Father Abraham. (Reading, Pa.) 1864-1873, August 14, 1868, Image 1
,_. .. .. .. _ • .. •.,..,:,„"„, •, t r„, „,, :,•_:, F. - , ~ _,.,•• ', 7,...1 - -1 1 , 8!- - :-!:- '' ,:!. ii ! ! ,: ' ;ELLLi '• :', t ', ; ' . ' I _, . : '" 5 ::, tl . ---z:-::; '-', , - .._;•_.----,,,'_ .!„ , C ll F . . .. % 1. ~= i ' , ', , ,,T , ~ ! A . . ..,i .. 1 II '_ . :." ' ' _ . '. l ."' ..! ..,. T: A • 7.- ; ::', --7 .; ;: V : . ---- S ''.' 1 , .4,-r .. -1 7 :. :.7:: . 4 , ....: „ -,,f ~. -/, ~..„ :,. t.., ...„ f _____ :: , i-. -- • _-;-_-- -. t • ~_-.-_, ,' , l ', . r : ' ' . 5 ~, , .„ ;.. .::;,-.-. : ,--_------- ,:.-- 7.•':: ' • , ___ _, ‘--,_____,,_----_ -' • :.`;.- 7. - --. , .P. - ' t. ' '- - : '; ' 1 - " , ;J:IL J' -- - -.- 4:_,:-_, --,, ..--7 ~.!. ...o: ' ' -- :,4.., , Yr. , - ,, ,. '•-; 7', -!,, ~ , _. :..- ...-i,- .._ ' ' -5- - .'• -- ''' '' - ''' " 7r I '' ith malice towards none, with charily for ' . . t. ,_• .ta •'',:'..'g , . care for him who shall have borne the battle, and , 4_--- al/Awl/A firmness in the right, as God gives us . Nit, '.: .-.;,s for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may ,--,-, to see tlee right, le/ us sti•iPe on to finish the word '.. •:':' l ' •• achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to ,o-:: , '-:-!1:•::,-;-:. , :: among ourselves and with all nations."—.4. Z. VOL 1. "FATHER ABRAHAM" IS PUBLISHED -EVERY FRIDAY IMMI FIFTY CENTS, IN ADVANCE, FOR THE CAMPAIGN -BI E. IT. RALICII RAUCH & COCHRAN, NORTHEAST A;s7GLE CENTRE SQUARE, Adjoining W. G. Baker's Drug Store and J. Marshall te Son's Shoe Store, LANCASTER, PENNA SINGLE COPIES ADVERTISEMENTS. limited number of advertisements will be taken at the following rates Fifteen cents per line for the first insertion, and ten cents per line for each subsequent insertion Those advertising for the Campaign of six months will be charged as follows ONE SQUARE (of ten lines) TWO SQUARES THREE SQUARES Larger advertisements by contract Bills for advertisements collectable after the first in- sertion PROFESSIONAL. JOHN B. GOOD ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office : No. 50 East King Street, Lancaster, Pa O J. DICKEY_, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Orpicie—SOUTH QUEEN Street, second house below the " Pountainn In," Lancaster, Pa. J. B. LIVIN TORNE TON, ATY AT LAW, 01,olca—No. GS 11 NORTH DUKE Street, west side, north of the Court House, Lancaster, Pa. p D. BAKER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Oppicie—With J. B. Livingston, NORTH DUKE Street, Lancaster, Pa. C. KREADY, B. ATTORNEY AT LAW, OEHICE—With I. E. Hiester, NORTH DUKE Street,t near the Court House, Lancaster, Pa. CHARLES DENTJES, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Opines—No. 3 SOUTH DUKE Street, Lancaster 14 F. BAER i.y. ATTORNEY AT LAW, 01/I , IOII—NO. 19 NORTH DUKE Street, Lancas ter, Pa. WM. LEAMAN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Orrice--No. 5 NORTH DUNE Street, Lancas ter, Pa. K. RUTTER J . ATTORNEY AT LAW, 'Dimes—With General J. W. Fisher, NORTH DUKE Street, Lancaster, Pa. EDGAR C. REED, ATTORNEY AT LAW_, Dams—No. 16 NORTE DUKE Street, Laneae ter, Pa. JB. AMWAKE, u . ATTORNEY AT LAW, Opstca--No. 4 SOUTH QUEEN Street, Lancas ter, Pa. W. JOHNSON ty • ATTORNEY AT LAW, Orinca—No. 26 SOUTH QUEEN Street, Lan caster, Pa. JW. FISHER„ ATTORNEY AT LAW, Osamu—No. 30 NORTH DUKE Street, Lancas ter, Pa. A MOS H. MYLIN_, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Osszon—No. 8 SOUTH QUEEN Street, Lancas ter, Pa. AAT W. HOPICINS_, A'rTORNEY AT LAW, OrrixoNo. 28' NORTH DUKE Street, Lancas ter, Pa. j'OHN H. TT SELTZER A AORNEY AT LAW,. No. 135 South Fifth Street, Philadelphia READING ADVERTISEDP TS. H MALTZBERGER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, H. 46 North Sixth Street, Reading, Pa IGEORGE SELTZER . ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW, - - - - - No. 604 COURT Street, (opposite the Court House) Reading, Pa. H ORACE A. YUNDT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, No. 28 NORTH SIXTH Street, Reading, Pa. • FRANCIS M. BANKS, ATTORNEY AT LAW AND NOTARY PUBLIC, No. 27 woivrit SIXTH Street, Read ing, Pa. DR. ILLIAM ARGREAVES ECLECTIC PHYS H ICAN AND SURGE ' ON, No. p 4 SOUTH FIFTH Street, Reading, Pa. THE Dqmocrats of Brockport recently attempted to ratify the New York nom ination, but Blair was too strong a dose, and the resolution endorsing him was voted down, when the meeting broke up by common consent. TIIOS. E. COCHRAN. THREE CENTS $8 00 11; 00 20 00 -. 