(£l)c Lancaster Jintdligcnccr. VOL. XLIX. Cancastcr 2ntelltgmm\ PUBLISHED EVERT TUESDAY MORNING. BY E. W. HUTTER. Office in “ Union Courts'* in the rear of the Market House, adjoining Centre Square. TERMS Subscription. —Two dollars per annum, payable in advance; two twenty-five, if not paid within six months; and two fifty, if not paid within the year. No subscription discontinued until all ar rearages are paid, unless at the option oi the Editor. Advertisements. —Accompanied by the CASH,and not exceeding one square, will be inserted three times for one dollar, and twenty-five cents for each additional insertion. Those of a greater length in proportion. Job Printing.—‘Such as Hand Bills, Posting Bills, Pamphlets, Blanks, Labels, &c., &c., executed with accuracy and at the shortest notice. THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE Fellotc-ciiiznts of the Senate and of the House of Rc/iresen/a/ie-s : Under the benignant Providence of Almighty God, the representatives of the States and of the people are again brought together to deliberate for the public good. The gratitude of the nation to the sovereign Arbiter of all human events should be commensurate with the boundless blessings which,we enjoy. Peace, plenty, and contentment reign through out our borders, and our beloved couutry pre sents a sublime moral spectacle to the world. The troubled and unsettled condition of somfe of the principal European powers has had a nee essary tendency to check and embarrass trade, and to depress prices throughout all commercial nations; but notwithstanding these causes, the United States, with their abundant products, have felt their effects less severely than any other country, and all our great interests are still pros perous and successful. In reviewing the great events of the past year, and contrasting the“ugituted and disturbed state of other countries with our own tranquil and happy condition, we may congratulate ourselves that we are the most favored people on .the lace of the earth. While the people of other coun tries are struggling to establish tree institutions, under which man may govern himself, we are in the uetuul enjoyment of them —a rich inheritance from our fathers. While enlightened nations of Europe are convulsed and distracted by civil war or intestine strife, we settle all our political con troversies by the peaceful exercise ot the rights of l'reemeu at the ballot-box. The great republi can maxim so deeply engraven, on the hearts ot our people, that, the will of the majority, consti tutionally expressed, shall prevail, is our sure information on the subject. His report to the safeguard against force and violence. It is a subject of just pride, that our fame and character us a nutiou continue rapidly to advance in the es timation of the civilized world. To our wise ami ree institutions it is to be attributed, that while other nations have achieved glory at the price ol the .suffering, distress, and impuverisliuiet of their people, we have won our honorable posi tion in the midsL of an uninterrupted prosperity, and of an increasing individual comfort and hap piness. lam happy to inform you that our relu -1 joils with all nations arc friendly' and pacific. — Advantageous treaties of commerce have been concluded within the last four years with New Grenada, Tent, the Two Sicilies, Belgium, Han over, Oldenburg, and Mecklenburg-Sclnveriii.— Pursuing our example, the restrietivessystein ol Great Britain, our principafflbreigu customer, has been relaxed; a moro liberal commercial policy has been adopted by other enlightened nations, aud our trade has been greatly enlarged aud ex tended. Our country stands higher in the re* spect-of the world than at any former period.— To continue to occupy this proud position, it is only necessary .to preserve peace, aud faithfully adhere to the great and fundamental principle of our foreign policy, of non-interference in the do mestic concerns of other nations. We recognise in all nations the rights which we enjoy ourselves, to change and reform their political institutions, according to their own will and pleasure. Hence we do not look behind exisiting governments, capable of maintaing their own authority. We recognise all such actual governments, not only from the dictates of true policy, but from a sacred regard for the independence of nations. While this is our settled policy, it does not fol low that we cun ever be indifferent spectators oi tlie progress of liberal principles. The govern ment and people ot the United States hailed with enthusiasm and delight the establishment ot the French republic, as we now hail-the efforts in, progress to make the States oi Germany in u con federation, similar in many respects to our own federal Uuion. If the great and enlightened German States, occupying, us they do, a central and commanding position in Europe, shall suc ceed. in establishing such a confederated govern ment, securing at the same time to the citizens ol each State, local governments adapted to the pe culiar condition of each, with unrestricted trade and intercourse with each other:, it will be an important era in the history of human events. — "Whilst it will consolidate and strengthen the power of Germany, it must essentially promote the cause of peace, commerce, civilization, and constitutional liberty throughout the world. With all the governments on thiscontinent our relations,- it is believed, are now on a more friendly and satisfactory footing than they have over been at any former period. Since the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace with Mexico, our intercourse with the government of that republic has been of the moat friendly character. The Envoy Extraordi nary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to Mexico has been received and accred ited \ aud a diplomatic representative from Mex ico of similar rank has been received and accred ited by this government. The amicable relations between tlie two countries which had been sus pended have been happily restored, and are des tined, I trust, to be long preserved. Tlie two republics, both situated on this continent, and with coterminous territories, have every motive of sympathy and of iuterest to bind them togeth er iu perpetual amity. This gratifying condition of our ioreign rela tions renders it unnecessary for me to call your attention more specifically to them. It has been my constant aim and desire to cul tivate peace and commerce with all nations. — Tranquility at home, and peaceful relations abroad, constitute the true permanent policy of our country. War, the scourge of nations, some times becomes inevitable, but is always to be avoided when it can be done consistently with the rights and honor of the nation. One of the most important results of the war into which we were recently forced with a neighboring nation, is the demonstration it has afforded of the military strength of our country. Before the late war with Mexico, Europenn and other foreign Powers entertaiued imperfect uiul erroneous views of our physipal strength as a nation, and of our ability to prosecute war, and especially a war waged out of our own country. They saw that our standing army on the peace establishment did uot exceed leu thousand men. Accustomed themselves to inaintaiu iu peace large standing armies for the protection of thrones against their own subjects, as well as against for eign enemies, they had not conceived that it was possible lor a nation without such an army, well disciplined and of long service, to wage war successfully.. They held in low repute our militia, aud were far from regarding them as an effective force, uuless it might be for temporary defensive operations when invaded 011 our own soil. The events of the late war with Mexico have not only undeceived them, but have re moved erroneous impressions which prevailed to some extent even among a portion oi our own countrymen. That war lias demonstrated, that upon the breaking out of hostilities not anticipa ted, and for which no previous preparation hud been made, u volunteer army of citizen soldiers equal to veteran troops, and iu numbers equal to auy emergency, cun m a short period be brought into the field. Unlike wliut would have occur red in any other country, wo were under no no ■ cesaity of resorting to draughts or conscriptions. On the'eontrary, such was the numbor of volun teers who patriotically tendered their services, that the chief difficulty was in making selections and determining who should be disappointed and compelled to remain at hoine. Onr citizen soldiers are unlike those drawn from the popula tion of any other country. They are composed indiscriminately of all professions aud pursuits : of farmers, lawyers, physicians, merchants, man ufacturers, mechanics and laborers ; And this, not only among the officers, but the private soldiers in the ranks. Our citizen soldiers;are .unlike those of any other country' in other . respects.