknock.; John Kiser, Esq.,Clay; William N.Galbraith, Colerain; Henry E. Shitnp, East Oocalico; George Bennett, Conoy; Sanders McOullongh, Drumore; William Dangan, Eden; J. H. Bletz, Elizabethtown Bor.; Lawrence Hippie, Fulton; S. C. Pinkerton, East Hempfield; John M. Weller, West Hempfield; Samuel Long, West Lampeter; Andrew J. Stelaman, City, N. W. Ward; H. B. Bwarr, N. E. Ward; Dr. Henry Carpenter, 8. W. Ward; William A. Morton. 8. E.Ward; George Diller, Leacock; George W. Linville, Up per Leacock; James Patterson, Little Britain; Benjamin Workman, Manheim Twp.; George G. Brush, Manor; Henry Shalfoer, Mount Joy Bor.; Amos Rockey, Paradise; H. R. Hull, Penn; Erankiin- Clark, Strasbarg Twp.; R. R. Tshudy, Warwick. The Chairman then stated that tbe first business in order would be the election of permanent officers. He called Dr. Carpenter to the chair, and, in a few neat and appropriate remarks, Mr. Swarr thanked the members for the uniform courtesy extended to him as Chairman of the County Com mittee, during the long period he had acted as such. He respectfully declined a re-election. On motion, Mr. Richard R. Tshudy, of Warwick, was unanimously chosen Chairman. Mr. Tshudy, on assuming the dnties of the Chairman ship, made a few pertinent and eloquent remarks. He said the mission of the Democratic party was a grand, a noble one—that of maintaining the Constitution as it is and restoring the Union as it was. That is the motto which is emblazoned on our banners in letters of living light. He trusted that past dissensions were entirely for gotten, and past feuds buried. The position to which he had been chosen was an arduous one. He thanked the members for tbe confidence reposed in him, and would endeavor to discharge the duties faithfully and energeti cally. Mr. T. was greeted with much applause throughout. On motion of Andrew J. Steinman, Esq., the unanimous thanks of the Committeo were tendered H. B. Swaeb, Esq., for the able and faithful manner in which he had dis charged the duties of Chairman. On motion of Dr. Herey Cahperter, Andrew J. Stein mar, Esq, of the city, was unanimously chosen Secretary. On motion, it was Eesolvtd, That the Chairman be requested to issue a cail to tho Democracy and other conservative men ot the county, those who are for maintaining the Constitution as it 1b and a restoration of the Union as it was, and opposed to sectionalism both North and South, to meet in their re spective wards, boroughs and townships on Saturday, Sep tember 6th, and elect not less than threß nor more than five delegates to represent them in a County Convention, to be hold at Fulton Hall, in the City of Lancaster, on Wednesday, September 10th, at 11 o’clock, A. M., for the purpose of placing in nomination a County Ticket to be supported at the ensuing election. On motion, the Committee adjourned. TO THE DEMOCRACY OP THE CITY AND COUNTY OP LANCASTER. In accordance with the resolution of the County Com* mlttee, adopted at their meeting on Wednesday, July 30th, you are requested to assemble in the several wards of the city, and horonghs and townships of the county, on SAT URDAY, the 6th day of SEPTEMBER next, theu and there to elect the nsnal number of delegates to a County Conven tion, to be held on WEDNESDAY, the 10th day of SEP TEMBER next, at 11 o’clock, A. M., at Fulton Dali, in the City of Lancaster, for the pnrpoee of nominating a ticket to be supported at the ensuing October election, composed of the following officers: A Member of Congress. Four Members of the House of Representatives. A District Attorney. One County Commissioner. Two Directors of the Poor. Two Prison Inspectors. One Auditor. The township committees are requested to give early notice in their respective districts of the time and place of meeting for the election of delegates. All persons favorable to the maintenance of the Consti tution as it is, and the restoration of the Union aa it was, opposed alike to the heresies of Secession and Abolition ism, and believing that the perpetuity of our principles of liberty' and free government depend upon a middle and conservative course between radicalism and sectional ism,'are most cordially invited to attend. "“By order of the Democratic County Committee. R. R. TSHUDY, Chairman. Andrew J. Steinman, Secretary. Lancaster, August 2d, 1862. [The list of Township Committees will be published next week.] MR. HUGHES’ ADDRESS. We publish in to-day's paper the first ad dress of the Democratic State Central Com mittee. It is from the pen of Hon. F. W. Hughes, the able and accomplished Chairman, and was unanimously adopted by the Com mittee at their meeting on Tuesday last, in Philadelphia. It is a lucid exposition of the origin of our National troubles, as also of the principles which divide the two political parties, and will be read with intense interest by every well-wisher and friend of the Union and Constitution, whether belonging to the Democratic party or not. Mr. H. is one of the greatest intellects in the State, and his selection as chairman of the State Central Committee, by the late Democratic State Con vention, was a judicious one in every respect. *§fThe Address of the State Central Committee, and the correspondence between President Lincoln and the Border State Con gressmen on the subject of Emancipation, occupy considerable space in our columns this morning,- and exclude several other artioles which we'had intended publishing. Their great importance, however, w iH fully jastify their insertion at this time, and we bespeak for both a careful and unprejudiced perusal. THH COUNTY COMMITTEE, The new Democratic County Committee; as will be seen by reference to the proceedings elsewhere, met and organized on Wednesday last, H.' B. Swaee, Esq., who so ably and faithfully filled the position of Chairman, with si brief interval, for the past nine years, re" ; speotft.Uy declined a re-election, and Mr. Richard B. Tshudy, of Litiz, was chosen his successor. We, cannot help but congratulate ■ tte Committee on the admirable selection they - 7 ®. mada - Mr - T. has the requisites of - youth,-energy and talent, and is well versed •M-'ftSP.afSWt as well as English languaees Weiprndict that he will make “S . Chairman. * TBS WAR StBKTIHS. The Comity War Meeting held in this city, on Saturday last, was tolerablywell attended from town and coanjxy; but, as wo have not been tarnished with a copy of the proceedings, we areonable to give either the list of officers or the resolutions,; this-week.' The meeting was presided over by Dr,;P. A MoHUNBCBOf of this oitjr, and spoeohes were jnado by Col. John W.'FoßNjiy and MoaroN McMichaxl, Esq., of Philadelphia, Rev. Alfred Cookhan, of New York, Rev. Dr. ScHAFF, of Meroers burg, (who spoke in German) Rev. Mr. Con bad, of this city, and Col. 0. J. Dickby. The -first two speeches' (especially 'McMrc hael’s) were strongly tainted with Abolitionism ; and Col. .Forney could not let the opportunity pass without making repeated thrusts at, and abusing his former patron and friend, Mr. Buchanan. Col. Dickey made decidedly the most sensible and appropriate speech of any; for he told tbose present on the stand and around hi™. in. snbstanee, that this was no time for talk—that the time for action had arrived—that they ought to say “ come boys,” instead of “go ” when they asked others to enlist—he himself was ready to enrol his name, and he wanted others abont him to do the same thing, &o. &c. His remarks created the only real en * thnsiaam that was manifested in the