©IS®o IRBESKBriSHEni (2s IFUESsEIHISISSs,
Whole No, 2782
HS flEssnai,
From the Sunday-School Times.
" WRUP I'on I im LIITMG."
" Weep not for the ileal." for he weepeth no more;
N > tear-drops arc needful on yon shining shore,
Where he walks with his Savior the regions all bright.
And basks 'neath the skies where ''the Lamb is the
light."
"Weep not for the dead." for his sufferings are o'er;
lie sigheth. nor sinneth. nor sorroweth more—
To that beautiful home. God prepared for the blest.
The angels have borne him to enter his rest.
*■ Weep not for the dead," for he dieth no more;
His condiets are past, and Ins struggles are o'er;
He hath entered on life, and commenced the new
song:
He hath dune with the cross, and hath gotten the crown.
Rut - weep for the Hung." the sadly bereft.
The deep stricken mourner in loneliness left—
The fatherless loving one. bowed in his grief;
The orphaned, who sigh for the tear of relief.
Go weep with the living: bind up the torn heart;
Go speak words of comfort, and soothing impart;
Go tell them that Jesus once rested his head
Within those dark portals, the grave that we dread.
Yea. weep with the living. The living alone
Need the comfort that tears bring the heart-broken
one.
■Twill he sweet to he beckoned to yonder bright
shore,
Where the eye never weeps, and the heart grieves no
more. N.
Xcwark, August, 1864.
ORIGINAL ESSAY,
HINTINODON, Sept. 15, 1864.
Mess s. Editors Lewi stow n Gazett ;
At tbc annual meeting of the Ministe
rial Association of the Juniata District
ot the East Baltimore Conference of
the Methodist E. Church, held at llun
tingdon, Huntingdon county, the 13th
and I4ih inst., the accompanying essay
was read by Rev S. Barnes, of your
town By a unanimous vote of said
association, the undersigned were ap
pointed a committee to request of Mr.
Barnes a copy for publication. Hav
ing obtained the manuscript, will you
be so kind as to give it an insertion in
your truly loyal and excellen* paper?
A. VV. GIBSON,
J. A. PRICE,
JNO Gcss.
AN ESSAY
ON
Providential Indications as seen
in our National Affairs,
READ BEFORE
The Ministerial Association of Juniata l>is
trict, Sept. 14. IHC4.
BY REV. S BARNES.
BRF.THRF.N OF THE ASSOCIATION AND
Ft: 1 ENDS : The Committee of Assign
ment has given me, as my theme, the
following language, viz: "Indentions j
of t J r> vide nee 111 our National Affairs."
Believing that hy so doing we shall all
better understand the sense intended,
I shall take 'he liberty of inserting, in
this language, two words, so that it
shall read, " lnd wot tons ot t 'incidence
AS SEEN in our A r mionot Affairs " As
thus amended, my theme assumes that
Divine Providence both lists, in the
ja>t, and still does, perceptibly inter
fere in the affairs of our nation. And.
further, that such Providential inter
ference is designed to indicate to us,
as a nation, the Divine purpose , w It or
pleasure concerning us.
Now, that God rules over nations,
even as also he rules over individuals,
every bel e.er in the Bible will at once
admit. It is always by his permission ,
and frequently by* his direct agency, that
a nation is born into distinct existence,
i. e. into existence distinct from all
oilier nationalities. When, also, a na
tion has come into distinct existence,
by either the permission or direction of
God, it is doubtless fair to inter that
such existence is for some specific and
wise purpose. For no work of God
can be without a purpose, and no work
of bis can have either a vague or fool
ish purpose.
Now, if God, in raising up a nation,
or permitting it to be laised up. has in
such act a specific and wise purpose,
and it such nation, us a community of
intelligent and responsible individuals,
is to accomplish such purpose by their
voluntary acts, and are so held amena
bio to their Creator therefor, that he
will prosper and build them up if they
accomplish hisdesigns, and hamper and
pull them down it they accomplish
hot his designs, then it follows that, in
justice to them, he should perceptibly 7
indicate to them, in some way, what
his purpose, will or pleasure concern
ing them is. Now this is precisely
what we assume he does.
