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ith malice towards none, with charily for ' . . t. ,_• .ta •'',:'..'g , .
care for him who shall have borne the battle, and
, 4_--- al/Awl/A firmness in the right, as God gives us . Nit, '.: .-.;,s for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may
to see tlee right, le/ us sti•iPe on to finish the word '.. •:':' l ' •• achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace
we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to ,o-:: , '-:-!1:•::,-;-:. , :: among ourselves and with all nations."—.4. Z.
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E. IT. RALICII
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JOHN B. GOOD
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office : No. 50 East King Street, Lancaster, Pa
O J. DICKEY_,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
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below the " Pountainn In," Lancaster, Pa.
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ATY AT LAW,
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PUBLIC, No. 27 woivrit SIXTH Street, Read
DR. ILLIAM ARGREAVES
ECLECTIC PHYS H
ICAN AND SURGE ' ON,
No. p 4 SOUTH FIFTH Street, Reading, Pa.
THE Dqmocrats of Brockport recently
attempted to ratify the New York nom
ination, but Blair was too strong a dose,
and the resolution endorsing him was
voted down, when the meeting broke up
by common consent.
TIIOS. E. COCHRAN.
-. 6 - 14'
Compaifin Sony of 1865.
WE'LL MOVE ON THE ENEMY'S WORK'S AGAIN
Our colors are out, and hi letters of gold,
The names of our heroes we blazon;
Ulysses the soldier and Schuyler the bold,
Both haters of traitors and treason.
Long and well has their courage and wisdom
They have always been true to the people,
And our tanner will tan every Copperhead hide,
And hang it on liberty's steeple.
Hurrah! boys, hurrah! from Texas to Maine,
Three cheers and a tiger for chorus;
Well move on the enemy's works again,
With the hero of Vicksburg betbre us.
We're bound for the White House, we've
rented the place,
Old Andy, the traitor, must travel;
And whoever may try to run in the race,
We'll beat him with CoMIA's gavel.
We're tired of wakes and of firemen's rows,
And the ramble of whiskey-ring leeches,
And we won't have a fellow in Uncle Sam's
Who swings round the circle with speeches.
Hurrah! boys, hurrah I &c.
Then hang out your banners and sing your
Let the drums and cannon all rattle;
We know very well where the victory belongs,
When Ulysses goes down to the battle.
We'll clean out the rebels and all their allies,
Ku-Kluxers and all other Klanners,
And when at the polls such tyranny dies,
We'll sing as we set up our banners.
Hurrah! boys, hurrah! &c.
Sing a song of Seymour,
And Blair full of rye ;
Every Tammany Injun's
Finger's in the pie.
When the pie is opened
Little birds will sing,
4 , Seymour, Seymour wants to be,
But never will be king."
Blair in the wigwam,
Feeling very friskey,
Full of high ambition
(Seymour for whiskey) ;
Seymour out doors
Showing off his clothes,
'Long comes Ulysses Grant
. And nips off his nose.
PEACE OR WAR.
COPPERHEADS SKINNED !-THEIR PO
SITION EXPLAINED BY SENA
On the 10th of July, 1868, Senator
Nye, of Nevada, made a speech in the
U. S. Senate, in which he literally skinned
the Copperheads and their rebel allies.
He paid his respects particularly to that
noted rebel, Davis of Kentucky. We
have room only for a few extracts :
I am not willing to let go unchallenged the
things that have come from the honorable Sen
ator from Kentucky. While he has been speak
ing I have thought whether there should not
be a change in the form of the Lord's Prayer in
Kentucky : "Give us this day our daily bread, if
sistent with the Constitution; but be sure, 0,
Lord, give us white bread made for white men."
That form, I think, would be adapted to the
creed which the honorable Senator has Just
I recollect very distinctly bearing the Senator
denounce the Democracy in more unmeasured
terms than he is capable of denouncing the Re
publican party. They had beaten his pet, Mr.
Clay, and he never has forgiven them. He
came here at the commencement of this rebel
lion a strong Union man; and he says now
that he hugs to his very soul a platform that
disunionists have made. I merely suggest
these things to show that where next he
may be found, the Lord only knows, in the
new catechism which Kentucky may put forth.