meeting, for they were pointed and apposite.. Of course they were not relished by the noisy patriots present—some of whom were on the stand— who don’t,go to the war themselveß, hut prefer staying at home to abnse better Union men and better citizens in every respect than them selves. We Bhall publish the resolntions, &0., next week, when we shall have more room and may take occasion to give onr opinion more at length in reference to the objeot intended by the prime movers in the affair. In the mean time we trust that reoruiting for the army will go forward vigorously, and that the Regiment will be filled up this week, notwithstanding the “ wet blanket ” that was thrown over it by the wire-pullers and managers of the meet ing on Saturday. LANCASTER COUNTY AHEAD ! Reoruiting has been very brißk in this city and county since our last isßue. Upon inquir ing, we learn that over seven hundred men have been sworn in—enough to constitute the eight companies required in the call, and the good work is still going on. We have no doubt that, by the close of the present week, enough names will he added to make ten foil companies—a Regiment. This speaks well for the patriotism of the Old Guard, and is worthy of imitation by every other county in the State. Captains Franklin and McGovern are busily engaged in getting ready to form the enoampmont, and in a day or two everything will be ready to move the men into quarters. When the Regiment is formed we hope to see Capt. Franklin promoted to the Colonelcy and Capt. McGovern to the Lieutenant Colonelcy. No better selections, nor better qualified or more popular officers, could he found any where . RECRUITING. The Government is urgently pressing the enlistment of men. They are needed without delay— noto. It is only recently that the real heft of the public enemy—its powers and its numbers—has been ascertained. We have lost valuable time in learning that men from, a southern latitude can fight and fight well. We must now accept this as a fact, and pre pare at once to act upon it. Hence more men should be put in the field—and that quickly. Above all, the Government is urging the policy of filling up the “ old Regiments.” This is its real policy. These regiments are under good and veteran Commanders, and the interests of the service as well as the good of the men, gives to this branch of enlistments a decided preference. We are gratified to state that the recruiting in this county ie going on with great alaority; and we expect that during the present week, the full complement will be ready. THE NEW REAR ADMIRALS, For the first time in its history, the Amer ican Navy now has a rank above that of Captain. The President, on Wednesday last, pot in execution the late act of Congress creating the rank of Rear Admiral. On the Retired List he commissioned the veterans Stewart, Read, Shubrick, Joseph Smith, Sto rer, Gregory, Lavalette, Stringham and Paul ding, each of whom has contributed to the renown of our navy. On the Active List he appointed Farragnt, Goldsborongh, Dupont and Foote. The country will be pleased with these selections, and it is certainly well pleas ed at having the new rank established. Here tofore the officers of the navy have had no such chances of promotion as those of the army, simply because the highest recognized rank was that of Captain. Now the President may select, from among “ those captains who have given the most faithful service to their coun try,” men to bear the rank and title of Ad miral. The awkward phrase “ Flag Officer ” will bo more, rarely heard now than it has been. Admiral Dupont, Admiral Farragut, Admiral Foote, and Admiral Goldsborongh will have a more agreeable sound. THE INDIANA DEMOCRACY, Our thanks are due to our old friend, Mr. Alexander Wiley, of Fort Wayne, Indiana, for a copy of the Indianapolis Slate Sentinel, containing the full proceedings of the monßter Mass Meeting of the Democracy of the State of Indiana, held at Indianapolis on the 30th ult. Addresses were made by Hon. Thomas A; Hendricks, Hon. C. A. Wickliffe of Ken. tueky, Hon. John S. Carlile, D. S. Senator from Virginia, Col. William A. Richardson of Illinois, and Hon. D. W. Voorhees. A letter was received from the old patriot, John J. Crittenden, regretting his inability to be present, but stating that his heart was with the Convention, and that he heartily endorsed the movement. 50,000 freemen were estima ted to be present, and the greatest harmony and enthusiasm prevailed. The Democracy of the “ Hoosier State ” intend giving a good account of themselves at the October election. IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE. Wo publish in this paper the correspondence between the President and the Representatives of the Border States in relation to his Eman cipation Scheme. We trust no one will fail to read it. That scheme may truly be character ized as a plan to aid the rebellion and render the restoration of the Union impossible. That would be its certain effect, and the persistent recommendation of it by the President has un doubtedly given more aid and comfort to the rebel leaders than anything else except the rad ical legislation of Congress. We do not propose to discuss the great ques tions raised in this correspondence, but simply desire to direct the reader’s carefnl attention to two points in the letter of the Border State men—that showing that the great strength of the rebellion is derived from abolition agita tion, and that relating 'to the abolition “ pres sure ” which the President is unwilling to re sist. A thoughtful perusal of this correspon dence will be profitable to all; and it may give to Some new ideas in regard both to the rebellion, and the hopelessness of its sup pression npon Mr. Lincoln's emancipation’ polioy. THE SHIMPJL ASTER CONGRESS. One of-the last acta of the present Congress .before their adjournment, was to pasa a bill -making postage and other stamps currency, as money. Previous legislation had authorized an Issue of'Government'paper money to the j amount of over three hundred millions of dol lars, inlargerdenominationß,bnt tblglaststep redaces it dawn to fveomt shmplastere l ; In the X 'commercial crisis.* of 1857, whidh pressed heavily, not only upon the banka hot the entire community, it was proposed by Mr.- Buchanan’s administration that the Govern ment should issue, not three or four hundred milliofisjbut only twenty millions of treasury notes, in denominations of fifty dollars-and upwards, for the purpose of relieving the people, and. the country. When the proposition was before Congress, it was vehe mently opposed by the leading Repnblioans in both booses, as unconstitutional and impolitic. Read the following extracts from the speeches of some of these men at that time, who are still in Congress, and who now go the whole length in flooding the country with shin plasters : Senator Collaheb said: “The moment there is difficulty, the moment there is any peonniary pressure which is felt by the treasury, however slight its pulse may be, immediately the bottom u knocked out of your system by this hill; tbe whole of it is utterly disregarded and broken down. What is substitute# in its place ? To begin with: the hill provides for the issue of $20,000,000 I will not nse any vnlgar names, hat I will say $20,000,000 of irredeemable paper; that, is paper which no man who holds it oan get the money for by-any legal demand he may have, short of one year; and as the treasury receives these notes in the payment of revenue, they are