—. They are armed, and have been accustomed from their youth up to handle and use fire-arms: and a large proportion of them, especially in the western and more newly settled Stales are ex pert inarks-men. They are men who have a re putation to maintain at home by their good con duct in the field. They are intelligent, and there is an individuality of character which is found in the ranks of no other army lu battle, each pri vate man, as well as every officer, figjtts not only for his country, but for glory and; distinction among his fellow-citizens when he shall return to civil life. ’he war with Mexico has demonstrated not only the ability of the government to organize a numer ous army upon a sudden call, but also to' provide it with all the munitions and necessary supplies with despatch, convenience, and ease, and to direct its operations with efficiency. The strength of our institutions has not only been displayed in the valor and skill of our troops engaged in active service in the field, but in the organization of those executive branches which were charged with the general di- rection and conduct of the war. While too great praise cannot be bestowed upon the officers and men who fought our battles, it would be unjust to withhold from those officers necessarily stationed at home, who where charged with the duty of furn ishing the army, in proper time, and at proper places, with all the munitions of war and other sup plies so necessary to make it efficient, the com men dation to which they are entitled. The credit due to this class of our officers is the greater, when it is considered that no army in ancient or modern times was ever better appointed or provided than our army in Mexico. Operating in an enemy's country, removed two thousand miles from the seat of the federal government, its different corps spread over a vast extent of territory, hundreds and even thousands of miles apart Jrom each other, nothing short ol the untiring vigilence and extraordinary energy of these officers could have enabled them to provide the army at all points, and in proper season, with all that was 'required lor the most efficient service. The war with Mexico bus demonstrated not only the ability of the government to organize a numerous army upon a sudden call, but also to provide it with all the munitions and necessary supplies with despatch, convenience, and ease, and to direct its operations with efficiency. The strength ol our institutions has not only been displayed in the valor mid skill of our troops en gaged in active service in llie field,'but in tin* •organization of those executive branches which were charged with the general direction and conduct of the war. While too great praise can not be bestowed upon the officers and men wliu fought our battles, it would be unjust to withhold from those officers necessarily stationed at home, who were charged with the duty of furnishing., the army, in proper time, and at proper places, with all the munitions of war and other supplies so necessary to make it efficient, the commenda tion to which they are entitled. The credit due to this class of mir officers is the greater, when it is considered that no army in ancient and mo dern times was ever better appointed or provi ded titan our army in Mexico. Operating in an enemy’s country, removed two thousand miles from llie seat of the federal government, its dif ferent corps spread over a vast extent of territo ry, hundreds and even thousands of miles apart from each other, nothing short nf the untiring vigilance and extraordinary energy of these offi cers could have enabled them to provide the ai- niy at all points, aiul in proper seasun, with all that was required tor the must efficient service. It is but an act of justice to declare, that tin; officers in charge of thu several executive bu reaus, all under the immed’ate eye and super vision of the Secretary of War, performed their respective duties with ability, energy, aud effic iency. They have reaped less of the glory of the war, not having been personally exposed to its perils^nbattle, than their companions inarms ; but without the forecast, efficient aid, aud co-op eration, those in the field would n6t have been provided with the ample means they possessed of achieving for themselves and their country the unlading honors which they have won lor both. When all these facts are considered, it may cease to be a matter of so much amazement ü broad how it happened that our noble army in Mexico, regulars and volunteers, were victori ous upon every battle-field, however fearful the odds against them. The war with Mexico has thus fully develop ed the capacity of republican governments to prosecute successfully a just and necessary f«*r- ;n war with all the vigor usually attributed to more arbitrary forms of government. It lias been usual for writers on public law to impute to republics a want of that unity, concentration of purpose, aud vigor of execution, which are generally admitted to belong to the mouarchial and aristocratic forms; and this feature of popu lar government has been supposed to display it self more particularly in .the conduct of a war carried on in an enemy’s territory. . The war with Great Britain, in 181*2, was to a great ex tent confined within our own limits, and shed but little light on this subject. :But the war which we have just closed by an honorable peace, evinces beyond all doubt that a popular representative government is equal toanyein ergency which is likely to arise in the affairs of a nation. The wav with Mexico has developed most strikingly and conspicuously another feature in our institutions. It is, that without cost to-the government or danger to our liberties, we have m the bosom of our society of freemen, avail able in a just and necessary war, virtually a standing army of two millions of armed citizen soldiers, such as fought the battles'of Mexico. But our military strength does liotconsist alone, in our capacity for extended and successful ope rations on land. The navy is an important arm of the national delence. If the services of the navy were uot so brilliant as those of the army in the late war with Mexico, it was because i they had no euemy to meet on their own elc ! ment. While the army had opportunity of per j forming more conspicuous service, the navy largely participated in the conduct of the war. Both branches of the service performed their whole duty to the country. For the able and gallant services of the officers and men of the navy —acting independently as well ns in co-op eration with our troops —in the conquest of the Californias, the capture of Vera iCruz, and the seizure and occupation ol other and important positions oil Gulf and Pacific coasts, the highest praise is due. Their vigilance, energy, and skill rendered the most effective service in excluding munitions of war aud other supplies from the enemy, while they secured u safe entrance fir abundant supplies for our own army. Our ex tended commerce was nowhere