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VOL. LXII.
THE LANCASTER INTELLIGENCER
P CRUMP NWAT TOZEIDAT, AT NO. 8 NORTE DUMP 872.112,
BY GEO. SANDERSON.
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The President's Message.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and louse of
Representatives
In the midst of unprecedented political
troubles we have cause of great gratitude to
God, for unusual good health and abundant
harvests. You will not be surprised to learn
that in the peculiar exigencies of the times,
our intercourse with foreign nations has been
attended with profound solicitude, chiefly
turning upon our own domestic affairs. A
disloyal portion of the American people have,
during the whole year, been engaged in an
attempt to divide and destroy the Union.
A nation which endures factious domestic
division is opposed to disrespect abroad, and
one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later
to invite foreign intervention. Nations thus
tempted to interfere, are not always able to
resist the counsels of seeming expediency and
ungenerous ambition, although measures a
dopted under such influences seldom fail to be
unfortunate and injurious to those adopting
them.
The disloyal citizens of the United State,
who have offered the ruin of our country in
return for the aid and comfort which they
have invoked abroad, have received less pa
tronage and encouragement than they proba
bly expected. If it were just to suppose, as
the insurgents have seemed to assume, that
foreign nations, in this case, discarding all
moral, social and treaty obligations, would act
solely and selfishly for the most speedy resto
ration of commerce, especially the acquisition
of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to
have seen their way to their object more di
rectly or clearly through the destruction than
through the preservation of the Union.
If we could dare to believe that foreign na
tions
are actuated by no higher principle than
thii, I am quite sure a sound argument could
be made to show them that they can reach
their aim more readily and easily by aiding
to crush this rebellion, than by giving encour
agement to it. The principal lever relied on
by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations
to hostility against us, as already intimated,
is the embarrassment of commerce. Those
nations, however, not improbably saw from
the first, that it was the Union which made as
well our foreign as our domestic commerce
They can scarcely have failed to perceive that
tb k e effort for disunion produces the existing
difficulty, and that one strong nation promis
es more durable peace and a more extensive
and reliable commerce than can the same na
tion broken into hostile fragments. It is not
my purpose to review our discussions with
foreign States, because, whatever might be
theirwishes or dispositions, the integrity of our
country, and the stability of our Government,
mainly
,depend not upon them, but ou the
loyalty, virtue, patriotism and intelligence of
the American people.
The correspondence itself, with the usual
reservations, is herewith submitted. I venture
to hope it will appear that we have practised
prudence and liberality towards foreign Pow
ers, averting causes .of irritation, and with
firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.
Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in
every other Stale, foreign dangers necessarily
attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that
adequate and ample measures be adopted for
maintaining the public defenses on every side.
While under this general recommendation pro
vision for defending our sea-coast line occur
to the mind, I also, in the same connection, ask
the attention of Congress to our great lakes
and rivers.
It is believed that some fortifications and
depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and
navigation improvements, all at well selected
points upon these, would be of great import
ance to the national defence and preservation.
I ask attention to the views of the Sectetary
of War, expressed in his report upon the same
general subject. I deem it of importance that
the loyal regions of East Tennessee and West
ern North Carolina should be connected with
Kentucky and other faithful parts of the
Union by railroad.
I therefore recommend, as a military meas
ure. that Congress provide for the construc
tion of such road as speedily as possible.=
Kentucky, no doubt, will co-operate, and,
through her Legislature, make the most judi
cious selection of a line. The northern ter
minus must connect with some existing rail
road, and whether the route shall be from
Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland
Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line,
in the direction of Knoxville, or on some
still a different line can readily be
determined. Kentucky and the General Gov
ernment co-operating, the work can be com
pleted in a very short time, and, when done,
it will be not only of vast present usefulness,
but also a valuable, permanent improvement,
worth its cost in all the future.
Some treaties, designed chiefly for the in
terests of commerce, and having no grave po
litical importance, have been negotiated, and
will be submitted to the Senate for their con
sideration.
Although we have failed to induce some of
the commercial powers to adopt a desirable
melioration of the rigor of a maritime war, we
have removed all obstructions from the way
of this humane reform, except such as are
merely of temporary and accidental occur
rence.
I invite your attention to the correspondence
between Her Britannic Majesty's Minister, ac
credited to this Government and the Secretary
of State relative to the detention of the Brit
ish ship Perthshire in June last, by the United
States steamer Massachussetts, for a supposed
breach of the blockade. As this detention
was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension
of the facts, and as justice requires that we
should commit no belligerent act not founded
in strict right as sanctioned by public law, I
recommend that an appropriation be made to
satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners
of the vessel for her detention.
I repeat the recommendation of my prede
cessor, in his Annual Message to Congress in
December last, in regard to the disposition, of
the surplus which will probably remain after
satisfying the claims of American citizens
. against China, pursuant to the awards of the
Commissioners under the act of the ;rd of
March, 1859.
If, however, it should not be deemed advisa
ble to carry that recommendation into effect,
I would suggest that authority be given in
vesting the principal over the proceeds of the
surplus referred to in good securities, with a
view to the satisfaction of such other just
claims of our citizens against China, as are
not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course
of our extensive trade with that Empire.