He has spoken of the barbarities of some ne
gro chieftain, whose name I did not under
stand, of whoin we read. And yet those bar
barities pale into insignificance in comparison
with the butchery of Forrest at Fort Pillow ; and
be was one of the men who made the platform
that my honorable friend loves so.
Mr. President, the honorable Senator says
that the Republican party will die. So it will.
So will the honorable Senator die. So will all
the parties he has belonged to die. But, sir,
the fruits that this Republican party has
brought forth will never die. They have not
expended their strength, like the honorable
Senator, in trying to depress a race numbering
four millions in our midst. They have not
taxed their ingenuity to find arguments by
which they could make the bonds with which
the slaves were bound strong. Their boast is,
and will be when the honorable Senator's mem
ory will be forgotten, that they felt for those
who were in bonds, as though they were
bound with them, and broke the shackles that
made man a slave. But, sir, let it be my
boast and the boast of the party to which
I belong, that there is not a man so low
but what they would elevate him to the pure,
highest heavens where angels dwell. Let not
the honorable Senator think that that sentiment
will die. No, sir, it is now having its second
birth amid the troubles and conflicts and toils
of arms and civil strife.
Sir, I witnessed the gathering from which
salvation is to come, which the honorable Sen
ator perches upon and proclaims to be his roost
during the campaign. I witnessed this organi
zation. I looked in upon it. What did I see?
I wish I had a Hogarth's pencil to sketch it, or
words in which I could convey the faintest
idea of that group of indescribable animals.
K r o'llirVl4,7!
LANCASTER, PA., FRIDAY, AUGUST 14, 1868.
Who was then Wade I lanipton ; and at the
ineid ion of his name tin Democracy shouted
by order. This is what they call "fraternal
love. - Who else was then.? Ithett. of South
Carolina; it ought to be spelled with a ch.
Who els. was there? I lammond, who pro
nounced the people of the color o f my honor
able friend "mud-sills." t/11, what a source to
look to for salvation! Who else was there?
Forrest, the butcher. No milder name is lit to
use as descriptive of him—a man who eally
murdered by order defenseless men whostacked
their antis and surrendered. Tell me, sir,
what kind of salvation von will get from that
source ? And where were they? In the larg
est city upon this continent. With whom were
they associated ? With men of the North.
There sat Forrest and Seymour, the latter pre
siding over the deliberations, as they were
called, at this convocation of unclean things.
Whose voices were heard first? Men whose
hands were red with 103 al blood. Oh, the
spirit of fraternity there exhibited! They
always agreed. One was a traitor with a sword,
and the other a traitor without a sword ; that
was all the difference. But now my honorable
friend from Kentucky hugs their progeny ! A
sweet thing to hug! May your embrace be
long and enduring!
I do not wonder that my honorable friend
loves the platform. It is a platform whose
every line and lineament is marked with re
pudiation. It is for that that the distinguished
Senator hugs it ? It is a platform whose every
line is a fraud, and almost every word a lie ; a
platform of professions in which they do not
believe, of hope to the head to be broken to the
heart. In 1864 I read a speech at quite a dis
tance from here in which the honorable Sena
tor was fully as sanguine in expression at least
as now, that in 1864 the Republican party were
to he emolished; but the Republican party
survived both the prediction of the honorable
Senator and the power of his opposition.
These are the men to whom in these troub
bons times my honorable friend from Kentucky,
and those who act with him, turn for protection.
Who are they ? Men who are yet counting the
notches upon their swords that they wore gallant
ly by their sides for four or five years in an earn
est, terrible struggle to overthrow this country.
They are the saviours who now are going to
uphold them! My honorable friend and the
Democratic host with which he is surrounded
look to the rebels. They will give you such
protection as vultures give to lambs. They
will give you the protection that Forrest gave
at Fort Pillow, and the thousand bloody fields
upon which we met. What, sir, truat a man
with a ballot to uphold this country who has
been for five years with the bullet trying to
overthrow it! It is an insult to the intelligence
of the world; and 1 assure the honorable Sena
tor from Kentucky the world will not swallow
the hook as greedily as he has, nor hug a plat
form so full of dead men's bones.