to be re-issued, with a provision that no more than $20,000,000 shall he out at one time.” Again: “ It is said that the object is to pay debts which we now owe. We have not the money. Then borrow the money like an honest debtor and pay interest for it. Go and bay gold, put it into your treasury, keep up your suh-trea snry, do not abandon yonr constitutional cur rency. Yon oan to-day obtain a premium for six percent, stocks of having any reasonable length of time to ran. Yoa will make money by borrowing gold for your stooks. Why this shrinking back from the borrowing of money when yon owe a debt, and ought to pay it ? Why not honestly and Bquarely say, “ we will preserve the constitu tional currency; we will preserve oursub-trea snry; we'will not tbrustour paper on the people against their consent and oblige them to get it cashed ; but we will as honest men use our credit to borrow hard money, and nse it as we have agreed to do, in paying our debts.” There is no other honest way of acting on this ocoasion ; all other modes are evasions, incon Bistent with your previous principles. The issuing of these notes is an abandonment of the constitutional currency, and the more you make them circulate the greater is the abandonment. You deny that we have power to establish a national bank. We once had such a bank, with a capital of $30,000,000, and you Baid it was a great monster. Here you are making a national bank without checks, without any hypothecation of securities, based on nothing except the public credit. You are creating a bank with power to issue $20,000,000 in one day, and to reissue it from time to time, and at the end of the year, after you shall have issued this paper three or four times, your treasury will he in the same condition as now.” Again : “ I say, then, that this whole proceeding is unprecedented in its nature, unfair in its prin ciples, a violation of the whole idea of the sub treaßury, an abandonment of the great const! tutional currency.” Senator King said: “ Fifty dollars is a convenient sum for paper for circulation. In my judgment, it would have been better for this country, if there never had been a note under that denomina tion in circulation as money ; but I think, OF ALL THE PAPER WHICH IS TO CIRCU LATE IN THIS COUNTRY, A§ MONEY, THE WORST IS PAPER BASED ON THE CREDIT AND FAITH OF THE GOVERN MENT, AND NOT UPON COIN. I would rather have the responsibility of individuals than that of the Government, because they are limited by the courts, and by their liability to be brought up by a stronger power than them selves, and when they become insolvent there is an end of them ; but the Government has no end to its credit except an utter prostration like that which resulted from the issue of con tinental bills. The issue of Government paper does not require means ; by a simple determi nation of the representative body, the Legisla ture, to increase the amount of their circula tion, the capital of the bank oan he doubled. It depends on the judgment and opinion of the legislative body ; and I think that the most dangerouß mode in which paper may be issued for circulation. It has been tried by most of the Governments of the world, and has fail ed.” - •Lovejoy, of the House, said : “ Sir, what is paper ourrenoy—irredeemable paper currency 1 It is a falsehood. When a bank bill goes abroad in the country, and says, “ I am twenty dollars, or I am fifty dollars ; I represent so much specie,” it is a falsehood upon its face. It does not represent'what it purports to represent. It often represents nothing. And when we put forth paper cur rency of treasury notes to the world, purport ing to represent so much specie in the treasury, or other places of deposit, when the specie is not there, it is deceptive. It is like the Credit Mobilier of France. It represents not specie, but the oredit of the country. And, if the present Administration follows in the footsteps of the last Administration for the next four years, I do not think the credit of the country will he worth much. Sir, all these attempts to relieve these commercial disasters, or to pre vent them, by new issoes of irredeemable paper, are like the polioy of tho man in Scrip ture, who built his hpnse upon the sand ; and when the rains descended and the floods came, and the winds blew and beat upon that house, it fell. I tell you that all the cobweb attempts to keep off the storm will he unavailing. Your bark may sit calm and beautiful upon the lake while itß waters remain unruffled, but when the storm comes it will be capsized and will sink. And so, when you undertake to build up na tional prosperity, by means of a paper curren cy, which does not represent dollar for dollar, and is not convertible into specie, it will not stand. But, sir, when yon build it upon hard money, upon a metallio currency, you have built your house upon a rook, and it will stand the test of all the stormß that may beat upon it. Sir, I repeat that this system of potting in circulation mere promises to pay instead of the money itself, ie always unsafe and unsatisfac tory. This kind of a currency is always found wanting when we need the cash.” Again: “ I object, finally, to this bill, because it is unconstitutional. Now, it is said to be out of taste; and to be unparliamentary, to say any thing about conscience here. Ido not know hat it is unparliamentary to say anything about the Constitution ; but I hope not, because we have sworn to support the Constitution. I want the chairman of the Committee of Wayß end Means, or any other friend of this bill, to point me to that clause of the Constitution which authorizes the issue of treasury notes. There is the power to borrow money npon the credit of the United States, it is true; but what is the use of whipping the Devil around the stump ? Why not eome out frankly like men, and say they want to borrow money for the Government, and not ask for authority to issue treasury notes. “ The truth is, there is no constitutional power to issue treasury notes. I know that it will be brought up as a plea—the precedents • that we did it in 1837, in 1842, and 1847 ■ and now cannot we do it in 1857 ? In the language of Young with a slight varia tion, “ Once more the fetal precedent will peal.” , ‘‘We have done it three times, and why not do it a fourth ? EVERY REPETITION OF AN UNCONSTITUTIONAL ACT END AN GERS THE COUNTRY BY MAKING A SUBSEQUENT VIOLATION MORE EASY and soon yen will find the good national ship unmoored, and floating away, in a very ocean of precedents, with the Constitution almost submerged, and hardly able to keep above the angry billows. And here, from my place, and upon my responsibility as a member of this Honse, I want especially to warn those who live in tho country—for “ God made tho country, and man made the town,” and I like man’s workmanship the best—l want to warn the mechanics and laborers, and the industrial classes of the country, that this Administration, which I said waß hat an elon gation of the preceding one, is endeavoring to convert this Government, in the name of Demo cracy, TO A DESPOTISM; . AND THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT, under the guise of treasury notes, XNTOI ONE GRAND BANKING SYSTEM.’