I he question may arise here as to how
he does this. We answer he mast do it,
either, first, by direct and written rev
elation, or, secondly, by Providential
indication. Or, in other words, that
in this respect he must deal with na
tions as he deals with individual men.
Now. in all Bible lands. God governs
individual men by dire* t revelation.
Ifithose lamia however, where the BI
ble is not, he governs them by Provi- !
dentiul indication-, as in the case of j
individual heathens. Will any one ,
pretend to say that God has no will j
concerning individual heathens? And
that individual heathens arc not res- !
ponsible? But how can they be res-!
ponsible, unless they are made ae- j
quainted in some way with their Ma- 1
ker's will ? And how can they know
that will, in the absence of the written
word, unless by some kind of intel
ligible sign ?
Now as with individuals, so with '
nations. As he rules one, so he does !
the other. And, where he does not
reveal his will in the one way, he does !
in the other. And since no direct rev
elation of the Divine will has ever yet
been given to any nation as such, ex- !
copt under the Jewish theocracy, it i
follows that it is intended, by the Di- :
vine Being, that nations shall under
stand bis will by Providential indica- ;
tions, or, in other words, by observa
tion and deduction.
Believing these principles to be
sound, we inquire concerning our own ;
nation,
Ist, And briefly, as judging by this
process,
MIIS it the Divine purpose urnl p'ensure ;
th'if we should be <1 distinct nationality o j
these shores, independent of the mother
country f
I assume that such was his design, j
And maintain that this was indicted to i
our fathers,
1 By our distant geographical lo- !
cality.
2. By the extent of our domain.
3. By the then ascertained character !
and sufficiency of our country's re
sources for an independent nationality.
Time will not allow me to be very ;
mil lite at this point, and I will there
fore only add that this design was
finally demonstrated by our evidently
God given success in the war of the \
Revolution, for, wi.hout his aid, we I
know our fathers had failed in their re |
sistance to the mighty power ot the
mother country. I assume,
2d, J hat, as 1 ndicated in the sane wag, j
it was the will of God that our f rin of\
government should be what it is, a repubti j
can farm of government
In confirmation of this, I think it is !
fair to presume that the Divine Being
would assist our fathers to devise their !
form of government. And Iso think, 1
because they were religion-men. M n
who ha 1 come to these shores that:
they might have liberty- to serve God
according to bis will, and who, for l bat
purpose, bad committed their ali to
bim. Now, it is divinely written. 1
" The steps of a good man are ordered
by the Lord. ' They were good men,
and the formation of a republican
torm of government was one of their
steps. Is it not fair, therefore, to infer
that the formation of a republican
form of government by them was or
dered by the Lord?
This conviction is also strongly cor
roborated by Tie fact tbat w en. lor a
long time, the convention which trained j
the Constitution had failed to agree, '
and finally adjourned to pray for Di !
vine guidance, that, having come to
gether again, they were able so soon to :
agree. Does not this fact indicate '
that they were Divinely directed to |
the results arrived at? Moreover, is it
not an indication that God was pleased
with our peculiar form of government, '
that tor so long a time he deigned to
give us, under it, such unparalleled
prosperity ? But,
3d. IF have t'rovideuf i I indications
that it was the Divine purpose that this
country should be, and remain, one and
undivided in its government, through ail
time.
These indications are,
1. Ihe conformation of our eoun
try's geography. Does not the physi
i eal constriKiLion of a creature indicate
the Creator's designs as to the use it is
to he put to { Does not the construc
tion of the horse, for instance, indicate
that iie was designed both for service
and fleetness on the earth's surface ?
And do not the wings of fowls indicate
ihat they were designed for flight
through the air? And the tins of
fishes, and the webbed teet of other
fowls indicate t hat they were designed
for the water, &c.
And so, upon the same principle,
does not the direction of our broad
rivers, our expansive valleys and our
i high mountains indicate that the divi
sion of our country into two govern
ments, by any line running east and
west, would he a direct violation of the
Creator's designs ?
2. To the same point also, are the
i character and distribution of our coun
try's resources.