By the act of the sth of August last, Con
gress authorized the President to instruct the
commanders of suitable vessels to defend them
. selves against and to capture pirates. This
authority has been exercised in a single in
stance only. For the more effectual protection
of our extensive and valuable commerce in the
Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it
would also be advisable to authorize the com
manders of sailing vessels to recapture any
prizes which pirates may make of United
States vessels and their cargoes, and the con
sular courts now established by law in eastern
countries to adjudicate the cases, in the event
that this should not be objected to by the local
authorities. If any good reason exists why
we should persevere longer in withholding our
recognition of the independence and sover
eignty of Hayti, I am unable to discern it.—
Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel
policy in regard to them, without the appro
bation of Congress, I submit for your consid
eration the expediency of an appropriation for
maintaining a Charge d' Affairs near each of
those new States. It does not admit of a doubt
that important, commercial advantages might
• - be secured by favorable treaties with them.
C frf
The operations of the Treasury during the
period which has elapsed since your adjourn
ment, have been conducted with signal suc
cess. The patriotism of the people has placed
at the disposal of the Government the large
means demanded by the public exigencies.
Much of the National Loan has been taken by
citizens of the industrial classes, whose confi
dence in their country's faith, and zeal for
their country's deliverance from present
peril, have induced them to contribute to the
support of the Government the whole of their
limited acquisitions. This fact. imposes pe
culiar obligations upon the country in dis
bursement and energy in action.
The revenue from all sources, including loans
for the financial year, ending on the 30th of
June, 1861, was $86,835 900 27, and the ex
penditures for the same period, including pay
ments on account of the public debt, were
$84,578 834 47 : leaving a balance in the Treas
ury on the Ist of July, of $2,257,065,80. For
the first quarter of the financial year, ending
on the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts
from all sources, including the balance of the
Ist of July, were $102,532,509,27, and the ex
penses $98,239,733,09; leaving a balance on
the Ist of Ootober, 1861, of $4,292,776,18.
Estimates for the remaining three quarters
of the year, and for the financial year of
1063, together with his view of 'ways and
means for meeting the demands contemplated
by them, will be submitted to Congress by the
Secretary of the Treasury.
It is gratifying to know that the expendi
tures made necessary by the rebellion are not
beyond the resources of the loyal people, and
to believe that the same patriotism which has
thus far sustained the Government will con
tinue to sustain it till peace and union shall
again bless the land.
I respectfully refer to the report of the Sec
retary of War for information respecting the
numerical strength of the army, and for recom
mendations, having in view an increase of its
efficiency, and the well-being of the various
branches of the service intrusted to his care.
It is gratifying to know that the patriotism
of the people has proved equal to the occasion
and that the number of troops tendered
greatly exceeds the force which Congress au
thorized me to call into the field.
I refer with pleasure to those portions of
his Report which make allusion to the credit
able degree of discipline already attained by
our troops, and to the excellent sanitary con
dition of the entire army.
The recommendation of the Secretary for
an organization of the militia upon a uniform
basis is a subject of vital importance to the
future safety of the country, and is commend
ed to the serious attention of Congress.
The large addition to the regular army, in
connection with the defection that has so con
siderably diminished the number of its offi
cers, gives peculiar importance to his recom
mendation for increasing the corps of Cadets
to the greatest capacity of
. the Military . Acad
emy. . .
By mere omission, I presume, Congrees has
failed to provide chaplains for hospitals occu
pied by volunteers. This subject was brought
co my notice, and I was induced to draw up
the Torm of a letter, one copy of which, prop
erly addressed, has been delivered to each of
the persons, and at the dates respectively
named, and stated in a schedule containing
also the form of the letter marked A, and
herewith transmitted.
These gentlemen, I understand, acted upon
the duties designated at the times respectively
stated in the schedule, and have labored there
faithfully ever since. I therefore recommend
that they he compensated at the same rate as
chaplains in the army, further suggesting that
general provision be made for chaplains to
serve at hospitals as well as with regiments.
The report of the Secretary of the
Navy presents in detail the operations
of that branch of the service. The activity
and energy which have characterized its ad
ministration, and the results of the measures
to increase its efficiency and power. Such have
been the addition by construction and purchase,
that it may almost be said a Navy has been
created and brought into service since our
difficulties commenced.
Besides biockading our extensive coast, squa
drons larger than ever before assembled under
our flag have been put afloat, and performed
deeds which have increased our naval renown.
I would invite special attention to the re
commendations of the Secretary for a more
perfect organization of the Navy, by introdu
cing additional grades into the service. The
present organization is defective and unsatis
factory, and the suggestions submitted by the
Department, will, it is believed, if adopted,
obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote
harmony, and increase the efficiency of the
Navy.
There are three vacancies on the bench of
the Supreme Court, two by the decease of the
Justices DANIEL and McLEAN, and one by the
resignation of Justice CAMPBELL. I have, so
far, forborne making nominations to fill these
vacancies, for reasons which I will now state.
Two of the out. going Judges resided within
the States now overrun by revolt, so that if
their successors were appointed in the same
localities they could not now serve upon their
circuit, and many of the most competent men
there probably would not take the personal
hazard of accepting to serve even here, upon
the Supreme Bench. I have been unwilling
to throw all the appointments Northward, thus
disabling myself from doing justice to the
South on the return of peace; although I may
remark that to transfer to the North one which
has heretofore been in the South, would not,
with reference to territory and population, he
unjust.
t During the long and brilliant judicial career
of Judge MCLEAN, his circuit grew into an
empire altogether too large for any one Judge
to give the Courts therein more than a nomi
nal attendance, rising in population from 1,-
470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. Besides
this, the country generally has outgrown our
present judicial system. If uniformity was
at all intended, the system requires that all
the States shall be accommodated with Circuit
Courts, attended by Supreme Judges ; while,
in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, lowa, Kansas,
Florida, Texas, California and Oregon, have
never had any such Courts.