*: MS* We leave every reader to make his own 'Comments on those the curtcnoy action of the Republietm Congress of 1862 hearing in mind, however, as we have already stated, that the proposition on which these gentlemen were speaking in 1857, was, not to put in circulation a Government paper cur rency, bat simply, as a relief to the commercial and business community, to issue twenty-' millions of treasury notes,'of no denomination below $5O. THE NEWS. Officers who left. Gen. McClellan’s army on Tuesday, report that some important move ment was then hourly expected. On Monday Gen. MoClellan issued orders for all the troops to be ready for action at a moment’s notiae. On Tuesday a body of two hundred Con federates invested the town of Mount Sterling, Kentucky, and demanded the surrender of the place. The demand was refnsed, and they then attaoked the town, bat were repalsed by the Home Gaard. Tbe Confederate lose was eight killed and forty eight taken prisoners* The Federal casualties were only three men wounded. It is' reported that the Confederates took Russellville, Ky., on Tuesday, and snbse qnently left the place on the approaoh of a force (Sf Federal troops. Russellville is in Logan county, on a branch of the Louisville aDd Nashville railroad, forty-one miles North of Nashville. Gov. Magoffin, of Kentucky, has issued a proclamation calling the Legislature together, for the purpose of explaining the extent of the power of the military board, and to consider President Lincoln’s emancipation policy. General Pope with his staff arrived at Warrenton on Tuesday, and assumed com mand of his army in the field. The citizens remain within the lines, refusing to take the oath of allegiance or go South, alleging that General Pope dare not enforce the order to that effect. At Luray Court House, however, on the same day, all the males of the town were arrested and imprisoned, preparatory to administering the oath. Madison Court House was occupied by Federal troops on Saturday last. A skirmish occurred near the town, but the Federals suffered no loss. Madison Court House is northwest of Gordonsville, and not far from the Confederate Gen. Ewell’s lines at Stannardsville. The Confederates are still lying quietly along the Central railroad, thirty or forty thousand strong. It is reported that a large of guerillas, from Arkansas have entered Missouri, and are now encamped in Howell and Texas counties. The town of Hannibal is almost deserted by its inhabitants, fearing the forays of the guerillas. A body of nine hundred Confederates were defeated by a force of six hundred and fifty Federals at Moore’s Mills, near Fulton, Mis souri on Monday. The Confederate loss is stated at from seventy-five to one hundred killed and wounded. The Federal casualties were forty-five killed and wounded. The Confederates have captured a dispatch steamer about one hundred and fifty miles above Vicksburg. They took quite a large number of prisoners and destroyed the boat. By the arrival of the steamer Australian at. New York on Wednesday, we have European advices to the 20th ult. Mr.*Lindsay’s motion in the British Parliament, in favor of media tion and for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, was called up on the 18th, and. gave rise to a debate.' The resolution was finally withdrawn, at the suggestion of Lord Palmerston, who appealed to tho House to leave the matter in the hands of the Govern ment. Lord Palmerston “ treated the issue of the war,” we are told, “bb a foregone conclusion, saying that the only satisfactory termination that could bo anticipated was an amicable separation.” He thought, however, that this result “would be impeded rather than faoilitated by debates in Parliament.”— He contended that the recognition of the Southern Confederacy could give no cause of offense to the North, but .thought that the present condition of the contest would not justify any such action on the part of the Government.” IS THE PLATFORM A FAILURE 7 The following is an oxlrnot from the Chica go Platform: Resolved, That the people justly view with alarm tho reckless extravagance.- which per vades every Department of the Federal Gov ernment ; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the system of PLUNDER .OF THE PUBLIC TREASURY BY FAVORED PARTISANS ; while the recent startling developments of FRAUD and CORRUPTION at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is imperatively demanded. Undoubtedly there were great rogues in office under former administrations, but the Chicago Convention was to remedy all that. A new party in power at Washington would bring about a condition of things somewhat approaching tho millennial period. Now what iB the result ? Let the Albany Evening Jour nal, edited by Thurlow Weed, tell: - “ There has been peculation. Weak men have disgraced, and bad men have betrayed the Government. Contractors have fattened on fat jobs. Adventurers have found the war a source of private gain. Moral desperadoes have flocked about the National Capital and lain in wait for prey. ‘ The' scum of the land has gathered about the sources of power and defiled them'.byjits reeking and offensive odor.” 5®- Senator Chandler, of Michigan, pro poses to raise a regiment and take command himself. If he should be ordered to the Poto mao, General McClellan will probably place him in a position where he can enjoy a ‘‘ little blood-letting.”— Exchange. There is no danger of Mr. Chandler’s takiDg the field. Mon of his stamp are not the class that do the fighting. They prefer to stay at home, and abuse those who are periling their lives for the welfare of the Union. We havo Chandlers by the dozen in this city, and by the hundred throughont the county. Some of them were prominent actors at tho war meeting on Saturday. Parson Brownlow’s Book. —We are in debted to ‘ the Publisher, George W. Childs, G3O Chesnut St., Philadelphia, for a copy of this somewhat noted hook—containing " Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Declihe of Secession ; with a Narration of Personal Adventures among the Rebels.” The volume is fully illustrated, handsomely hound in muslin, and contains upwards of 450 pages. Price $1,25. For sale by the Publisher, aud at all the Bookstores in this city. j®- Bergner, the editor of tho Telegraph and Postmaster at Harrisburg, has Boed the editors of the Patriot & Union for libel. We have known Bergner for the last twenty-four years, and never supposed it possible for any body to slander him in any particular, unless on the principle of “ the greater tho truth the greater the libel.” His own paper, the Tele graph, is one of the most abusive and slander. ouB sheets in the Commonwealth, and there fore, we think, he is about the last individual who should oomplain at anything publiehed against him in Democratic papers. LOCAL DEPARTMENT. Assigned to Dutt.— Oar young friends, Dtfc JofliPH Dotmr utd Fubx Q.Aibbighi, of city, havtng ptffled very creditable examinations before the Btate Medical Born, bars been asrintd to duty—-the fwwrjltf ttrimßaitaMC CoLsSSa^hTSdthe .latter with the 7Kh fegiuenVG&Hambright! . Tiff ComreNCMffNT.