interrupted; and for this immunity from the evils ot war, the country is indebted to the navy. , High praise is dne to the officers of the sev' al executive bureaus, navy yards, aiul stations connected with the service, all under the inline- j diate direction of the Secretary of the Navy, h li the industry, foresight and euergy with which everything was directed and furnished to give eflicieuey to that branch of .the; service. The same vigilance existed in directing the opera tions of the navy, as of the army. There was concert of actiou aud of purpose between the heads of the two urnis of the service. By the orders which were from lime to time issued, our vessels of war on the Pacific and the Gulf oi Mexico were stationed in proper time ami in proper positions to co-operate efficiently with tho army. By this means their combined power was brought to bear Buccesslnlly Son the enemy. The great results which have beeu developed and brought to light by this war,! will he ot im measurable importance iu the future progress of our country. They will tend; powerfully to preserve us from foreign collisions, and ena ble us to pursue uninterruptedly our cherished policy of “ peace with nil milium, ontnugling alliances with none.” Occupying, us wo do, a more ymmmnding > sitiou among nations tliun at any formal' period, our duties auil our responsibilities to ourselves aed to posterity are correspondingly incroased. This will be the more obvious when wo consid er the vast additions which have been recently made to our territorial possessions, ,uml their great importance and value. r Within less than four years the annexation ol i Texas to the Union has been consummated; all- I conflicting title to the Oregon Territory, south oi « COUNTRY IS THE MOST PROSPEROUS, WHERE LABOR COMMANDS THE GREATEST REWARD.”— Buchanan. CITY OF LANCASTER, TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 12, 1848. the forty-ninth degree of north latitude, being all that was insisted on by any of my predecessors, has been adjusted; and New Mexico and Upper California have been acquired by treaty. The area of these several Territories, according to a report carefully prepared by the Commissioner ol the General Land Office from the most authentic information in his possession, and.wliich is here with transmitted, contains one million, one Imn- Ired and ninety-three thousand and sixty-one square miles, or seven hundred and sixty-throe million live hundred and fifty-nine thousand and Pbrty acres; while the area of tlw remaining twenty-nine States, and the territory not yet or ganized into States east of the Rocky Mountains, contains two million iilty-nine thonsaud five hun dred and thirteen square miles, or thirteen hun dred and eighteen million one hundred and twenty-six thousand and fifty-eight acres. These estimates show that the territories recently ac quit ed, and over which our exclusive jurisdiction and dominion have been extended, constitute a country more than half as large as till that which was held by the United States before .their acquisition. If Oregon be excluded from the estimate, there will still remain within the limits of Texas, New Mexico and California, eight hundred and fifty-one thousand five hun dred and ninety-eight square miles, or five hun dred and forty-five million, twelve thousand sev en hundred and twenty acres, being an addition equal to more than one-third of all the territory owned by the United States before their acqui sition, and, including Oregon,nearly as great an extent of territory as the whole ol Europe, Rus sia only excepted. The Mississippi,so lately the frontier of our country, is now only its centre. — With the addition of the late acquisitions, the United States are now estimated to be ueariy as large as the whole of Europe. It is - estimated by the superintendent ot the coast survey, in the accompanying report that the extent of the sea coast of Texas on the Gulf of Mexico is upwards of four huudred miles ; of the coast ot Upper California, on the Pacific, of niue huudrpd and seventy miles; and of Oregon, including, the Straits of Fuca, of six hundred and fifty miles ; making the whole extent of sea-coast on the Pa cific one thousand six hundred and twenty miles, and the whole extent 6u both the Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico two thousand and twenty miles. The length of the coast on the Atlantic from the northern limits of the United States, around the Capes of Florida to the S&bine, on the eastern boundary of Texas, is estimated to be three thou sand oue hundred miles; so that the addition of seacoast, including Oregon, is an addition of one thousand three hundred and seventy miles; be ing nearly equal to one half of the extent ot coast which we possessed before these acquisi tions. We base now three great maratime fronts—on the Atlantic, the Gulf oh Mexico, and the Pacific—making in the whole an extent 5 ol seacoast exceeding five thousand miles. This is the extent of the seacoust of the United States, not including bays, sounds, and small irregulari ties of the main shore, audof the sea islands. If these be included, the length of the shore line of coast, as estimated by the superintendent of llie coast survey, in his report, would be thirty-three thousand and sixty-three miles. It would be difficult tofcalculate the value of These immense additions to onr territorial pos sessions. Texas, lying contiguous to the western boundary of Louisiana, embracing within its limits u part qf the navigable tributary waters of the Mississippi, and an extensive sen-coast.could not long have remained in the hands of a foreign power without endangering the peace of our southwestern frontier. Iler products in the vi cinity of the tributaries of llie Mississippi must have sought a market through these streams, running into and through our territory ; and the danger of irritation and collision of interests be weeu Texas as a foreign Slate and ourselves, would have been imminent, weile the embarrass ments in the commercial intercourse between them must have been constant ami unavoidable. Had Texas fallen into the hands, or under the luence and control ot a strong maritime or military foreign power, as she might have done, these dangers would have been still greater. — They have been avoided by her voluntary and peaceful annexation to the United States. Texas from her position, was a natural and almost in dispensable part of our territories. Fortunately she has been restored to our country, and now constitutes one of the Slates of our confederacy, “ upon an equal footing with the original States. The salubrity of climate, the fertility of soil, pe culiarly adapted to the production, of some of our most valuable staple commodities, and her commercial advantages, must soon make her one of our'mo st populous States. New Mexico, though situated in the interior, and without a soucuust, is known to contain much fertile laud, to abound m rich mines of the precious metals, and to be capable ot sus laining a large population. From its position, it is the intermediate and connecting territory be tween our settlements and our possessions in Texas, and those on the Pacific coast- Upper California, irrespective of the vast min eral wealth recently developed there, holds at this day, in point of value ami importance to the Union, the same relation that Louisiana did, when that tine territory was acquired from Fiance for ty-five years ago. Extending, nearly ten degrees of latitude along the Pacific, and embracing the only safe and commodious harbors on that coast for many hundred miles, with a temperate cli mate, and an extensive interior of fertile lands, it is scarcely possible to estimate its wealth un til it shall be brought under the government of our laws, and its resources fully developed.