6 - 14' Miscellaneous. Compaifin Sony of 1865. WE'LL MOVE ON THE ENEMY'S WORK'S AGAIN Our colors are out, and hi letters of gold, The names of our heroes we blazon; Ulysses the soldier and Schuyler the bold, Both haters of traitors and treason. Long and well has their courage and wisdom liven tried, They have always been true to the people, And our tanner will tan every Copperhead hide, And hang it on liberty's steeple. Hurrah! boys, hurrah! from Texas to Maine, Three cheers and a tiger for chorus; Well move on the enemy's works again, With the hero of Vicksburg betbre us. We're bound for the White House, we've rented the place, Old Andy, the traitor, must travel; And whoever may try to run in the race, We'll beat him with CoMIA's gavel. We're tired of wakes and of firemen's rows, And the ramble of whiskey-ring leeches, And we won't have a fellow in Uncle Sam's house, Who swings round the circle with speeches. Hurrah! boys, hurrah I &c. Then hang out your banners and sing your best songs, Let the drums and cannon all rattle; We know very well where the victory belongs, When Ulysses goes down to the battle. We'll clean out the rebels and all their allies, Ku-Kluxers and all other Klanners, And when at the polls such tyranny dies, We'll sing as we set up our banners. Hurrah! boys, hurrah! &c. Timely Rhymes. Sing a song of Seymour, And Blair full of rye ; Every Tammany Injun's Finger's in the pie. When the pie is opened Little birds will sing, 4 , Seymour, Seymour wants to be, But never will be king." Blair in the wigwam, Feeling very friskey, Full of high ambition (Seymour for whiskey) ; Seymour out doors Showing off his clothes, 'Long comes Ulysses Grant . And nips off his nose. PEACE OR WAR. COPPERHEADS SKINNED !-THEIR PO SITION EXPLAINED BY SENA TOR NYE. On the 10th of July, 1868, Senator Nye, of Nevada, made a speech in the U. S. Senate, in which he literally skinned the Copperheads and their rebel allies. He paid his respects particularly to that noted rebel, Davis of Kentucky. We have room only for a few extracts : I am not willing to let go unchallenged the things that have come from the honorable Sen ator from Kentucky. While he has been speak ing I have thought whether there should not be a change in the form of the Lord's Prayer in Kentucky : "Give us this day our daily bread, if sistent with the Constitution; but be sure, 0, Lord, give us white bread made for white men." That form, I think, would be adapted to the creed which the honorable Senator has Just d propose. I recollect very distinctly bearing the Senator denounce the Democracy in more unmeasured terms than he is capable of denouncing the Re publican party. They had beaten his pet, Mr. Clay, and he never has forgiven them. He came here at the commencement of this rebel lion a strong Union man; and he says now that he hugs to his very soul a platform that disunionists have made. I merely suggest these things to show that where next he may be found, the Lord only knows, in the new catechism which Kentucky may put forth. He has spoken of the barbarities of some ne gro chieftain, whose name I did not under stand, of whoin we read. And yet those bar barities pale into insignificance in comparison with the butchery of Forrest at Fort Pillow ; and be was one of the men who made the platform that my honorable friend loves so. Mr. President, the honorable Senator says that the Republican party will die. So it will. So will the honorable Senator die. So will all the parties he has belonged to die. But, sir, the fruits that this Republican party has brought forth will never die. They have not expended their strength, like the honorable Senator, in trying to depress a race numbering four millions in our midst. They have not taxed their ingenuity to find arguments by which they could make the bonds with which the slaves were bound strong. Their boast is, and will be when the honorable Senator's mem ory will be forgotten, that they felt for those who were in bonds, as though they were bound with them, and broke the shackles that made man a slave. But, sir, let it be my boast and the boast of the party to which I belong, that there is not a man so low but what they would elevate him to the pure, highest heavens where angels dwell. Let not the honorable Senator think that that sentiment will die. No, sir, it is now having its second birth amid the troubles and conflicts