—Tbe Annual Com movement of Franhlinand Oollwe took place on Wednesday .last, at Snlton Halb in presence of a crowd* red audience of strangers and dflwu Th o f ft faarfUfl mode of relief and and of the most Elective organisation to oomhlue ; all the farces that can he applied to speedily and effectually yield the happy fruits of returned peace and prosperity. To dearly indicate the mode of relief it would appear to he proper to first determine the causeor causes of our present difficulties. Understanding the causes, it would seem to he la the order of nature that restoration should follow upon their removal. It is not compatible with the practical efficiency of an address, -such as this, to engage in any elaborate exposition, or historical account of the gradual progress of antecedent causes, that have at last culminated in the dreadful results we now behold. We snail, therefore, necessarily be brief, and best discharge our purpose by a statement of facts, which you will all *? correct, and by the assertion of propositions and *^ n S2S onß *? h,ch maintain, cannot he successfully introverted. The troubles that are now upon us are those .P 1 * 8 foresaw might arise upon the decay of patriotism, and against which they undertook to guard by the Constitution of the United Btates, and the establishment thereby of what was deemed by them—an* Ims, tmtil recently, proved to he the harmonious action of the States and the Federal Government—in their defined and just relations to eaeh other. Washington, in his fare well address, pointed out these dangers; and, above all. indicated as the evidence of a waning attachment for the Union and as the precursor of its fall, the creation of sec tional partes. It was in view of prohable.efforts in this direction that he appealed to his countrymen “to indig nantly frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which link together the various parts.” Had the countrymen of Washington sufficiently appreciated his patriotic warning, the widespread civil war that now afflicts us would never have existed; hut, on the contrary, we should, at thto lime, under the sup port which a most bbuntifh! Providence is extending to us, be in the enjoyment of a degree of prosperity and hap piness (we venture to assert) unequalled in the history of nations. Most unfortunately, sectional parties have grown up, begetting sectional bitterness; and already the title of American citizen begins to pale before the invasive pro gress of such titles as Northerner and South artier. Tears ago men in the North, then a very insignificant combination, began to assail our Constitution and our Union. This faction basing Its opposition upon a mis guided sentimentality in regard"to the servitude of the negro race in the Southern States, and allowing that sen timentality to swallow up all true feelings of patriotism, and all duty as citizens, boldly proclaimed their hostility to the Constitution and the Union, which they rightly claimed recognized and was pledged not to invade the con trol of the States respectively over the institution of do mestic slavery. Disloyal declarations, such as “ better no Union at all than a Union with slaveholders,” became the axiomatic dicta of this faction, then and now (in its formid able proportions) best known as Abolitionists. Without dwelling upon the progress and growth of this faction, it is too lamentably true and well known that proclaiming through its leaders their chief object to be “ the ultimate extinction of slavery” it attained to snch consequence that the people of the slaveholding States became alirmed, and began to form counter combinations to resist the threatened overthrow of what they claimed to be rights that were intended to be sacredly guarded by the Consti tution of the United States. At the same time there had existed an Insignificant, and of themselves powerless, band of disnnionists in ohe or two of the slaveholding States, who seized upoa the opportunity tbns afforded by the ag gressive action of the Abolitionists' to stimulate these counter movements. These efforts were too successful; and materials too, for snch efforts, were being continually supplied by the successes of the Abolitionists. Abuse and obloquy against the slaveholder streamed out from some pulpits in the North, where the virus of Abolitionism had been infnsed. Retaliatory epithets were indulged in by pnlplts tn the South against the Abolitionists. Church or ganizations in the Union were split up into organizations North and South. Nominations for the Presidency were made upon issues, In fainter or bolder terms, involving the question of the existence or limitation of the area of do mestic slavery. The decisions of the Supremo Court of the United States were resisted, its integrity assailed, and Its remodelling avowed. These were followed by outbreaks, as illustrated by the raid of John Brown into Virginia.— Meantime the retaliatory and disunion movements in tho South, crystallized and proclaimed tho monstrous heresy that the Union was but an alliance of sovereign States, and that any one of its meflibura might, in the exercise of an unlimited sovereignty, which was claimed for it, with draw from such union. N :TMs.Jberesy was designated, and as we all know, is familiarly-colled Secessionists, and, un der its banner, a great and formidable party In the slave States was rallied. Thus were confronted two great sectional parties—the Abolitionists North, and the Secessionists South—the very antipodes of each other in their sentiments; they met on the common platform of Disnnion. Each, alike, tended to overthrow the Constitution and the Union. Each, alike, are the enemies of the Republic. The Secessionists, claim ing to act from the apprehension that the threat for “ the ultimate extinction of slavery ” would be put in execution, succeeded by bare majorities in some cases, and by the more efficient organization of probable minorities in others, in pr' curing the adoption cf ordinances of Secession, or for Cincinnatj, July 28, 1862. the withdrawal of snch States from the American Union ss are now baoded übder the designation of the Confeder ate States. Obtaining, thni, the .formal organization of a government, they set at defiance tho Constitution and laws of the United State?, and undertook to resist their execution within the pretended jurisdiction of this revo lutionary government. The Government of the United States, in strict accordance with Its powers, undertook to enforce these laws and to demand obedience to them— armed resistance was at once inaugurated on the part of the Secessionists, and thus began a rebellion and civil war that has become onfe of gigantic proportions, and for many of its characteristics ono of tho most formidable that ever existed among a civilized people. At its outset, the appeal was made to the loyal mon of tho North to fly to arms, in order to nohold the Constitution and laws, and to main- tain the Union. With the rapidity of magic this sppeal was responded to with unbounded enthusiasm, and an armed force of over 700,000 men stood ready to obey the summons to meet the foes of the Union. President Lin coln, in his inaugural address, bad said: • “I bavo no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in tho States where it ex ists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so” * * * * The Congress of ihe United States, immediately after the battle of Ball Run, in July, 1861— “Resolved, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced npon the country by the Disnnionists of the South ern States, now in arms against the Constitutional Govern ment, and in arms around the-capital; that, in this na tional emergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged dn their part in any spirit of oppression, or for any pnrpose of conquest or subjugation, or pnrpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, bnt to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Consti tution. and to preservo the Union, with all the dignity, equality and rights of tho several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ouaht to cease.” Thus, the faith of tbe President and Congress was pledged to