— From its position, it must command the rich com merce of Cliipa, of Asia, of the islands of the Pa cific, of Western Mexico, ofCentral America, the South American States, and of the Russian pos sessions bordering on that ocean. A great' em porium will doubtless speedily arise on the Cal ifornia coast, which may be destined to viva lin importance New Orleans itself. The depot of the vast commerce which must exist on' the Pa cific will probably be at some point on the bay of San Francisco, aud will occupy the same relu- tion to the whole western coast of that ocean, as Ne%v Orleans does to the valley of the Mississippi and the gull of Mexico. to this depot our nu merous whale ships will resort with their car goes, to trade, refit, and obtain supplies. This of itself will largely contribute to build up a city, which would soon become the centre of a great aud rapidly increasing commerce. ; Situated on a safe harbor, sufficiently capacious for all the na vies as well as the marine of the world, aud con venient to excellent timber for ship-building, owned by the United States, it mu3t becolne our great western naval depot. It was known that mines of the precious met- als existed to a considerable extent in California at the time of its acquisition. Recent discover ies render it probable that these mines are more extensive and valuable than was anticipated.— The accounts of the abundance of gold in tin territory are of such an extraordinary cliaracte as would scarcely command belief were they n< corroborated by the authentic reports of officei in the public, service, who have visited the mil end district, and derived the facts which the detail from personal observation. Reluctant to credit the reports in general circulation as to the quantity of gold, the officer commanding our tor* ees in California visited the mineral district in July last, for the purpose of obtaining accurate War Department of the result of his 'examination and the facta obtained on the spot, is herewith laid before Congress. When he-visited the coun try, there were about four thousand persons en gaged in collecting gold. There is every l'fcnson to belive that the umnlfer of persons so employ ed lms since been augmented. The explorations already made warrant the belief that the supply is very large, and that gold i.s- found at various places in an extensive district of country. Information received from officers of the navy and other sources, though not so full and minute,- confirm the accounts of the cominumler of our military force in California. It appears, ulso, from these reports, that mines of quicksilver are found in the vicinity of the gold region. One ot diem is now beingworked, and is believed tube among the most productive in the world. The effects produced by the discovery of these rich mineral depositee, aud the success which has attended the labors of those who have resorted to them, have produced a surprising change in the state of affairs iir California.. Labor commands a most oxhorbitant price, and all other pursuits but that of searching for the precious metals arc abandoned. Nearly the whole'ot the male pop ulation of the country have gone to the gold dis trict. Ships arriving on the coast nve deserted by their crews, and their voyages suspended for want of sailors.. Our commanding officer there entertains apprehensions that soldiers cannot be kept in the public service without a large in crease of pay. Desertions in his command have become frequent, and he recommends that those who shall withstand the strong temptation, and remain faithful should be rewarded. . This abundance of gold, and the all engros sing pursuit of it, have already caused in Cali fornia an unprecedented rise in the price of the necessaries of life. That we may the more speedily and fully avail ourselves of the undeveloped wealth of these mines, it is deemed of vast importance that a branch of the mint of the United States he authorized to be established, at your present session, in California. Among other signal ad vantages which would result from such an es tablishment, would be that of raising the gold to its par value in that Territory. A.branch mint of the United States at the great commercial'de pot (in the west coast, would convert into our own coin not only the gold derived from our own rich mines, but also the bullion and specie which our commerce may bring from the whole west coast of Central and South America. The west coast of America and the adjacent interior em brace the richest and best mines of Mexico, New Grenada, Central America, Chili, and Peru.— The bullion and specie drawn from these coun- tries, and especially from those of Western Mex ico and Peru, .to an amount in value of many millions of dollars, are now annually diverted and carried by the ships of Great Britain to her own ports, to be recoined or U9ed to sustain her National Bank, and thus contribute to increase her ability to command so much of the commerce of the world. If a branch mint be established at the great commercial point upon that coast, a vast amount of bullion and specie would flow thither to be recoined, and pass thence to New Orleans, New York, and other Atlantic cities.— The amount of our constitutional currency at home would be greatly increased, while its cir culation abroad would be promoted. It is well known to our merchants trading to China and the west coast of America, that great inconve nience and loss are experienced from the fact that our coins are not current at their par value in those countries, The powers of Europe, far removed from the west coast of America by the Atlantic ocean which intervenes, and by a tedious and danger ous navigation around the southern cape of the continent of America, can never successfully compete with the United States in the rich and extensive commerce which is opened to us at so much less cost by the acquisition of California. The vast importance and commercial advan tages of California have-heretofore remained un developed by the government of the country of which it constituted a part. Now that this fine province is a part of our country, all the States of the Union, some more immediately and di rectly than others, are deeply interested in the speedy development of its wealth and resourqes. No section of the country is more interested," or will be more benefited, than the commercial, navigating, -end manufacturing interests of the eastern States. Our planting and farming inter ests in every part of the Union will benefited by it. As our commerce and naviga tion are "enlarged and extended, our exports of agricultural products and of manufactures will be increased; and in the new markets thus open ed, they cannot fail to command remunerating and profitable prices. cThe acquisition of California and New Mexi co, the settlement of the Oregon boundary, and the annexation of Texas extending to the Rio Grande, are results which, combined, are of greater consequence, and will add more to t lie strength and wealth of the nation, than any which have preceded them since the adoption of the constitution. j ? Bat to effect these great results, not only Cali-; ‘ fornia, but New Mexico, must be brought under J the control of regularly organized governments. ’ Tln£fexisting condition of California, and of that j part of New Mexico lying west of the Rid Gran de, and within the limits of Texas, imperiously demand that Congress should, at its present ses sion, organize territorial governments over them. Upon the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace with Mexico on the thirtieth of May j last, the temporary governments which had been I established over New Mexico and California by , our military and naval commanders, by virtue of the rights of war, ceased to derive any oblig-1 atory force from that source of authority; and | having been ceded to the United States, all gov ernment and control over them under the authority of Mexico had ceased to exist. Im pressed with the necessity of establishing terri orial governments over them, I recommended the subject to the favorable consideration of Con gress in my message communicating the ratified treaty of peace, on the