Nor can this well be remedied - without a
change of the system, because the adding of
Judges to the Supreme Court., enough for the
accommodation of all parts of the country,
with Circuit Courts, would create a Court al
together too numerous for a judicial body of
any sort ; and the evil, if it be one, will in
creaselas new States come into the Union.—
Circuit Courts are useful or they are not use
ful. If useful, no State should be denied them.
If not useful, no State should have them.—
Let them be provided for all or abolished to
Three modifications occur to me, either of
which 1 think would be an improvement upon
our present system. Let the Supreme Court
be of convenient number in every event.—
Then, first, let the whole country be divided
into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme
Judges to serve in a number of them corre
sponding to their own number, and independ
ent Circuit Judges to be provided for all the
rest. Or, secondly, let the Supreme Judges
be retired from Circuit duties, and Circuit
Judges provided for all the circuits. Or, third
ly, dispense with the Circuit Courts altogether,
leaving the judicial functions wholly to the
District Court and an independent Supreme
Court.
I respectfully recommend to the considera
tion of Congress the present condition of the
statute laws, with the hope that Congress will
be able to find an easy remedy for many of the
inconveniences and evils which constantly em
barrass those engaged in the practical admin
istration of them. Since the organization of
the Government, Congress has enacted some
five thousand acts and joint resolutions, which
fill more than six thousand closely printed
pages, and are scattered through many vol
umes.
Many of these acts have been drawn in
haste, and without sufficient, caution, so that
their provisions are often obscure in thee
selves, or in conflict with each other; or, at
least, so doubtful as to render it very diffi
cult, for even the best informed person to as
certain precisely what the statue law really is.
It seems to me very important that the statute
laws should be made as plain and intelligible as
possible and reduced.to as small a compass as
may autials t With the tidiness and - preelsion of the
" THAT 0017NTEY ffi TEEM MOST PROSPIMOIIB WSIBI LABOR OOKNEANDS THE GILIATIBT aIiVARD."-...BIIONALNAL
LANCASTER CITY, PA., TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 10, 1861.
will of the Legislature, and the perspecuity of its
language. This, well done, would, I think, great
ly facilitate the labors of those whose duty' it is to
assist in the administration of the laws, and would
be a lasting benefit to the people, by placing be
fore them, in a more accessible and intelligible
form, the laws wkich so deeply concern their inter
eati and their 'ditties. I. am informed, by some
whose, opinions I respect, that all the acts of Con
gress now in force, and of *permanent and general
nature, might be revised and rewritten, so as to be
embraced in. one volume, or at most in two.
volumes, of .ordinary and commercial size.; and I
respectfully,
respeetfLly. recommend to Congress to consider
the - subject, and if my - suggestions be approved, to
devise such plan as to their wisdom'shall seem
most pro Per to the - attainment of thisemd proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequences of the present
insurrection is the entire supPression in' many
places of all the ordinary, means' of - a:dixiiniatering
civil justice by the officers in the form of insisting
law. This is the case in whole or in part of ill
the insurgent States, and as our armies advance
upon and take possession of parts of those States
the practical evil becomes more apparent. There
are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of
other States may apply. for - the enforcement of
their lawful claims against citizens of the Irwin
gent States, and there is a vast amount of debt
constituting such claims; some have estimated it
as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from in
nrgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are
even now making great sacrifices in the discharge
of their patriotic duty to support the Government.
Under these circumstances I have been urgently
solicited to establish, by military power, courts to
administer summary justice in such cases. I have
thus far declined to do it, not because I had any
doubt that the end proposed—the collection of the
debts—was just and right in itself, but because I
have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of
necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the
powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the ano
malous occasion, and, therefore, I refer the whole
matter to Congress, withe the hope that a plan
may be devised for the administration of justice in
all such parts of the insurgent States and Territo
ries as may be under the control of this Govern
ment, whether by a voluntary return to allegiance
and order, or by the power of our arms.
This, however, is not to best permanent institu
tion, but a temporary institute, and to cease as
soon as the ordinary Courts can be re-established
in peace. It is important that some more conveni
ent means shall be provided, if possible, for the ad
justment of claims against the Government, especi
ally in view of their increased number, by reason
of the War. It is as much the duty of Government
to render prompt justice against itself in favor of
citizens, as it is to administer the same between
private individuals. The investigation and ad
judication of claims in their nature belong to the
judicial department.
Besides, it is apparent that the attention of Con
gress will be more than usually engaged for some
time to come with great national questions. It
was intended by the organization of the Court of
Claims mainly to remove this branch of business
from the halls of Congress; but while the Court
has proven to be an effective and valuable means
of investigation, it, in a great degree, fails to effect
the object of its creation for want Of the power to
make its judgments final. Fully aware of the deli
cacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I com
mend to your careful consideration whether this
power of making judgments final may not proper
ly be given to the Court; reserving the right of ap
peal on questions of law to the Supreme Court,
with such other provisions as experience may have
shown to be necessary.