and toils of arms and civil strife. Sir, I witnessed the gathering from which salvation is to come, which the honorable Sen ator perches upon and proclaims to be his roost during the campaign. I witnessed this organi zation. I looked in upon it. What did I see? I wish I had a Hogarth's pencil to sketch it, or words in which I could convey the faintest idea of that group of indescribable animals. K r o'llirVl4,7! LANCASTER, PA., FRIDAY, AUGUST 14, 1868. Who was then Wade I lanipton ; and at the ineid ion of his name tin Democracy shouted by order. This is what they call "fraternal love. - Who else was then.? Ithett. of South Carolina; it ought to be spelled with a ch. Who els. was there? I lammond, who pro nounced the people of the color o f my honor able friend "mud-sills." t/11, what a source to look to for salvation! Who else was there? Forrest, the butcher. No milder name is lit to use as descriptive of him—a man who eally murdered by order defenseless men whostacked their antis and surrendered. Tell me, sir, what kind of salvation von will get from that source ? And where were they? In the larg est city upon this continent. With whom were they associated ? With men of the North. There sat Forrest and Seymour, the latter pre siding over the deliberations, as they were called, at this convocation of unclean things. Whose voices were heard first? Men whose hands were red with 103 al blood. Oh, the spirit of fraternity there exhibited! They always agreed. One was a traitor with a sword, and the other a traitor without a sword ; that was all the difference. But now my honorable friend from Kentucky hugs their progeny ! A sweet thing to hug! May your embrace be long and enduring! I do not wonder that my honorable friend loves the platform. It is a platform whose every line and lineament is marked with re pudiation. It is for that that the distinguished Senator hugs it ? It is a platform whose every line is a fraud, and almost every word a lie ; a platform of professions in which they do not believe, of hope to the head to be broken to the heart. In 1864 I read a speech at quite a dis tance from here in which the honorable Sena tor was fully as sanguine in expression at least as now, that in 1864 the Republican party were to he emolished; but the Republican party survived both the prediction of the honorable Senator and the power of his opposition. These are the men to whom in these troub bons times my honorable friend from Kentucky, and those who act with him, turn for protection. Who are they ? Men who are yet counting the notches upon their swords that they wore gallant ly by their sides for four or five years in an earn est, terrible struggle to overthrow this country. They are the saviours who now are going to uphold them! My honorable friend and the Democratic host with which he is surrounded look to the rebels. They will give you such protection as vultures give to lambs. They will give you the protection that Forrest gave at Fort Pillow, and the thousand bloody fields upon which we met. What, sir, truat a man with a ballot to uphold this country who has been for five years with the bullet trying to overthrow it! It is an insult to the intelligence of the world; and 1 assure the honorable Sena tor from Kentucky the world will not swallow the hook as greedily as he has, nor hug a plat form so full of dead men's bones. Mr. President, on earth or in heaven I would rather be found by the side of the black est man in the country than with Forrest. How will stand the account of the loyal black man that has been led by the uncertain glimpses of his vision to follow that flag which had here tofore only been a symbol of oppression to him, and followed it faithfully to the end; how will his account stand in the day of judgment with the God wlio loves liberty and of whom liberty was born, beside the man who did all in his power to tear down the fairest fabric that lib erty ever reared ? and such is Forrest ; such is Wade Hampton ; such is all the Democratic party in the Southern States. There are not enough men in the Democratic party in the Southern States who were not rebels to count as " scattering ;" and therefore I shall not here after in what I have to say of them draw any distinction. But, sir, the honorable Senator has spoken very confidently of what the Democracy are going to do. I want to mention to the honor able Senator one or two things which the Re publicans have done