Mr. President, on earth or in heaven I
would rather be found by the side of the black
est man in the country than with Forrest.
How will stand the account of the loyal black
man that has been led by the uncertain glimpses
of his vision to follow that flag which had here
tofore only been a symbol of oppression to him,
and followed it faithfully to the end; how will
his account stand in the day of judgment with
the God wlio loves liberty and of whom liberty
was born, beside the man who did all in his
power to tear down the fairest fabric that lib
erty ever reared ? and such is Forrest ; such is
Wade Hampton ; such is all the Democratic
party in the Southern States. There are not
enough men in the Democratic party in the
Southern States who were not rebels to count
as " scattering ;" and therefore I shall not here
after in what I have to say of them draw any
But, sir, the honorable Senator has spoken
very confidently of what the Democracy are
going to do. I want to mention to the honor
able Senator one or two things which the Re
publicans have done that will stay done. We
have given the loyal men of the Southern
States the ballot. Now, take it away, if you
can, and show us the process by which you will
do it. Let us see what you will do it with.
They have availed themselves of that ballot.
They have deposited it ; they have put on the
garment of citizenship, and I challenge the
Democracy to touch one thread of that gar
ment. It is stamped, it is sealed with the in
signia of freedom, and I charge you lay not
your hands upon it. Sir, it is the degree of a
mighty people as irrevocable as the decree of
God, and the honorable Senator may satisfy
himself on that point. Touch not that seal;
it is the freeman's power. I defy you to take
it from him. Attempt that and bloodier scenes
will be re-enacted upon the already fresh bloody
fields. Sir, men fight for freedom. They will
not lay it down. They have fought for free
dom upon the battle-field ; they won their quit
claim to liberty ; they have got it; and let not
the Democratic party dream of taking it away.
Sir, there has not been a transaction on earth
since the crucifixion that thrilled the world
with such ecstatic joy as when the last shackle
of the slave was broken and fell at his feet.
Music never reached its perfection until they
sang the song of universal freedom ; and if 1
was at all accustomed to deal in flincy, I could
fancy now that I bear the angel chorus catching
up the sound, " Peace on earth and good will to
Mall ; the last slave is free ; liberty is triumph
ant." It is a source of mourning to them.
Weep on, weep on ; the seal is set. The Dem
ocratic party will never again have power in
this nation until it changes its principles, until
it ceases to be oppressive and learns to glory in
I am strenghtened in this conviction by the
proceedings of the last Democratic Convention.
Whoever saw two such elements of weakness
combined? If there was any folly in the Re
publican party, the wisdom of God has come in.
Who could have conceived that two 'such men
would have been born of that Democratic Con
vention. The world knows that the health of
the gentleman they have nominated for Presi
dent is very precarious, and he refused, as
many times as Caesar did the crown, to take it
on account of his health. They have put for
ward this ticket iu point of physical strength
like the hyena, the strength in the hind legs to
endure ili,ease, its NS . Pak man aLeud to lIV
SIIOVed off ;IS Li11( . 0111 WaS, or ill some other
way, and then they will have got not only old
whets, but a new one with the whole machinery
of government. It is well itlanned, and 110
wonder it awoke eehoes of eestaey in Forrest's
and I lampt on's bosoms when they heard the
name of Blair and his letter.
Sir, who is nominated for President ? A
man that I have known all my I ti ; and a gen
tlemanly man he is undoubtedly, but no un
sounder man, politically, walks than he. I
took occasion to reread last night the speech
made by that distinguished gentleman on the
4th of July, 180;1, just ten days before the
bloodiest riot in the world. IL was a terrible
day, that 4th of July, for the rebels ; there came
up a wail of woe from the rebels at Nieksburg
and at Gettysburg.