I ask attention to the report of the Postmas
ter-General, the following being a summary
statement of the condition of the Department.
The revenue from all sources during the fiscal
year ending June 80, 1861, including the an
nual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for
the transportation of free mail matter, was
$9,0.16,296.40, being almost two per cent. less
than the revenue for 1860. The expenditures
were thirteen millions six hundred and six
thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine dollars
and eleven cents. Showing a decrease of more
than 8 per cent. as compared with those of
the previous year, and leaving an excess of
expenditures over the revenue for the last
fiscal year $4,537,462.79. The gross revenue
for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimat
ed at an increase of four per cent. on that of
1861, making $8,683,000, to which should be
added the earnings of the Department in carry
ing free matter, viz :—5700,000 making $9,-
380.000.
Tne total expenditures for 1863, are estimat
ed at $12,528.000, leaving an estimated defi
ciency of 83,145.000, to be supplied from the
Treasury, in the permanent appiopriation.
The present insurrection shows, I think,
that the extension of this District across the
Potomac River at the time of establishing the
Capitol here, was eminently wise, and, conse
quently, that the relinquishment of that por
tion of it which lies within the State of Vir
ginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit
for your consideration the expediency of ac
quiring that part of the District and the res
toration of the original boundaries thereof,
through negotiation with the State of Virginia.
The Report of the Secretary of the Interior,
with the accompanying documents, exhibit the
condition of the several branches of the pub
lic business pertaining to that Department.—
The depressing influence of the insurrection
have been especially felt in the operations of
the Patent and General Land Offices.
The cash receipts from the sales of public
lands during the past year have exceeded the
expenses of our land system only about $2OO,
000. The sales have been entirely suspended
in the Southern States, while the interruptions
to'the business of the country, and the diver
sion of large numbers of men to military service
have obstructed settlements in the new States
and Territories of the Northwest.
The receipts of the Patent Office have de
clined, in nine months, about $lOO,OOO, ren
dering a large reduction of the force employed
necessary to make it self-sustaining..
The demands upon the Pension Office will
be largely increased by the insurrection.
Numerous applications for pensions, based
upon the casualities of the existing war, have
already been made. There is reason to be
lieve that many who are now upon the pen
sion roll, and in receipt of the bounty of the
Government, are in the insurgent army, or
giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary
of the Interior has directed a suspension of
the payment of the pensions of such persons,
upon proof of their disloyalty.
I recommend that Congress authorize that
officer to cause the names of such persohs to
be stricken from the pension rolls.
The relations of the Government with the
Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by
the insurrection, especially in the Southern
Superintendency and in that of New Mexico.
The Indian country south of Kansas is in the
possession of the insurgents from Texas and
Arkansas.
The agents of the 'United States Government
appointed since the 4th of March, for this su
perintendency, have been unable to reach
their posts, while the most of those who were
in office before that time, have espoused the
insurrectionary cause and assume to exercise
the powers of agents by virtue of commissions
from the insurrectionists.
It has been stated in the public press that a
portion of these Indians have been organized
as a military force and are attached to the
army of the insurgents. Although the Gov
ernment has no official information upon this
subject, letters have been written to the Com:
missioner of Indian Affairs by several promi
nent Chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty
to the United States, and expressing a wish
for the presence of Federal troops to protect
them.
It is belived that upon the repossession of
the country by the Federal forces the Indians
will readily cease all hostile demonstrations,
and resume their former relations to the Gov
ernment.
Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest
of the nation, has not a department nor a bu
reau, but a clerkship only assigned to it in
the Government. While it is fortunate that
this great interest is so independent in its na
ture as to not have extorted and demanded
more from the Government, I respectfully ask
Congress to consider whether something more
cannot be given voluntarily with general ad
vantage.
Annual reports, exhibiting the condition of
our agriculture, commerce and manufactures,
would present a fund of information of great
practical value to the country. While I make
no suggestion as to details, I venture the opin
ion that an agricultural and statistical bureau
might profitably be organized.
The execution of the laws for the sup
pression of the African slave trade has been
confided to the department of the Interior.—
It is a subject of
. grstulation that the efforts
which have Vein made for the suppression of
this inhuman traffic have been recently at
tended with unusual success.
Five vessels being fitted out for the slave
trade have been seized and condemned. Two
mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one
person engaged in equipping a slaver, have
been convicted, and subjected to the penalty
of fine and imprisomnent, and one captain,
taken with a cargo of Africans on board his
vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade
of offence under our laws, the punishment of
which is death.
The Territories of Colorada, Dakota and Ne
vada, created by the last Congress - have • been
orgtuffacti, and civil administration has been
inaugurated therein, under auspices espea
ally gratifying, when it it k considered that the
ieaven of treason was fotind existing in some
of these new countries when the Federal oft
cers'arrived there. The abundant maritime
resourses of there territories, with the securi
ty and protection afforded by an ornanized
Government, will doubtless invite to them a
large immigration when peace shall restore
the business of the country to its accustomed
channels. I submit the resolutions of the Le
gislature of Colorado, which evidences the pa
triotic spirit of the people of the territory.
So far the authority of the United States
has been upheld in all the territories, as it is
hoped it will be in future. I commend their
interests and defence to the enlightened and
generous care of Congress.