every loyal man in tbe North that the war was to bo carried on for the Constitution as it is and the Union . as it was. Under the inspiration of this high, patriotic and holy purpose, oar gallant countrymen have marched to the battle field, keeping step to the music of the Union, enduring privations and sufferings that wonld h&vo utter ly appalled les3 patriotic and devoted soldiers Tbe enemy, although massed in formidable bodies, and supported by an energy, skill, and munitions of war that evinced an in creased concentration of sentiment in behalf of the rebel lion, yet, before the mighty shock of onr arms—inflicted by the soldiers ofethe Union—they were for a time van quished ; their forts, towns and other strongholds were rapidly taken, and, amid the shouts of the exultant and triumphant soldiery who had enlisted for the mere pnr pose of re-establishing devotion to, and the protection of, onr proud national ensign, the star-spangled banner there again spread out Its folds. At the beginning of these suc cesses much attachment for the Union was developed among the people where such successes occurred. It was hoped and believed that, witti a few more similarly impor tant blows Inflicted npon the rebellion, that its force wonld have been spent, and that tbe people of tbe rebellions States, being assured that the pledges of the President and Oongresa would be faithfully observed, would have relaxed their efforts in behalf of their usurping government, and that the Union men orthe South, and the returning sense of the inestimable value of the Union to all divisions of population there, wonld complete the restoration of respect and obedience to the Constitution and laws of the Federal Government. These hopes have not been realized, and the explanation of this disappointment, In a great degree at least, is fonnd in the evidence afforded of the terrible fact that the Abolitionists of the North are determined that the white population of the Bonth shall be extermi nated. or held in subjugation, and that onr Government shall be overthrown, and the Union ot these States finally and forever broken np. Yea 1 exterminate the whites of the Booth, or govern them as a subjugated people; and over throw the Government and destroy the Union, is tbeir pur pose. And we ask your candid consideration for a mo ment, nntil we present to yon a few points, from which yon will see*that the inference is irresistible that this is the design of this .most disloyal band. The Constitution and the Union were early regarded by the Abolitionists as the barriers that stood in the way of negro emancipation. Hence, such Constitution was by them denounced as 44 a covenant with death and an agree ment with hell.” So late as the 15th of June last a portion of the members of this band, at a meeting in Massachu setts, passed a formal resolution, viz: 44 Resolved , That as Abolitionists, devoted to the great work of overthrowing slavery, we renew and repeat onr old pledge, “ No Union with Slaveholders.” No support to any Administration or Government that permits slavery on any portion of its soil—and we value this war only as we believe it must lead to emancipation by order of the Federal authorities, or to a dissolution of the Union, which must speedily produce the same result.” It Is unnecessary to even sperify the prominent evi dences that, from time to time, havo been afforded that the Abolitionists had firmly resolved npon the destruction of this Government. A few of them are found in the un constitutional, so called, “Personal Liberty Billa” of several States; tbe repeated declarations of prominent party leaders, even in tbe last Presidential campaign, (see the speech delivered by Frank P. Blair, at Franklin Hall In the city of Philadelphia, on the 2d of October, 1860, one week before the election,) in which he, quoting still higher authority, declared .that the object of the Republican party was 44 the ultimate extinction of slavery.” In the avowed determination to resist the decision of the Sapreme Coart of the United States, in the Dred Bcott case, and in such declarations as made by Senator Wade, “ a Union where all men-are equal, or no Union at Acting upon this original pnrpose, and npon the conviction that a return to Congress of Senators and Representatives from the South ern States wonld result in their political overthrow, the Abolitionists in the late Congress have pursued a policy that has alarmed every loyal man in the North, and forced the conviction that onr gallant armies in the field, and the whole nation were to be thwarted fn their patriotic pur poses. The resolution above quoted, adopted by Congress lo July, 1861, Immediately after the Bull Run disaster, it was sought to re-affirm in the present Congress, through a resolution offered by Mr. Holman, of Indiana in the fol lowing terms : “Resolved, That tbe unfortunate civil warlnto which the Government of the United States has been forced by tbe treasonable attempt of Southern Secessionists to destroy the Union, shonld not be prosecuted for any other purpose than the restoration of the authority of the Constitution and welfare of tbe whole people of the United States, who are permanently involved in the preservation of onr pres ent form of Government, without modification or change.” This resolution waa defeated by a motion to lay it npon the table, made by Mr. Lovejoy, by the following vote, yeas 60, nays 58. Of those wbo voted to tbns defeat the reso lution 59 were Republicans, while every Democrat except ing one, and every Border State* representative, whose vote is recorded, voted in the negative. In co-operation with this most significant. declafatlon, by the Federal House of Representatives, we bad the mili tary emancipation proclamations of Generals Fremont and Hunter. Along with these we' had the project of Mr. Sumner, in the Senate, to blot ont the State governments of tbe rebel States, reduce them to a territorial condition, and to govern them as snch. Then followed various eman cipation schemes, and among them the project of confisca tion of slave* nominally* bnt ready a bill to emancipate them. We cannot probably better prove the operation of saeh measures npon the Southern mind, than to quote tbe following extract from the reply of twenty ont of twenty eight representatives from the Border Slave States to Presi dent Lincoln, in reference to hU appeal to them to adopt his project that the Federal Government should aid them with money to pay the' master for his negro upon his emancipation, viz: “The rebellion derives its strength from the union of all classes In the insurgent States; and while that union lasts' the war will never end nntil they are utterly exhausted. We know that at tbe inception ot these troubles Southern society was divided, and that a large portion, perhaps a majority, were opposed to secession. Now the great » 'Of Southern people are united. To discover why they are so we snnst.glanee at Southern society and notioe the classes into whlrii It has bees divided, and 1 which still die A UNION MAN. tingotoiL it- Tbty are la onto, bat not b fit m object; Vbtj are moved to a oommon and, batty dtftreat and inamsuient reasons. The leader*, which casprelMDds what vu previously known as thc BteiM Rights party, and to maui the toreer ribas, feek to ipoak down Independence and ret dontiuma. WUh them It ■ to a war against due to istitnif, as it sapposea,tomaintain and preeorve Itorighfr qf property and domestic safety, which. Uhas beta to believe are