sixth of July last, and invoked their action at that session. Congress adjourned without making any provision for their , government. The inhabitants, by the transfei : of their-country, had become entitled to the! benefits of our laws and constitution, and yet j were left without any regularly organized gov ernment. Since that time, the -very limited power possessed by the Executive has been ex ercised to preserve and protect them from The inevitable consequences of a state of anarchy. The only government which remained was that established by the military authority during the war. Regarding this to be a Je facto govern ment, and that by the presumed .consent of the inhabitants it might be continued temporarily, they were advised to conform and submit to it for the short intervening period before Congress would again assemble and could legislate on the subject. The views entertained by the Execu tive on this point are contained in a communi cation of the Secretary of State.dated the seventh of October last,which was forwarded for publica tion to California and New Mexico, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. The small military force of the regular army, which was serving within the limits of the ac quired territories at the close of the war, was re tained in them, and additional forces have been ordered there for the protection of the inhabi tants, and to preserve and secure the rights and interests of the United States. No revenue has been called nor could be col lected at the ports in California, because Con gress- failed to authorise the establishment of Custom houses, or the appointment of offices for that purpose. The Secretary of the Treasury, by a circular letter addressed to the collectors of customs, on the 7th of October last, a copy of which is here with transmitted, exercised all the power with which he was vested by the law. In pursuance of the act of the 14th of August last, extending the benefit of our post office laws to the people of California, the Postmaster Gen eral lias appointed two agents, who have pro ceeded, the one to California, and the other to Oregon, with authority to make the necessary arrangements for carrying its provisions into ef fect. The monthly line of steamers from Pauami to Astoria has been required to “ atop ami deliver and take mails at San Diego, and San Francisco.” These mail steamers, connected by the isthmus of Panama with the line of mail steamers on the Atlantic between New York aad Chagres, will establish a regular communication with Califor- Ii is our solemn duty to provide, with the least practicable delay, for New Mexico and Calilornia, regularly organized territorial governments. The causeß of the failure to do this at last session of Congress are well known, and deeply to be regret ted. With the opening prospects of increased pro sperity and national greatness which-ihe acquisition which these rich and extensive territorial posses sions affords, how irrational it would be to forego or to reject these advantages, by the agitation of a domestic question which is coeval with the exist’ ence of our government itself, and to endanger by internal strifes, geographical divisions, and heated contests for political power, or for any other cause, the harmony of the glorious Union oi our confede.. atari States ; that Union which binds us togetheras one people, and which for sixty years has been our shield ami protection against every danger. In the eyes of the world and ot posterity, how. trivial aud insignificant will bo nil our internal divisions and struggles- compared with the preservation ol this Union of the States in all its vigor and with all its countless blessings 1 No patriot would foment and excite geographical and sectional divisions.— No lover ol hia country would deliberately calcu late the value of the Union. Future generations would look in amazement upon the folly ol such a course. Other nations at the present day would, look uponß with astonishment, and such of them as desire to maintain and perpetuate thrones and monarchical or aristocratical principles, will view it with exultation and delight, because in it they will see the elemenis of faction, which they hope must ultimately overturn our system. Ours is the great example of a prosperous and free self governed republic, commanding the admiration and the imitation of all the lovers of freedom through out the world. How solemn, therefore, is iheduty, how impressive the call upon us and upon all parts of our country, to cultivate a patriotic spirit ol har mony, of good fellowship, of compJotnise and mu tual concession, in the administration of the incom parable system of government formed by our fath ers in the midst of almost insuperable difficulties, and transmitted to us. with the injunction that we should enjoy its blessings and hand it down unim paired .to those who may come after us! In view of the high and responsible duties winch we owe to o'nrselves and to mankind, I trust you may be able, at your present session, to approach the adjustment of the only domestic question which seriously threatens, or probably can ever threaten, to disturb the hatmony and successful pperntion of our system. 'The immensely valuable possessions ol New Mexico and California are already inhabited bv a considerable population. Attracted by their great fertility,’their mineral wealth, their commercial ad vantages and the salubrity of t he climate, emigrants from the older States, in great numbers, arc al ready preparing to seek new homes in these invit ing regions. Shall the dissimilarity of the domestic institu tions in the different States prevent us from pro viding for them suitable governments? These in stitutions existed at the adoption of the constitu tion, bur the obstacles which they interposed were overcome by the . spirit of compromise which is now invoked. In a conflict of opinions or ot in terests, real or imaginary, between different sep rions of" our country, neither can justly demand all which it might desire to obtain. Each, in the true spirit of our institutions, shall concede something to the other. Our gallant forces in the Mexican War. by whose patriotism and unparalleled deeds of arms we obtained these posessions as an indemnity for our just demands against Mexico, were composed of citizens who belonged to no one State or section of the Union. They were men from slaveholding and non-slavehoding States.from the North and the South, from the East and the West. They were all companions*in-arms and tellow-citizens ol the 9ame common cause. When prosecuting that war they were brethren and friends, and shared alike with each other common toils, dangers, and sufter ings. Now, when their work is ended, when peace is and they return again to their homes, put off their habiliments ol war, lake their places in society, and resume their pursuits in civil life, surely a spirit of harmony and concession, and of equal regard for the rights of all and of all sections of the Union ought to prevail in providing govern ments for the acquired territories —the fruits of their common service. The whole people ol the United States and of every State contributed to de fray the expenses of that war; and it would not be just for any one section to exclude another from all participation in the acquired territory. This would not be in consonance with the just system of gov ernment which the framers of the constitution adopted. The question is believed to be rather abstract than practical, whether slavery can or would exist in any portion of the acquired territory, even it it were left to the'option of the slaveholding States themselves. From the nature of the climate and productions, in much the larger portion of it, it is certain it could never exist; and in ihe remainder the probabilities are it would not. But however ihismaybe, the question, involving as it does a principle of equality of rights of the several States as equal co-partners in the confederacy, should