I recommend to the favorable consideration
of Congress the interests of the District of
Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause
of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabi
tants, and as they have no Representative in
Congress, that they should not overlook their
just claims upon the Government.
At your late session, a joint resolution was
adopted, authothing the President to take
measures for facilitating a proper representa
tion of the industrial interests of the United
States at the Exhibition of the Industry of all
Nations, to be holden at London, in the year
1862.
I regret to say I have been unable to give
personal attention to this subject—a subject
at once so interesting in itself, and so exten
sively and intimately connected with the ma
terial prosperity of the world. Through the
Secretaries of State and of the Interior, a plan
or system has been devised and partly ma
tured, and which will be laid before you.
Under and by virtue of the act of Congress,
entitled " an act to confiscate property used
for insurrectionary purposes," approved Au
gust 6th, 1861, the legal claims of certain per
sons to the labor and service of certain othe
persons have become forfeited, and numbers
of the Latter thus liberated, are already de
pendent on the United States, and must ber
provided for in some way. Besides this, it is
not impossible that some of the States will
pass similar enactments for their own benefit
respectively, and by operation of which per
sons of the same class will be thrown upon
them for disposal. In such case I recommend
that Congress provide for accepting such per
sons from such States, according to some
mode of valuation in lieu pro tanto of direct
taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed
upon, with such States respectively that stioh
persons or such acceptances by the General
Government be at once deemed free, and that,
in any event, steps be taken for colonizing
both classes, (or the one first mentioned, if
the other shall not be brought into existence),
at some place or places in a climate congenial
to them. It might be well to consider, too,
whether the free colored people already in the
United States, could not, so far as individuals
desire, be included in such colonization.
To carry out the plan of colonization may
involve the acquiring of territory, and, also,
the appropriation of money beyond that to he
expended in the territorial acquisition. Hay
ing practiced the acq,uisition of territory for
nearly sixty years, the question of the consti
tutional power to do so is no longer an open
one with us. The power was questioned at
first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the
purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on
the plea of great expediency.
If it be said that the only legitimate effect of
acquiring territory is to furnish homes for
white men, this measure effects that object,
for the emigration of colored men leaves addi
tional room for the white men remaining or
coming here. Mr. Jefferson,however,placed the
importance of procuring Louisiana more on
political and commercial grounds than on pro
viding room for population.
On this whole proposition, including the ap
propriation of money with the acquisition of
territory, does not the expediency amount to
absolute necessity, that without which the
Government itself cannot be perpetuated if
the war continues.
In considering the policy to be adopted for
suppressing the insurrection, I have been an --
ions and careful, that the inevitable conflict for -
this purpose shall not degenerate into a vio
lent and remorseless revolutionary struggle.
I have, therefore, in every case thought it pro
per
to keep the integrity of the Union promi
nent, as the primary object of the contest on
our part, leaving all questions which are not
of vital military importance to the wise delib
eration of the Legislature.
In the exercise of my best discretion I have
adhered to the blockade of the ports held by
the insurgents, instead of putting in force, by
proclamation, the laws of Congress enacted at -
the late session for closing these ports. So,
also, obeying the dictates or prudence as well
as the obligations of law, instead of transcend
ing, I have adhered to the act of Congress to
confiscate property used for insurrectionary
purposes. If a new law upon the same sub
ject shall be proposed, its propriety will be
duly considered.
The Union must be preserved, and hence
all indispensable means must be employed.—
We should not be in haste to determine that
radical and extreme measures, which may
reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are in
dispensable.
The inaugural address at the beginning of the
Administration, and the message to Congress
at the late special session, were both mainly
devoted to the domestic controversy out of
which the insurrection and consequent war
have sprang. Nothing more occurs to add or
subtract 'to or from the principles or general
purposes stated and expressed in that docu
ment. The last ray of hope for preserving the
Union peaceably, expired at the assault upon
Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has
occurred since may not be unprofitable.
What was painfully uncertain then is much
better defined and more distinct now, and the
progress of events is plainly in the right di
rection. The insurgents confidently claimed
a strong support from North of Mason and
Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union
were not free from apprehension on that point.
This, however, was soon settled definately
and on the right side.
South of the line noble little Delaware led
off right from the first. Maryland was made
to seem against the Union. Our soldiers were
assaulted, bridges were burned and railroads
torn up within her limits, and we were merry
days at one time without the ability to bring
a single regiment over her soil to the Capital.
Now her bridgesand railroads are repaired and
open to the . Government. She already gives
seven regiments to the cause of the Union and
none to the enemy, and her people at a regu
lar election have sustained. the Union by a
larger majority and a larger aggregate vote
than they ever before gave to any candidate
on any question.
Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt,isnow
decidedly, and think unchangeably ranged
on the aide of the Union. Missouri is compa
ratively quiet, and I believe cannot :again be
overrun by the :insurrectionists. These three
States of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri,
neither of which would promise a single sol
dier at first, have now an aggregate of not less
than forty thousand in the field for the Union,
while of their citizens certainly not more than
a third of that number, and they o Idoubtful
whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in
arms against it. After a somewhat bloody
struggle of months, winter closes on the Union
people of Western Virginia, leaving them mas
ters of their own country.