esreUed by thto Government. : TMa totter dare are not dtovhkmtoteper to; they:are so only because they have been laade to believe that thto adudaistrathm to in imical to their righto, and to making warbfe thetodomeetlo As long as these two classes act together, theyjrlll never atoep tto a peso* The poUey. then, to ba pursued taobvioua., q?he former olaarwu) aevfer he recon ciled, bat tiie latter may he- 1 'Remote their apprehensions. Satiety them that no harm to Intended to them and their Institatibn*?. that - tide Government to not war on their righto of .property, but to simply defending its legiti mate authority, and they will gladly return to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of pillitary flAmtwtnw .Imposed by the Confederate authority to removed from tham, “Twelve months ago both House* of Oongress, adopting the spirit ofyourmessage, then but recently sent unde clared with singular unanimity theohjeota of the war, and the country Instantly bounded to your tide to assist yon In carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution had been ; adhered to we are confident that we should before now have seen the end of this deplorable conflict. But what have we seen! In both Houses of Oongrem.we have heard doctrines subversive of the principles of the Constitution, amd seen measure after measure founded In substance on those doctrines proposed and carried through, which can hare no other effect than to distract and.dlvide loyal men, and exasperate and drive still farther from us and- their duty the people of the rebellious States. Military officers, following these had examples, hare stopped beyond the just limits of their authority in the earn* direction, until in several Instances you have felt the necessity of interfer ing to arrest them. And even toe passage of toe reeolution to which you refer has been ostentatiously proclaimed as the'triumph of principle which the people of toe Southern States regard as ruinous to them. The effect of these measures was foretold, and may now seen in the indurated state of Southern feeling. * “To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for the resolution recommended by you, we solemn ly believe we are to attribute the terrible earnestness of those In arms against the Government and toe continuance of the war. Nor do we (permit usto say, Mr. President, with all respect for you) agrto that the institution ot-slave ry is “the lever of their power,” but we are of toe opinion that“ toe lever of their power,” to the apprehension that the powers of a common governnfent, created for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will be wielded against the institutions of toe Southern States. “Signed by, O. A. Wicxum, Chairman. Gabeitt Davis, B. WiLsoif, J. J. Crittshdiit, Jno. 8. Caeltlx, J. W. Cekvixld, J. S. Jaceson, H. Groce, John S. Phelps, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Oalvs&t, . C. L. L. Leary, Edwin H. Webster, H. Mallory, Aaron Harding, James S. Rollins, T. W. Menzixs, Thos L Price, Q. W. Ditnlap, Wh. A. Hall.” In farther prosecution of the emancipation project of the Abolitionists we have the proposition to arm and en list the negroes as soldlere. indeed, we are informed, from official sources, that one General In the army has already organized a fall regiment of negroes. We'forbear to diecass.the question, whether such soldiers (T)are not a burlesque upon the name, and whether clothing and arming negroes as such, beside the waste of clothes, arms, and other supplies, is not exposing us to defeat in battle, from the clearly established fact, that the negro is utterly dlsqualifled by natare to stand the musketry and artil lery fire —not to speak of the bayonet charge—of modern warfare. The subject has infinitely greater proportions when regarded in its offect to discourage enlistments by onr own race; resulting from the commendable repug nance of the white man to be placed upon an equality of military rank with the negro. Bat not the least objectionable consideration Is the feet, that this inferior race having their minds and passions in . flamed by the tales of real or imaginary wrongs which Abolitionism is too careful to impart to them, will, with arms in their hands, perpetrate the atrocities of “ the In discriminate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and conditions " —barbarity in warfare—of which o.nrancestors complained against Great Britain, who had employed against them the “ merciless Indian savages.” The history of negro wars and insurrections in Bt. Do mingo, and other West India Islands, is replete with the barbarities of rapine and slaughter of helpless womon and infants, that shock the sensibilities of the lowest develop ment of humanity in the white man. -"And yet. should the negroes in tho Southern States be employed and armed by tho Federal Government against the white population, then the atrocities of tho West India Islands we may naturally expect to be repeated here on a vastly more ex tended scale. Against such a fiendish policy would not only *he moral rensibilities of all the whirls of the North ern States who havo not become brutalized by tbe devilhh cess of Abolitionism, bo most painfully shocked, but the whole civilized world would condemn us. and probably, in the cause of humanity, rise to stay atrocities bo disgrace ful. But what sane man can doubt that under such policy the .last spark of Union sentiment in tho South would bo extinguished, and the entire Southern population become united as one person agrinst the Government? It were the merest folly to suppose otherwise! How then would such flgliting bring back the revolted States into tho Union ? Can the 8,000.000 of white people be held there under our republican form ofGovernment, in subjugation ? Is it believed that the peoplo of the North can bo madden ed into the effort for the extermination of eight millions nf people wi‘li whom we havo hitherto lived in a Union hold togeihor by f.atemnl bonds, and most of whom are dow bound 1o members of our own population by tho closest ties of consanguiuity ? If we were to exhaust all our physical resources and all oar pecuniary means, could we if we would, accomplish such purpose of extermina tion ? Can we hold the Southern States or people in sub jugation without overthrowing .our Constitution and the Union; without, in fact, establishing a government the most despotic ? ' We need no*; answer for you these inquiries. We know what mmt to the respome of every mind not domqnted by Abolitionism Have we not shown, then, the policy of Abolitionism, if carried out, is to the overthrow of our Constitution and Union ? That Abolitionists are the enomies of the Repub lic? Relieving we havo done so, it remains to inquire: What is the relief for ns In this our hour of gloom for our beloved country? We answer: Remove tho causes: re move Abolitionism and Secessionlsm. Put down tho for mer at tbe ballot bos; put down the latter (backed by arms) by force {farms.