that will stay done. We have given the loyal men of the Southern States the ballot. Now, take it away, if you can, and show us the process by which you will do it. Let us see what you will do it with. They have availed themselves of that ballot. They have deposited it ; they have put on the garment of citizenship, and I challenge the Democracy to touch one thread of that gar ment. It is stamped, it is sealed with the in signia of freedom, and I charge you lay not your hands upon it. Sir, it is the degree of a mighty people as irrevocable as the decree of God, and the honorable Senator may satisfy himself on that point. Touch not that seal; it is the freeman's power. I defy you to take it from him. Attempt that and bloodier scenes will be re-enacted upon the already fresh bloody fields. Sir, men fight for freedom. They will not lay it down. They have fought for free dom upon the battle-field ; they won their quit claim to liberty ; they have got it; and let not the Democratic party dream of taking it away. Sir, there has not been a transaction on earth since the crucifixion that thrilled the world with such ecstatic joy as when the last shackle of the slave was broken and fell at his feet. Music never reached its perfection until they sang the song of universal freedom ; and if 1 was at all accustomed to deal in flincy, I could fancy now that I bear the angel chorus catching up the sound, " Peace on earth and good will to Mall ; the last slave is free ; liberty is triumph ant." It is a source of mourning to them. Weep on, weep on ; the seal is set. The Dem ocratic party will never again have power in this nation until it changes its principles, until it ceases to be oppressive and learns to glory in freedom. I am strenghtened in this conviction by the proceedings of the last Democratic Convention. Whoever saw two such elements of weakness combined? If there was any folly in the Re publican party, the wisdom of God has come in. Who could have conceived that two 'such men would have been born of that Democratic Con vention. The world knows that the health of the gentleman they have nominated for Presi dent is very precarious, and he refused, as many times as Caesar did the crown, to take it on account of his health. They have put for ward this ticket iu point of physical strength like the hyena, the strength in the hind legs to endure ili,ease, its NS . Pak man aLeud to lIV SIIOVed off ;IS Li11( . 0111 WaS, or ill some other way, and then they will have got not only old whets, but a new one with the whole machinery of government. It is well itlanned, and 110 wonder it awoke eehoes of eestaey in Forrest's and I lampt on's bosoms when they heard the name of Blair and his letter. Sir, who is nominated for President ? A man that I have known all my I ti ; and a gen tlemanly man he is undoubtedly, but no un sounder man, politically, walks than he. I took occasion to reread last night the speech made by that distinguished gentleman on the 4th of July, 180;1, just ten days before the bloodiest riot in the world. IL was a terrible day, that 4th of July, for the rebels ; there came up a wail of woe from the rebels at Nieksburg and at Gettysburg. On that day, after a draft had been ordered by the President of the United States to fill up the ranks, the head of this ticket was address ing a Democratic meeting in a ball in the city of New York, and he said that the law of ne cessity was never to be invoked by a nation, and said, not in the precise words, and they are here, that the mob could invoke the law of necessity as well as a nation. Sir, quick as the lightning's flash and as electric in its influence the mob did arise, caught up the idea that had been slumbering, touched the torch which in gulfed a city in blood, and fatal were the con sequences of that riot. I think eleven thou sand—l am not quite certain as to the number —troops had to be taken from the army of the Potomac ; a large number of troops had to be taken to the city of New York, the chief mag istrate of which State is now at the head of the Democratic ticket, to do what? To keep peace in that city and to enforce the drafting of men and to put down the spirit of rebellion which was as rife there as at Charleston. The world will not forget the correspondence be tween Governor Seymour and General Dix, and I remember how my blood jumped a little quicker, old as I am, when the General in formed the Governor at a certain time