An insurgent farce of about fifteen hundred
for months dominating the narrow peninsular
region of the counties of Accomao and North
ampton, and known as the .Bastern Shore of
Virginia,.toget4er with some contigious
,parts
of Maryland - , ltitire laid down their arms, and
the people there - havirentrited tlreiralleglince
to and accepted the protection of the old flag.
This leaves no armed insurrectionists North of
the Potomac or East of the Chesapeake.'
Also, we have obtained a footing at;each of
the isolated points on the southern? coast of
Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa
vannah, and Ship Island; and we likewise
have some general accounts of popular move
ments in behalf of the Union in North Caro
lina and Tennessee. These things demonstrate
that the cause of the Union is advancing stead
ily southward. Ws9
Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant-
General Scorr has retired from the head of the
army. Daring his long life the nation has not
been unmindful of his merit, yet, on calling to
mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he
has served his country for a time far back.
In our; history, when few of the now living
had been born ,and thenceforward continually.
I cannot but think we are still his debtors. I
submit, therefore, for your consideration,
what further mark of recognition is due to him
and to ourselves as a grateful people.
With the retirement of General Scorr came
the Executive duty of appointing in his stead
a General-in-Chief of the Army. It was a for
tunate circumstance that neither in counoil or
country was there, so far as I know, any dif
ference of opinion as to the proper person to
be selected. The retiring Chief repeatedly ex
pressed his judgment in favor of General Mc-
CLELLAN for the position, and in this the na
tion seemed to me a unanimous concurrence.
The designation of General McCLELtax is,
therefore, in a considerable degree, the selec
tion of the country as well as of the Execn
tive, and hence there is better reason to hope
that there will be given him the confidence
and cordial support thus, by fair implication
promised, and without which he cannot, with
so full effioienoy, serve the country. It has
been said that one bad general is better than
two good ones, and the saying is true if taken
to mean no more than that our army is better
directed by a single mind, though inferior,
than by two superior ones at variance and cross
purposes with each other. And the same is
true in all joint operations, wherein those en
gaged can have none but a common end in view
and can differ only as to the choice of means.
In a storm at sea, no one can wish the ship
to sink, and yet not unfreqnently all go down
together, because too many will direct, and
no single mind can be allowed to control.
It continues to develop that the insurrection
is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the
first principles of popular goverment—the
rights of the :people. Conclusive evidence of
this is found in the most grave and maturely
considered public documents, as well as in the
general tone of the insurgents.
In these documents we find the acknowledg
ment of the existing right of sufferage, and
the denial to the people of all right to partici
pate in the selection of public officers, except
the Legislature, bodily advocated, with labored
arguments, to prove that large control of the
people in Government is the source of all
political trouble.
Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a
possible refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position I could scarcely be
justified were Ito omit raising a warning voice
against this approach of returning despotism.
It is not needed nor fitting here that a
general argument should be made in favor of
liberal institutions.
But there is one point with its connections
not so hackneyed as most others, to which I
ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place
capital on an equal footing with, if not above,
labor, in the structure of the Government.
Having proceeded so far, it is naturally con
cluded that all laborers arc either hired labor
ers or what we call slaves. And further, it is
assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer
is fixed in that condition for life. Now there
is no such relation between capital and labor,
as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a
free man being fixed for life in the condition
of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are
false, and all inferences from them are ground
less. Labor is prior to and independent of
capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor,
and could never have existed if labor had not
first existed. Labor is the superior of capital,
and deserves much the' higher consideration.
Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of
protection as any other rights. Nor is it de
nied that there is and probably always will
be a relation between labor and capital, pro
ducing mutual benefits. The error is in as
suming that the whole labor of the commu
nity exists within that relation.
It is assumed that labor is available only
in connection with capital; that nobody
labors unless sombody 'else owning capital,
somehow by the use of it, induce him to
labor. This assumed, it is next considered
whether it is best that capital shall hire
laborers, and thus induces them to work by
their own consent, or buy them and drive
them to it without their consent.
A few men own capital, and that few avoid
labor themselves, and with their capital hire
or buy another few to labor for them. A large
majority belong to neither class—neither work
for others nor have others working for them.
In most of the Southern States a majority of
the whole people, of all colors, are neither
slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a.
large majority are neither hirers nor hired.
Men with their families, wives, eons and
daughters work for themselves on their farms,
in their houses and in their shops, taking the
whole product to themselves, and asking no
favors of capital on the one hand, nor of hired
laborers or slaves on the other. It is not for
gotton that a considerable number of persons
mingle their own labor with their capital—
that is, they labor with their own hands, and
also buy or hire others to labor for them ; but
this is only a mixed and not a distinct class.
No principle stated is disturbed by the exis
tence of this mixed class.
Again, as has already been said, there is
not, of necessity, any such thing as the free
hired laborer being fixed to that condition of
life. Many independent men, everywhere in
these States, a few years back in their lives,
were hired laborers.
The Present, penniless beginner in the
world, labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus
with which to buy tools or land for himself,
then labors on his own account another while,
and at length hires another new beginner to
help him.
This is the just and generous and prosperous
system which opens the way to all, gives hope
to all, and consequently energy and progress
and improvement is the condition of all.
• No men living are more worthy to be trust
ed than those who toil up from poverty—
none less inclined to take or touch aught
which they have not honestly earned. Let
thein beware of surrendering a political power
which they already possess, and which, if sur
rendered, will surely be used to close the
doors of advancement against such as they,
and to fix new disabilities and+burdens upon
them till all of liberty shall be lost.