not be disregarded. In organizing governments over these Territories no duty imposed on Congress by ibe constitution requires that they should legislate on the subject of slavery, while their power to do so is not only seri ously questioned, but denied by many of the sound est expounders ot that instrument. Whether Con gress shall legislate or not, the people of the ac quired territories. when fwsemhipi! in convention to lorni Slate constitutions, will possess the sole and exclusive power to determine for themselves whe ther slavery shall or shall not exist within their lim its. If Congress shall abstain from interfering with the question, the people of these Territories will be left free to adjust it as they may think proper when they apply for admission ag States into the Union. No enactment of Congress could restrain the peo ple of any ol the sovereign States ol the Union from determining the character of their own domes tic institutions as they niyy deem wise and proper. Any and all the States possess this right, and Con gress cannot deprive them ol it. Ihe people of Georgia might, tl they chose, so alter their consti tution as to abolish slavery within us limits: and the people of Vermont might so alter their consti tution as to admit slavery within its limits. Both States would possess the right: though as all know it is not probable that either would exert it. It is fortunate for the peace and harmony ol the Union thafthis question is.in its nature temporary, and can only continue for the brief period which will intervene before California and New Mexico may be admitted as States into the Union. From the tide of population now flowing into them, it is highly probable that this will soon occur. Considering the several States, and the citi zens of the several Slates as equals, and enti tled to equal rights under the constitution, if this were an original question, it might well'be in sisted on that the principle of non-interference is the true doctrine, and that Congress could not, in' the absence of any express grant of power, in terfere with their relative lights. Upon a great emergency, however, and under .menacing dan gers to the Union, the Missouri compromise line in respect to slavery was adopted. The same line was extended further west in the acquisi tion of Texas. After an acquiescence of nearly thirty years in the' principle of compromise re cognised and established by these acts, and to avoid the danger to the Union which might fol low if it were not disregarded, I have heretofore expressed.the opinion that that line of comprom ise should be extended on a parallel of thirty-six decrees thirty minutes from the western boun dary of Texas, where it now terminates, to the Pacific ocean. This is the middle ground of compromise, upon which the different sections of the Union may meet, as they have heretofore met. If this be done, it is confidently believed a large majority of the people of every section of the country, however widely their abstract o pinions on the subject of slavery may differ, would cheerfully and patriotically acquiesce in it, and peace and harmony would again fill our borders. The restriction north of the line was only yiel ded to in the case of Missouri and Texas upon a principle of compromise, made necessary for the sake of preserving the harmony, and possi bly the existence of the Union. It was upon these considerations that at the close of your last session, I gave my sanction to the principle of the Missouri compromise line, by approving and signing the bill to establish “the Territorial government of Oregon.” From a sincere desire to preserve the harmony of the Union, and in deference for the acts of my pre decessors, I felt constrained to yield my acqui escence to the extent to which they had gone in compromising this delicate and dangerous ques tion. But if Congress shall now reverse the de cision by which the Missouri'compromise was effected, and shall propose to extend the restric tion over the whole territory, south as well as north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees.thirty minutes, it will cease to be a compromise, and must be regarded as an original question. If Congress, instead of observing the course of non-interference, leaving the adoption of their own domestic institutions to the people who in habit these Territories ; or if, instead of extend ing the Missouri compromise hue to the Pacific, shall prefer to submit the legal and constitutional questions which may arise to the decision of the judicial tribunals, as was proposed in a bill that passed the Senate at your last session, an adjust ment may be effected in this made. If the whole subject be referred to the judiciary, all parts of the Union should cheerfully acqui esce in the final decision of the tribunal created by the constitution for the settlement of all ques tions which may arise under the constitution, treaties, and laws of the United States. Congress is earnestly invoked, for the sake of the Union, its harmony, and our continued pros perity as a nation, to adjust this, the only danger ous question which lies In our path—if not in some one of the modes suggested, in some other which may bo satisfactory. In anticipation of the establishment of regular governments over the acquired territories, a joint commission of officers of the army and navy has been ordered to proceed to the coast of Cal ifornia and Oregan, for the purpose of making re connoissances and a feport as to the proper sites for the erection of fortifications and other defen sive works on land, and for suitable situations for | naval stations. The information which maybe expected from a scientific and skilful examina tion of the whole face of the coast will be emi nently useful to Congress, when they come to consider the propriety of making appropriations for these great national objects. Proper defen ces on land .will be necessary for the security and protection of our possessions : and the establish ment of navy yards, and a dock for the repair and construction of vessels, will - be important to onr navy and commercial marine. Without such yards, vessels, whether of the navy or in the merchant service, requiring repair, must, at great expense, come round Cape Horn to one of onr Atlantic yards for that purpose. With such establishments vessels, it is believed, may be built or repaired as cheaply in California as up on the Atlantic coast. They would give employ ment to many, of our enterprising ship-builders and mechanics, and greatly facilitate and en large our commerce in the Pacific. As it is ascertained that mines of gold, silver, copper, and quicksilver exist in New Mexico and California, and that nearly all the lands where they are found belong to the United States, it is deemed important to the public interests that provision be made for a geological and min eralogical examination of those regions. Meas ures should be adopted to preserve the > mineral lands, especially such as contain the ’precious metals, for the use of the United States; or if brought into market, to separate them from the farming lands, and dispose of them in such man ner as to secure a large return of money to the treasury, and at the same time lead to the de velopment of their wealth by individual proprie tors and purchasers. To do this, it will be ne cessary to provide for an immediate survey and location of. the lots. If Congress should deem it proper to disposo of the mineral lands, they should be sold in small quantities, and at a fix ed minimum price. I recommend that surveyor generals’ offices be authorized to be established in New Mexico and California, and provision made for survey ing and bringing the public lands Into market at the earliest practicable period. In disposing of these lands, I,recommend that the right of pre emption be secured, and liberal grants made to the early emigrants who have settled or may settle upon them. It will be important to extend onr revenue laws over these