that he had troops enough there then to preserve the city and take care of him, too. Oh such a patriot! Sir, if you look for salvation from that mob engendered by Idin go look at the ashes of the colored orphan asylum in New York. Would it have done the heart of the Senator from Kentucky good to have seen demons in human shape beating out the brains of black infancy? Look at the lurid light of the hospital reared by the best charity In the world. Look at the murder of O'Brien, who was brutally banged and his form mutillated worse than would have been done by the bar barians whom the honorable Senator described this morning. This Governor addressed these bloody-handed scoundrels, and called them " friends." They were his friends; they are to-day ; it is no misnomer. They caught up the torch which he lighted ; they had performed the work; he was congratulating them upon it, and he addressed them as " friends." They received him as such. He is. It is said that in Union there is strength. We have a platform made with entire unani mity. But recently, for four or five sweltering hot days in the city of New York, in that new born Babel of Tammany, did hundreds of Democrats sweat, voting for this man and that man, with no result, and all the time there was a deep laid plan, which the mass of them did not comprehend, to get the very man they have got. I cannot help contrasting in my mind that Convention with the one at Chicago. The Convention at Chicago had just twice as many delegates as the one at New York. The first thing done there was to make a platform on which they all agreed, and the next thing was to nominate a President, and each State was called, and each State answered, until six hundred and three delegates had spoken, and every vote was for one man right off, without any caucus, without any consultation. They looked to him as the child looks to its father for protection. They remembered the . thou sand victories to which he had led them, and their eyes as involuntarily turned upon him as a leader in the civil strife as in the strife of arms. To me that was a noble and inspiring sight. Let not the honorable Senator from Kentucky believe that such noble unity of sentiment is to be overborn by this fragmentary party called Democratic. Let me refer to another difference. We have a warrior at the head, and a man of peace emphatically as the second nominee, a man whose name is written as firmly and as boldly on the civil page of his country's history as General Grant's is on the military page. When Grant was leading our armies against the hosts of rebellion it was prophesied that Lee would never surrender. Now, the Senator from Kentucky, bolder, braver, and less considerate than Lee, says that this platform with its back ers will never surrender. Let him that casteth off his armor boast; not he that putteth it on. Sir, there will not be enough of it for formal surrender. They will be suffered to go home without terms. Their arms are worthless, for they are the arms of error ; their weapons are powerless, because they are untruthful. No, sir; my friend from Kentucky will have to seek affiliation with another party before he gets in a majority. He will have to join the army of progress and freedom, hitching to no snub-post of the past, but marching on to that haven of destiny of man where all men shall be equal before the law. Disgusted With His Party. We commend the following communi cation, addressed by P. 11. Sibley, to the Democratic State Central Committee of California, to the attention of honest Cop perheads: Gentlemen of the Democratic State Central Committee :—I would be doing violence to my own feelings, and guilty of unfair conduct to you, did I continue longer to share your councils and possess myself of your plans in the coming poli tical campaign. In sentiment and sym pathy I am uo longer with you. My judgment neither approves the platform of principles put forth by the New York .MpMS City Convention, nor. does my sense of duty to the country justify me in aiding to advance Horatio Seymour to the office of President of the United States. In re membering that I am a Democrat, I can not forget that I owe a higher allegiance to the American Union. I should be glad to remain in the Dem ocratic party, could I believe that in do ing so I am not sacrificing those principles of patriotism that are higher and holier than any sentiment of mere party fealty. I believe that the