On that day, after a draft had been ordered
by the President of the United States to fill up
the ranks, the head of this ticket was address
ing a Democratic meeting in a ball in the city
of New York, and he said that the law of ne
cessity was never to be invoked by a nation,
and said, not in the precise words, and they
are here, that the mob could invoke the law of
necessity as well as a nation. Sir, quick as the
lightning's flash and as electric in its influence
the mob did arise, caught up the idea that had
been slumbering, touched the torch which in
gulfed a city in blood, and fatal were the con
sequences of that riot. I think eleven thou
sand—l am not quite certain as to the number
—troops had to be taken from the army of the
Potomac ; a large number of troops had to be
taken to the city of New York, the chief mag
istrate of which State is now at the head of the
Democratic ticket, to do what? To keep
peace in that city and to enforce the drafting
of men and to put down the spirit of rebellion
which was as rife there as at Charleston. The
world will not forget the correspondence be
tween Governor Seymour and General Dix,
and I remember how my blood jumped a little
quicker, old as I am, when the General in
formed the Governor at a certain time that he
had troops enough there then to preserve the
city and take care of him, too. Oh such a
patriot! Sir, if you look for salvation from
that mob engendered by Idin go look at the
ashes of the colored orphan asylum in New
York. Would it have done the heart of the
Senator from Kentucky good to have seen
demons in human shape beating out the brains
of black infancy? Look at the lurid light
of the hospital reared by the best charity In the
world. Look at the murder of O'Brien, who
was brutally banged and his form mutillated
worse than would have been done by the bar
barians whom the honorable Senator described
this morning. This Governor addressed these
bloody-handed scoundrels, and called them
" friends." They were his friends; they are
to-day ; it is no misnomer. They caught up
the torch which he lighted ; they had performed
the work; he was congratulating them upon it,
and he addressed them as " friends." They
received him as such. He is.
It is said that in Union there is strength.
We have a platform made with entire unani
mity. But recently, for four or five sweltering
hot days in the city of New York, in that new
born Babel of Tammany, did hundreds of
Democrats sweat, voting for this man and that
man, with no result, and all the time there was
a deep laid plan, which the mass of them did
not comprehend, to get the very man they have
got. I cannot help contrasting in my mind
that Convention with the one at Chicago. The
Convention at Chicago had just twice as many
delegates as the one at New York. The first
thing done there was to make a platform on
which they all agreed, and the next thing was
to nominate a President, and each State was
called, and each State answered, until six
hundred and three delegates had spoken, and
every vote was for one man right off, without
any caucus, without any consultation. They
looked to him as the child looks to its father
for protection. They remembered the . thou
sand victories to which he had led them, and
their eyes as involuntarily turned upon him as a
leader in the civil strife as in the strife of arms.
To me that was a noble and inspiring sight.
Let not the honorable Senator from Kentucky
believe that such noble unity of sentiment is to
be overborn by this fragmentary party called
Let me refer to another difference. We have
a warrior at the head, and a man of peace
emphatically as the second nominee, a man
whose name is written as firmly and as boldly
on the civil page of his country's history as
General Grant's is on the military page. When
Grant was leading our armies against the hosts
of rebellion it was prophesied that Lee would
never surrender. Now, the Senator from
Kentucky, bolder, braver, and less considerate
than Lee, says that this platform with its back
ers will never surrender. Let him that casteth
off his armor boast; not he that putteth it on.
Sir, there will not be enough of it for formal
surrender. They will be suffered to go home
without terms. Their arms are worthless, for
they are the arms of error ; their weapons are
powerless, because they are untruthful. No,
sir; my friend from Kentucky will have to
seek affiliation with another party before he
gets in a majority. He will have to join the
army of progress and freedom, hitching to no
snub-post of the past, but marching on to that
haven of destiny of man where all men shall
be equal before the law.
Disgusted With His Party.
We commend the following communi
cation, addressed by P. 11. Sibley, to the
Democratic State Central Committee of
California, to the attention of honest Cop
Gentlemen of the Democratic State
Central Committee :—I would be doing
violence to my own feelings, and guilty
of unfair conduct to you, did I continue
longer to share your councils and possess
myself of your plans in the coming poli
tical campaign. In sentiment and sym
pathy I am uo longer with you. My
judgment neither approves the platform
of principles put forth by the New York
City Convention, nor. does my sense of
duty to the country justify me in aiding
to advance Horatio Seymour to the office
of President of the United States. In re
membering that I am a Democrat, I can
not forget that I owe a higher allegiance
to the American Union.