From the first taking of our National Census
to the last are seventy years, and we find our
population at the end of the period eight times
as great as it was at the beginning. The in
crease of those other things which men deem
desirable has been greater.
We thus have at one view what the popular
principle applied to Government through the
machinery of the Slates and the Union has
produced in a given time, and also what, if
firmly maintained it promises for the future.
There are already among us those who, if
the Union be preserved, will live to see it con
tain two hundred and fifty millions. The
struggle of to-day, is not altogether for to-day,
it is for a vast future also. With a reliance
on Providence all the more firm and earnest,
let us proceed in the great task which events
have devolved upon us.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
WASHINGTON Deo • 3, 1861.
INCORPORATED 1810 t
HARTFORD FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY,
OF HARTFORD, CONN.
CAPITAL AND ASSETS $936,709.00.
H. HUNTINGTON, President..
P. C. Aura, Secretary.
Policies issued and renewed; losses equitably adjusted
and paid immediately upon satisfactory proofs, in New
York funds, by the undersigned; the DULY AUTHORI7.wr)
AGENT. JAMES BLACK,
oct 23 ly 411 Agent for Lancaster Co.
u - NION•NOTE AND LETTER PAPER
UNION ENVELOPES,
LABOR OR 844 a rte
In large quantttlea at.
JOHN 8/1144.1788'8 Cheap Book Store,
may 14 tt 18) • - No. 82 North Quien street.
TEE LANCASTER INTELLIRENCER
JOB PSINTIITG ZSTABLISEMENZ
No. 8 NORTH DUKE STREET, LANCIU3TER, PA.
The Jobbing Department to thoroughly fundshed with
new and elegant type of every deecription, - midis under
the charge of a practical and experienced Job. Printers-.
The RINT C ProprietHEom
CKS are premtred to
NOTES, LEGAL BLANKS,
CARDS AND CIRCULARS,
BILL HEADS AND HANDBILLS,
PAPER BOOKS AND PAMPHL
PROGRAM ETS MES AND POSTERS,
,
BALL TI AND INVITATIONS,
PRINTING IN COLORS AND CKETS
PLAIN PRINTING,
with neatneas, accuracy and dispatch, on the moat reason.
ble terms, and in a manner not excelled by any establish
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Ala- Orders from a distance, by mail or otherwise,
promptly attended to. Address
GEO. SANDERSON A BON,
Intelllgeneer Office,
No. 8 North Duke street, Laneaeter, Pa.
SOMETHING FOR THE TIMES t
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n Every Housekeeper should have a supply of Johns &
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VERY LIBERAL REDUCTION TO WHOLESALE
Sir. For Sale by all Druggists and Storekeepers generally
throughout the country.
JOHNS cC CROSLEY,
(Sole Manufacturers,)
74 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK,
Corner of Liberty Street
Important to House Owners.
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Important to Railroad Companies
Important to Farmers
To all whom this may concern, and It concerns everybody
JOHNS & CROSLEY'S
IPROVED GU TA PEROIIA CEMENT ROOFING,
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IT IS FIRE AND WATER PROOF
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TILE COST IS ONLY ABOUT ONE-TRIED TEAT OF
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This article has been thoroughly tested In New York
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This is the only material manufactured In the United
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IT CAN BE APPLIED BY ANY ONE,
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LIQUID GUTTA PERCIIA CEMENT,
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There materials are adapted to all climates, and we are
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OUR TERMS ARE CASH
We can give abundant proof of all we claim In favor of
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JOHNS & CROVLEY,
WiEousAu Weal:noun, 78 Wu.. ,, .. STREET,
Corner or Liberty Street,
Full descriptive Circulars and Prices will be furnished on
application.
D s. T. BAKER,
11.0310EOPLTBELO PaYBICIAN
. -
OF LANO4II3TYS °ITT
may be consulted professionally, at Ids Ofßce: at Henry
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each week, from 10 o'cloc k the morningio three in the
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do opportunity is thus afforded to residents of Stsastarg
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and amass suffering front ohronlo diseases may enjoy the
tidviee :of One who ham made this dam of diematva_
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1.0 All the different School Booke now in use In the Pub.
lie and Private Schools of the City and County, an fa
sale at
LOIWEST PRIORS,
At the CHEAP BOOK STORE, No. 32 North QA•let
HOLBROOK'S MOTTOES for the School Room cheap.)
A SYSTEM OF SCHOOL GO , -
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warrlN PAPER, • SLATES:
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The only article of the kind ever produced which will
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" Every housekeeper should have a supply of Johns &
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" We have tried it, and find It as useful In our home as
water."—lPtace SraY of the Times.
PRICE TWE,WY—FIVE CENTS PER BOTEIX.
Very Liberal Reductions to Wholesale Emden.
TERMS CASH.
_
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JOHNS A CROSLEY,
(Sole Manufacturers,
78 WILLIAM ST., (Corner of Liberty st., ) NEW YORK
julyl3 28
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tf
ADEMOCRATIC AND CONISEILVA.