Territories, and especially over California, at an early period. There is already a considerable commerce with California ; and until ports of entry shall be established and col lectors appointed, no revenue can be received. If these and other necessary and proper meas ures be adopted for the development of thp wraith and resources'of New Mexico and Cali fornia, and regular Territorial governments-be established over them, such will probably be the rapid enlargement of our commerce and naviga tion, and such the addition to the national wealth, that the present generation may live to witness the controlling commercial and monetary power of the world transferred from London and other European emporiums to the city of New York. The apprehensions which were entertained by some of our statesmen, in the earlier periods of the government, that our system was incapable of ope rating with sufficient energy andsuccess over large ly extended territorial limits, and that il‘ this were attempted, it would fall to pieces by its own weak ness, have been dissipated by our experience. By the division of power between the £iates ; und feder al government, the latter is iound to operate with as much energy in the extreme as in the centre. It is as efficient m the remotest of the thirty Stales which now compose the Union, as it was in the thirteen States which formed our constitution. In deed, it may well be doubted, whether, if our pres ent population had been confined within the limits of the original thirteen States, the tendencies to centrali/aiion and consolidation would not have iK-fii such as m nave < uuioariieU upon me essenuai reserved rights of the .States, and thus to have made the lederalgovernment a widely practically, from what it is in theory, and was in tended to be by its framers. .So far Irotn entertain ing apprehensions ul the safety ol our system by the extension of our territory, the belief is confi dently entertained that each uew&tate gives strength and an additional guaranty for the preservation of the Union itself. 111 pursuance of the provisions ol the thirteenth article of the treaty of peace, friendship, hunts, and settlement, with the republic of Mexico, and of the act of July the twenty-ninth, 18-18, claims of our citizens whicli had been “already liquidated and decided against the Mexican republic,” amounting, with the interest thereon, to two million .twenty three thousand eight hundred and thirty,-two dol ' lars and fifty-one cents, have been liquidated and ! paid. There remain to be paid to these claims, seventy-four thousand one hundred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-six cents. Cmii'H-:. at its last session having made no pro vision lor executing the fifteenth article ot the trea ty, by which the United .States assume to make satislnciion for the “unliquidated claims’' of our citizens against Mexico, to “bn amount not exceed ing three and a quarter millions of dollars, ’’ the subject is again recommended to your favorable consideration. The exchange of ratifications of the treaty with Mexico took place on the thirtieth of May, 1848. Within one year from that time, the commissioner and surveyor which each govern, meut stipulates to appoint, are required to mee “at the port of San Diego, and proceed to run and mark the said boundary in its whole course to the mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte.” It will be seen from this provision, that the period within which a;commissioner and surveyor of ; the respective governments are to meet at San i will expire on the thirtieth of May, 1549. Congress, at the close of its last session, made an appropriation for “ the expense of running and marking "the boundary line” between the two countries, but did not fix the amount of sala ry which should be paid to the commissioner and surveyor to be appointed on the part of the United States. It is desirable that the amount of compensation wh*ich they shall receive should be prescribed by law, and not left, as at present, to Executive discretion. Measures 'were adopted at the earliest practi cable period'to organized the •* Territorial gov ernment of Oregon,” as authorized by the act of the fourteenth of August last. The governor and marshal' of the Territory, accompanied by a small military escort, left the frontier of Missou ri in September last, and took the southern route, by the way of Santa Fe and the river Gila, to California, with the intention of proceeding thence in one of our vessels of war to their des tinotion.. The governor was fully advised of the great importance of his early arrival in the country, and it is confidently believed he may reach Oregon in the latter part of the present month, or early in the next. The other officers for the Territory have proceeded by sea. The Secretary of the Treasury will present as required by law, the estimate of the receipts and expenditures for the next fiscal year. The expen ditures as estimated lor that year are thiriy-tliree millions one hundred and fifty-two dollars aiidsrv enty-three rents, including three million seven hun dred and ninety-nine thousand one hundred and two dollars and eighteen cents lor the interest on the public debt, and three millions five hundred and toriy thousand dollars lor the principal and in terest duo. to Mexico on the thirtieth of May. 1850; leaving the sum of twenty-five million eight hun dred and seventy-four thousand and fifty dollars and thirty-five cents which it is believed, will be ample for the ordinary peace expenditures. The operations ol the tariff act of 1846 have been such during the past year as fully to meet the pub lic expectation, and to confirm the opinion hereto fore expressed of the wisdom of the change in our revenue system which was effected by it. The re ceipts under it into the treasury for the first fiscal year after its enactment exceeded by the sum of five million forty-four thousand four hundred and three dollars and nine cents the amount collected during the last fiscal year under the tariff act of 1842, ending the thirtieth of June. 1846. The tal revenue realized from.the commencement ol fts operation, on the Ist of December, 1846, until the close of the last quarter, on the thirtieth of Sep tember last, being twenty-two mouths, was fifty six million Bix hundred and fifty-four thousand five hundred and sixty-throe dollars and seventy.nine cents— being a much larger sum than was ever be fore received from duties during any equal period under the the tariff nets of 1824, 1828, 1832, and 1842. Whilst by the repeal of highly protective and prohibitory duties the revenue has been in creased, the taxes on the people have been dimin ished. They have been relieved from the heavy amounts with which they were burdened under lor mer lows in the form ol increased prices or boim* ties paid to favored classes and pursuits. Tne predictions which were made, that the tarin act of 18-16 would reduce the amount pi revenue below that collected under the act of 1842, and 1 would prostrate the business and destroy the pros ipetiiy of thecountry, have not been verified, with an increased ami increasing revenue, the finances are in a highly flourishing condition.' Agriculture, commerce, and navigation, are prosperous; the prices-ofmanufactured fabrics, and ofother products are much less injuriously affected than was to have been anticipated, from the unprecedented revul sions, which, during the last and the present year, have overwhelmed the industry and paralyzed the credit and commerce of so many great and enlight ened nations ol Europe. . . Severe commercial revulsions abroad have always heretofore operated to depress, and often to affect disastrously, almost every branch of American in- The temporary depression of a portion ol our manufacturing interests is the effect of foreign causes, and is far less severe than has prevailed on all former similar occasions. It is behoved that, looking to the great aggre gate of all our interests, the whole country was never more prosperous than at the present peri od, and never more rapidly advancing in wealth and population. Neither- the foreign war in which we have been involved, nor the loans which have absorbed so large a portion of our capital, nor the commercial . in Great Britain in 1847, nor the paralysis of credit and commerce throughout Europe in IS4S, have af fected injuriously to any considerable extent any of the great interests of the country, or arrested our onward march to greatness, wealth and pow er. Had the disturbances in Europe not occurred, our commerce would undoubtedly have been still more extended, and would have added still more to the national wealth and public prosperity.