- In the execution of the latter, insist that the Government shall stand by its plighted faith—to conduct the war to uphold the Constitution and the Union, and rn*. as Abolitionism wonld have it, to make disunion complete and to overthrow the Constitu tion I As Pennsylvanians, you have possibly a greater stake in the preservation of tho Union than the people of any other State. Should the cooperative, yet, in aome sense, hostile movements of Abolitiouism aod Secessloniem suc ceed, aDd disunion become an establislwd fact, Pennsyl vania, owing to her peculiar geographical position, wonld be exposed to the desolation and become the battle field of tho conflicting forces that might undertake to settle all questions that would remain as the heritage of disnnion. These, however, wo forbear now to contemplate; for wo are unwilling to believe that “ that Qcd who presides over the destinies of .nations *’ will permit such a terrible dis pensation to befall us. We are unwilling to believe that the people of the free States will ever become so maddened as to aid the spirit -of Abolitionism, that seems now to brood over ns like tome evil gonias, that would control ns to our deduction. It cannot be that we are to have a doom worse than befell Babylon after she had 44 become tho habitation of devils and the hold of every foul spirit.” Tbe only excuse offered by Abolitionism for its policy, is tbe plausible fallacy that 44 slavery is the canse of onr threatened disnnion.” To those who look only to immedi ate and proximate causes, this position is captivating; but to those who remember that toe original Union, which waged the war of the Revolution, was made of thirteen ■ staveholding States; that the Union at the time of the adoption of the present Constitution, consisted of twelve elavebolding to one free State, it is very plain, that instead of slavery producing disunion that, unless it had been re cognized and the faith of tbe wholeseopie pledged for its protection, this Union wonld have never existed. It would be as reasonable to argue that houses and money should be exterminated, because so long as they exist there will be incendiaries and thieves, as to argae that slavery should be destroyed, because so long as it ex ists there will be Abolitionists. Houses and money are not more clearly and decidedly recognized by the Constitu tion and laws of the Federal Government, as snbjeot to the laws and protection of the States where they exist, as is the right of the master to the service of his negro slave in States where negro slavery is recognized. Incendiaries and thieves no more violate the recognized rights of others when they born houses and commit robbery, than do Abo litionists, when, by the underground raihftad or other de vices, they deprive the slaveholders of the South of that property to which the Constitution and laws ef bis State, as well as those of the United States guarantee protection, if in the attempt to commit arson or robbery, life is taken, it is morder in the first degree; so tod it is murder of the tame grade.to tike life in the unlawful attempt to deprive the owner of his rights in the service of his negro. And here, too, we will remark that tbe present war, if Abolition ists should succeed in diverting it from its proper pnrpose of upholding the Constitution and tho Union, and prosti tuting it to their cherished object of freeing negroes by hilling white men, wonld become an atrocious murderous war, that wonld jastly subject all who give it snch direc tion to the penalty ot the law imposed against the highest of crimes. The policy of Abolitionism, therefore, is not only unsup ported by one tenable ground, even for its palliation, but judged by Its objects and its effects, It is in the highest de gree criminal and disloyal. By eradicating Abolitionism, we remove not only sectionalism from tbe North, but the caose of sectionalism in the South. The fall of Abolitionism we verily believe, would in a short time bo attended by the fail of Secesslonism. Al thongh the imaginary advantages of a Southern Confeder acy, entertained by many in tbe revolted States, has secured for it unconditional supporters, yet the desolation that has already attended upon tbeir efforts at separation, the continued press ore of onr arms, and the recollections of the blessings of the Union, will, upon the removal of the cause of Southern Sectionalism, revive their senti ments of nationality. , We beiievo that upon the substantial extinction of Abo litionism, the Union certainly can be restored, bnt that without such extinction it never can be. It Is, therefore, quite as essential that the energies of the loyal men of the North be directed against the Abolition foes of the Union as it is against Bects?ion foes. It remains tbe efore only to inquire in what way can these energies bo most effec tively directed to accomplish the desired pnrpose? We reply only by rnpporting the organization of the Demo cratic party. There is no other thoroughly loyal party in the land; it has always been national; it is the only party that has no affiliation or sympathy with sectionalism— North or South—lt is the only party In Pennsylvania, that is sot In the sympathy or support of such friends as Wade, Sumner. Greeley, Phillips, Lorejoy and Wilmot. The national men who supported Bell and Everett In the late Presidential canvass, we believe, may now be coanted in the rauks of the Democratic party. The only other politi cal organization in this State is the tnfemy. of the Demo cratic party, who has rallied once more under the designa tion of the People’s Pajty. This party held their Conven , tion at Harrisburg on the 17th Inst, and their true char . actor Is abundantly shown in that in their resolutions they eulogize and sosttin Senator Wilmot while they con demn Senator Cowan, totlr by tho homage paid Mr. Wilmot and by refusing to Mr. Cowan even the meed of * faint praise.” The distinguishing feature In the political coarse of these two Senators, it is well known, is, that Mr. Wil* mot has supported the extremost Abolition measure# of tho present Congress, whilst Mr. Cowan has won tho admira tion and confidence of every Union loving patriot in the land by his honest and fearless opposition to these meas ure?—measures that tended to make Disnnion perpetual. Can any loyal man in the State, therefore, hesitate which of the two’political organization's entitled to hfs support? The standard bearers selected by the Democratic State Con vention are in every respect deserving of your confidence. Isaac Slxhkxb, Esq, oar candidate for Auditor General, is a gentleman of distinguished ability, and spotless repu tation. .Ho is a native of York couoty. Pennsylvania born of German patents, and who were tille s of the soil. The early political course and well tried Integrity of Isaac Sleeker, is known to many of the people of Pennsylvania. In 1884 he wes elected to represent Union and Northum berland counties in the Senate of Pennsylvania ; and while too many Senators in that body' yielded to the Influences that were employed by tbs late Bank of lha United States to obtain us-charter from a Pennsylvania Legislature, Isaac filenker, with eleven others, as honeet men, resisted there influences, and won tha deputation of feUbful among the faithless. He was upon the Judieiary Commlttee of the Senate, and took an active part in the revision of our civil code. At the expiration of his Senatorial torm, Mr. Slenker retnrned again to the practice of his profession as a lawyer, and since then has been out of publio position except that 1856 he was oneof the. Presidential Electors on the Democratic ticket in tliis State. . Mr. Slenker4s a gen tleman of commanding abilities; highly exemplary in hto habits of life; of great industry and purity; Qf,character. Col. Jahzs P. Basil, onr candidate for Surveyor General, is the editor and proprletor of the Piitshnrg JfciA a news paper that since Mr. Barr's connection with ever been tbe advocate of sound National principlei," Daring the pr«ent