war was inaugurated by the South in the interest of slavery. I believe that it was the duty of the gov ernment to resist the heresy of secession by arms. I believe the calling out of troops, the draft of soldiers, the prosecu tion of war against rebellion, was consti tutional and necessary for the preserva tion of the republic. I believe the emancipation of slaves was necessary and unavoidable as a war measure. I believe the creation of a national debt grew out of the exigencies of a long-continued and desperate conflict. I believe the issue of paper currency was an evil inci dent to the struggle. I believe that the national debt should be paid to the last dollar in coin of the national mint, and that no form or measure of repudiation is consistent with national honor. I am opposed to the taxation of govern ment bonds as a breach of covenant made with the bondholders, and I am opposed to paying. those bonds with currency in stead of gold. I am not in any degree fearfal of negro supremacy, nor do I be lieve that if the negroes are conceded their just rights under the law there will be any danger of elevating them to a so cial equality with any superior race. I am and shave ever been opposed to mob violence, and I will never cast my vote nor use my influence to advance to high honor any man who, as Governor of a great Commonwealth, could fraternize with a mob or encourage opposition to just laws, or who, when the nation need ed its last man to put down the rebellion, could, by opposing the draft, put himself and the State in hostility to the General Government. I could have supported a War Demo crat like Hancock or Hendricks. I could support a Republican like Frank P. Blair, Jr., your candidate for Vice-Presi dent. His early stand for the rights of the black man ; his opposition to slavery ; his brilliant war record, commencing in the streets of St. Louis and ending in Sherman's march through Georgia, I ap prove ; but, as I cannot sustain Blair without sustaining Seymour, I feel in duty and conscience compelled to vote for Grant and Colfax. I shall expect the bitter animadver sion of all who love the Democratic party better than they love their country. I shall expect to have my honor im pugned. I shall expect to be assailed by partisan malignity, and to have heaped upon me an unlimited amount of personal abuse; but conscious of the rectitude of my motives, and in the confident belief that I am but doing my duty, I have deemed it proper to resign my position as a member of the Democratic State ' Central Committee. I therefore respect fully tender you my resignation, grate fully remembering our past pleasant re lations, and entertaining for you all only kind personal feelings. I am very re spectfully, gentlemen, P. N. SIBLEY. San Franpisco, July 13, 1868. Facts to be Remembered. It is a fact : let. That the so-called Cop perhead party threatened, commenced, and carried on the war of the rebellion. 2. That the leaders of the Copperhead party were the leaders of the rebellion. 3. That the Copperhead party con trolled the States in rebellion. 4. That the Copperhead party opposed every measure of the Government to sup press the rebellion. 5. That the Copperhead party dis couraged enlistment into the Union army and resisted the draft. 6. That the Copperhead party gave aid and comfort to the rebels in arms during the war. 7. That the Copperhead party re fused to give our brave and patriotic sol diers, in the field, fighting for the life of the nation, the right to vote. 8. That the Copperhead party opposed every measure adopted by Congress to restore peace, harmony and security to the country. U. That the Copperhead party, by forc ing upon the country, without a cause, a long, bloody and expensive war, created a vast public debt, and imposed upon the people untold sorrow and burthens grevi ous to be borne. 10. That the Copperhead party are re sponsible for high taxes, high prices, de rangement of business, etc., which are the legitimate fruits of the war. 11. The Copperhead party propose to increase these burdens by overthrowing the Stategovernments in the South and acknowledgina the validity of rebel legis islation and their debt. 12. The Copperhead party and their rebel alders in the South, proyunce in favor of a Dictator to overthrow civil government, and to establish caste and class legislation and now ask the free people of the North to help them to power for this purpose. NO. 11.