— But notwithstanding these disturbances, the op erations of the revenue system established by the tariff act of 1846 have been so generally benefi- cial to the government and the business of the eountry, that no change in its provisions is de manded by a wise public policy, and none is re- commended. The operations of the constitutional treasury established by the act of the 6th of August, 1846, in the receipt, custody, and.disbursement of the public money, have continued to be successful. Under this svstem the public finances have been carried through a foreign war, involving the ne cessity of loans and extraordinary expenditures, and requiring distant transfers & disbursements, without embarrassment, and no loss has occurr- ed of any of tin*, public money deposited unde its provisions. Whilst it has proved *to be safe' and useful to the government, its effects have been- most beneficial upon the business of the country. It has tended powerfully to,secure an exemption from that inflation and fluctuation of the paper currency, so injurious to domestic in dustry, and rendering so uncertain, the rewards of labor, and mis believed has largely contribut ed to preset ve the whole country from a serious commercial revulsion, such as often occurred un. der the bank deposite system. In the year 1847 there was a revulsion in the bu siness of Great Britain of great extent and intens ity, whicli was followed by failures in that kingdom unprecedented in number and amount of losses. — This is believed to be the first instance when such disastrous bankruptcies, occuring in a country with which we have such extensive commerce, produc- ed little or no injurious effect upon our trade or currency. We remained but little affected in our money market, and our business and industry were still prosperous and progressive. During the present year, nearly the whole con tinent of Europe has been convulsed by civil war and revolutions, attended by numerous bankrupt cies, by an unprecedented fall in their public sectf riliesand an almost universal paralysis of commerce and industry; and yet, although our trade and the prices of our products must have been somewhat unfavorably affected by these causes, we have es- raped a revulsion, our money market is compara tively easy, and public and private credit have.ad vanced and improved. It is eonlidenuy believed that we have been sav.-d from their effect by the salutary operation uof the conslitutioual treasury. It is certain, that . if* the twenty-four millions of specie imported into the country during Ihc fiscal year ending on the dOth of June, 18-17, had gone into the banks, as to a great extent it must have would, in the absence of this system, have been made the basis of augmented hank paper issues, prpbably to an amount not less than sixty or seventy millions of dollars, producing as an inevitable consequence of an inflated currency, extravagant prices for a time, and wild speculation, which must have been fol lowed, on the reflux to Europe, the succeeding year, of so much of that specie, by the prostration of the business of the country, the suspension ot the banks, and most extensive bankruptcies. Oc curring, as this would have done, at a. period when the country was engaged in a foreign war ; when considerable loans of specie was required for disbursements, and when, the banks, the fiscal agents; of the government, and the depositories of its money, were suspended, the public credit must have sunk, and many millions of dollars, as was the case during the war of 1812, must have been sacrificed in discounts upon loans, and upon the depreciated paper currency which the government would ha'vc been compelled to use. Under the operations of the constitutional trea sury, not a dollar h.as been lost by the depreciation of the currency. The loans required to prosecute the war with Mexico werq negotiated by the Se cretary of the Treasury above par, realizing a | large premium to the government. The restrain j jng effect of the system upon the tendencies to ex j cessivc paper issues by banks has saved the gov ! eminent from heavy losses, and thousands of our | business men from bankruptcy and ruin. The : wisdom of the system has been tested, by the cx ’ perience of the last two years ; and it is the dictate * of sound policy that it should remain undisturbed. The modifications in some of tha details of this , measure, involving none of its essential principles, , heretofore recommended, arc again presented for your favorable consideration. Nothing can retard the onward progress of our country, and prevent us from assuming and main* taining the first rank among nations, but a disre gard of the experience of the past, and a recur rence to an unwise public policy. We have just closed a foreign war by an honorable peace—a war rendered necessary and unavoidable in vindication of.- the national rights and* honor. The present condition of the country is similar in some res ■ pects to that which existed immediately after the close of the war with Great Britain in 1815, and i the occasion is deemed tO'be a proper on© to take , a rctrospeet of the measures of public policy which ; followed that war. There was aUthat period of our history a departure from our earlier policy.— The enlargement of the powers of the federal government by construction, which obtained, was not warranted by any just interpretation of the constitution. A few years after the close of that war, a series of measures was adopted which, united and combined, constituted what was termed by their authors and advocates the American system.” The introduction ul the new policy was for a time favored in’ the condition ot the country; by the heavy debt which had been contracted du ring the war; by the depression of the public credit; by the deranged state of the finances and the currency ; and by the commercial and pecuni ary embarrasment which extensively prevailed.— These were not the only causes which led to its establishment. The events-of .the war with Great Britain, and the embarrasments which had at tended its prosecution, had left on the minds of many of our statesmen the impression that our government was not strong enough, and that to wield its resources successfully in great emergen cies, and especially in war, more power should be concentrated in its. hands. This increased power they did not seek to obtain by the legitimate and prescribed mode—an amendment ol the constitu tion-bin by construction. They saw govern ments in the old world based upon different or ders of society, and so constituted as to throw the whole power nr nations into the hands of a few, who tnxed and controlled the many without rea nonsibility or restraint. In that arrangement they conceived tin* strength of nations in war consisted. There was also something fascinating in the ease, luxury, uml display of the higher orders, who drew'their wealth from the toil ot the laboring millions. The authors of the system drew their ideas of political economy from what they had witnessed in Europe, and particularly in Great Britain. They had viewed the enormous wealth concentrated in few hands, and had seen the splendor of the overgrown establishments of an '‘(Concluded on the fourth page:) NO. 46.
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