I should be glad to remain in the Dem
ocratic party, could I believe that in do
ing so I am not sacrificing those principles
of patriotism that are higher and holier
than any sentiment of mere party fealty.
I believe that the war was inaugurated by
the South in the interest of slavery. I
believe that it was the duty of the gov
ernment to resist the heresy of secession
by arms. I believe the calling out of
troops, the draft of soldiers, the prosecu
tion of war against rebellion, was consti
tutional and necessary for the preserva
tion of the republic. I believe the
emancipation of slaves was necessary and
unavoidable as a war measure. I believe
the creation of a national debt grew out
of the exigencies of a long-continued
and desperate conflict. I believe the
issue of paper currency was an evil inci
dent to the struggle. I believe that the
national debt should be paid to the last
dollar in coin of the national mint, and
that no form or measure of repudiation
is consistent with national honor.
I am opposed to the taxation of govern
ment bonds as a breach of covenant made
with the bondholders, and I am opposed
to paying. those bonds with currency in
stead of gold. I am not in any degree
fearfal of negro supremacy, nor do I be
lieve that if the negroes are conceded
their just rights under the law there will
be any danger of elevating them to a so
cial equality with any superior race. I
am and shave ever been opposed to mob
violence, and I will never cast my vote
nor use my influence to advance to high
honor any man who, as Governor of a
great Commonwealth, could fraternize
with a mob or encourage opposition to
just laws, or who, when the nation need
ed its last man to put down the rebellion,
could, by opposing the draft, put himself
and the State in hostility to the General
I could have supported a War Demo
crat like Hancock or Hendricks. I could
support a Republican like Frank P.
Blair, Jr., your candidate for Vice-Presi
dent. His early stand for the rights of
the black man ; his opposition to slavery ;
his brilliant war record, commencing in
the streets of St. Louis and ending in
Sherman's march through Georgia, I ap
prove ; but, as I cannot sustain Blair
without sustaining Seymour, I feel in
duty and conscience compelled to vote
for Grant and Colfax.
I shall expect the bitter animadver
sion of all who love the Democratic party
better than they love their country. I
shall expect to have my honor im
pugned. I shall expect to be assailed by
partisan malignity, and to have heaped
upon me an unlimited amount of personal
abuse; but conscious of the rectitude of
my motives, and in the confident belief
that I am but doing my duty, I have
deemed it proper to resign my position
as a member of the Democratic State '
Central Committee. I therefore respect
fully tender you my resignation, grate
fully remembering our past pleasant re
lations, and entertaining for you all only
kind personal feelings. I am very re
spectfully, gentlemen, P. N. SIBLEY.
San Franpisco, July 13, 1868.
Facts to be Remembered.
It is a fact : let. That the so-called Cop
perhead party threatened, commenced,
and carried on the war of the rebellion.
2. That the leaders of the Copperhead
party were the leaders of the rebellion.
3. That the Copperhead party con
trolled the States in rebellion.
4. That the Copperhead party opposed
every measure of the Government to sup
press the rebellion.
5. That the Copperhead party dis
couraged enlistment into the Union army
and resisted the draft.
6. That the Copperhead party gave aid
and comfort to the rebels in arms during
7. That the Copperhead party re
fused to give our brave and patriotic sol
diers, in the field, fighting for the life of
the nation, the right to vote.
8. That the Copperhead party opposed
every measure adopted by Congress to
restore peace, harmony and security to
U. That the Copperhead party, by forc
ing upon the country, without a cause, a
long, bloody and expensive war, created
a vast public debt, and imposed upon the
people untold sorrow and burthens grevi
ous to be borne.
10. That the Copperhead party are re
sponsible for high taxes, high prices, de
rangement of business, etc., which are
the legitimate fruits of the war.
11. The Copperhead party propose to
increase these burdens by overthrowing
the Stategovernments in the South and
acknowledgina the validity of rebel legis
islation and their debt.
12. The Copperhead party and their
rebel alders in the South, proyunce in
favor of a Dictator to overthrow civil
government, and to establish caste and
class legislation and now ask the free
people of the North to help them to
power for this purpose.