TIVE NEWSPAPER IN THE CITY OF
THE NEW YORK WEEKLY ARCOB
TO . RESTORE THE UNION AND MAINTAIN TH:g
For several years the Democratic and Conservative.senti
meut of the Nation hex been keenly alive to the necessity
of being faithfully and ably represented by a first.ebust,
Newspaper, published in the city of New York, adapted to'
popular circulation, and wielding a wholesome influence
throughout the Union. The great want has been and is a
paper, which shall sustain the same relation to Demo-
cratie and Conservative principles, as does the New York ,
Tribune to Abolitionism and all kinds of Badicallera—a'
paper conducted with talent and prudence, with correct
appreciation of the true principles of our Government and
fidelity to them, in all respects a first-chum newspaper, and
yet afforded at a price bringing it within the reach of the
masses of the People throughout the Country.
The undersigned, from their connexion with the Albany
Atlas & Argus—one of the oldest and beet known Deino
cratic papers in the Union,have been constantly urged,
during the last three or four years, to respond to this de
mend, by establishing a first-class Weekly newspaper in
the City of New York, adapted to general circulation. We
yield to the wishes of our political friends, and have there•
fore determined to transfer the publication of the Weekly
Atlas & Argue to the City of New York, and to issue it
under the name of
TILE NEW YORK WEEKLY ARGUE
It will be published in quarto form, of the size of the
leading New York Weeklies, and we promise that in its
News, Editorial, Literary, Miscellaneous and Agricultural
Departments, In Its Market Reports, and In all other re
spects, it shall be at least equal to any paper publiehed in
that city. While devoting to it our own editorial services,
it will also have the benefit of the entire time and con
stant supervision of Mr. Ezott COMETOCK, for several years
one of the Editors of the New York Journal of Commerce, a
gentleman of recognized editorial ability and experience.
The editors will therefore be CALVERT COMSTOCK,
WILLIAM CASSIDY, ELON COMSTOCK, with ample ad
ditional special assistance in the several departments of
the paper.
The publication of the paper in New York will be com
menced on Saturday. December 7th.
The N. Y. Weekly Argus will be published in Quarto
form, each number containing eight page; or forty-eight
column; printed on new and handsome type, in the beet
style. It will be furnished to subscribers on the following
terms, payable always In advance
Single subscriptions per annum
Three copies one year
Eight do do
Additional copies $1.20 each.
Twenty copies, to one address...
With an extra copy to the person Bending the Club.
To any person sending a Club of 100 we will send the
Albany Daily Atlas & Argus, one year, gratis.
Subscriptions may commence with any number. Letters,
whether containing remittances or otherwise, should be
addressed to the undersigned, Comma - OF BROADWAY AND
PARK Ptsce, (opposite City Hall Park,) Now You!.
COMSTOCK & CASSLOY,
Proprietors.
nov 26 3t 46]
BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE
AND THE
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PREMIUMS AND
L. SCOTT & CO., New York, continue to publish the rot
lowing leading British Periodicals, viz.:
1.
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Y.
THE EDINBURG REVIEW (Whig.) ,
3. ,
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4.
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5.
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The present critical state of European affairs will render
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At the above prices the Periodicals will be turn/abed
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And as a PREMIUM TO NEW SUBSCRIBERS, the Nos.
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•
Unlike the more ephemeral Magazines of the day, thaw
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_
air Remittances must, In all , cases, be made direct to
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nov 26 St 46] No. 54 Gold street, New York.
READY-MADE CLOTHING.
A COMPLUS STOCK or
MEN AND BOYS' CLOTHING,
• ALSO
RUCK FRENCH CLOTHS, •
BLACK FRENCH DOESKIN CASSIMERES,
PLAIN; SILK MIXED AND FANCY CASSIMKKEP,
SATTINETS, VELVET CORDS AND. JEANS, • -
Will be made to order in a moperior manner at low prim.
MILITARY SUITS
Made to order in the best style at short notice, by
rui•
nov 26) HAGER & BROW, • III• 46.
Sole Manufacturers,
HOTOOH A. P A Y
IN ALL ITS BRANUNEB., . •
Executed in the best style known in the art, at
0. 9. CRANE'il''
&V ARCH EMT WU= •
LIFE SIZE IN OIL 1'
.S.TERZOSCOPIO POBTRAITE A ,II
A m brotypcs, Daguerreotypes, to., for Oases, bleaatitons.
Pins. Binge. at- , ',• imaria 21y,
NEW YORK
FIIILNITIIREI OF IMMO • •
Oen, warranted as goodas the' hest, sadelleopee fbNs
the cheapest—at HATOHA/rB, Non= Qaw !Mire, op.
POiete Sheta'S National House, Lannaster;•• ••• t • • • • •
N. B. To say. one Pnreheinngt6. o worth:t afireth* first
of November neat, 20 par cent . Irma be Owed fares*. '•
atm 81
• -
,
lINIALVET R E
elman • ON. It s it -M i a i. Wa ne
"8 A L'O 0W • - - - • -
St p do B
ol y 'l B
4 1. Oooper's rtyglall StiipO:re
- NO-. . _ 48: - A
• Ak5:411
EXTRACTS
NEW YORK
1110ZI:4Olivi#00/4
TER M 8
BRITISH RETIEWS
REDUCTIONS
POSTAGE.
Per ann.
$ 3 00
..- 600
... 700
... 800
3 00
7 00
9 00
10 00
11 800
00,
" 12 00
" " 11 00
si if 15 05
" " 13 00'
" " 17 00