These resources are varied, and, in
| the aggregate, sufficient, and of a
: character, for any one independent na
tion's needs But then, note their dis
tribution. The great West is the nu
i tion's granary. The East is its work
shop, near to which are its deposits
of heavy and necessary m ,fecials, such
as its ores. fuel. Jcc.. whiie the Sontu.r.
ils WUlc iiCtU iui liie Ui'oducUou oi ica
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1864.
lighter and more portable commodities.
Now, as surely as the eye was made
for light and light for the eye, so sure
ly were these several parts of out
great domain made for each other.
Such are the unmistakable indications
of the Maker's will. What God bath,
therefore, oven with river and plain
and mountain fas* nesses joined to
gether. let no man, or set of men. put
asunder, nor let them even so much as
sympathize with such attempts, lest
they- be found fighting against God.
As preparatory to the position I
shall next take. I may remark just
here, that it seems to be admitted 011
ali hands that the desolating war that
is now upon us as a nation, is a visita
tion from God.
As a people, we are all so well versed
in scripture theology, that we are at
once ready to subscribe the maxim
of the great historian who says,
" There is a God in history." And al
so, that other saying. " Man pro pose th
but God disposeth." And also, this,
" That there is a Deity that shapes our
ends, rough hew them as we may."
All these of course as regards the
things of this life.
In keeping with these universally
received maxims, it must be admitted,
Ist. That this war has neither hap
pened by chance, nor,
2d. That it is the result alone of the
wicked plotting- of ti.e eating South
ern politician*, nor,
3d, That it could have resulted en
tirely- from the abuses and aggressions
of Northern Abolitionists, even if
these be allowed to have existed, nor.
4th, From any wicked design of the
acting administration, allowing that
also, nor.
otli, From all these causes combined
But hold, says one, are you not. by
these sweeping positions, screening
everybody and leaving everybody in
nocent of these great evils?
I answer, by no means. There are
too many, of us guilty. And God is
punishing us for our guilt, and there is
just where the trouble is.
But the question may be asked,
could n it this war have happened by
the sinful plotting of wicked men,
without, any agency of God in it? I
answer promptly, no. It could not
have so happened. Men might " pro
pose" war, and in so far, be guilty of
war, and MI be accountable therefor.
But if God. loving those against whom
such war was contemplated, was dis
posed to screen them Irom it, could lie
not so screen tl em? Would lie not so
screen them? Has he not always so
scicened his innocent people ? Has im
not promised always to continue to do
so? Need 1 tell you of Daniel in
the lions' den. or of Sliadraeh, Me
shed) and A bed n ego in the fiery fur
nace ? Need 1 refer you to the "City
of David." when menaced by Senacha
rib, that wicked and haughty- Assyrian
monarch, and the slaying by- an angel
in a single night of an hundred and
eighty and five thousand of his chosen
warriors, so that Jerusalem might not
fall? "What shall we say then to these
things? If God be for us, who can be
against us?" In such a ease, therefore,
would not God so " dispose" that ali
their wicked schemes would fail and
that their "proposed" war would fall
still-born and harmless to the earth ?
Such my brethren are the incontro
vertible and, so far as-I know, univer
s.iiiy believed, teachings of the Scrip
tures.
If these things be so, then I am
right, and this war is of God, aud is
upon us of llis wrath. Aud He hath
henye, taken away his restraints, and
given us up to contusion, and to our
own hearts lusts, even that we might
slay one another with the sword, and,
because, as a nation, we have been
wicked in his sight.
I am now prepared to assume my
4th position, which is, that, as indica
ted by* Providence, this desolating war
is upon us. because ot one particular sin,
and because of that alone. And that
sill is slavery.
J am aware, that in opposition to
this position, it may be said, tha' while
the war which is upon us, is a new
tiling, slavery is not. That this in
stitution dates back to the very begin
ning of our nation's history. And that
notwithstanding its constant existence
amongst us, we have enjoyed, all
along, as a nation, until recently, the
most marked evidences of the Divine
tavor and blessing. Why then, it may
be asked, do assume, that the Divine
wrath, now being poured out upon us,
is in consequence of slavery.
I reply what though slavery has
been amongst us from the first, yet,
the sentiment and purpose of the nation
concerning it, were not, at first, nor for
many years, what, in more recent
times, they have come to be. And that
it is this ch.auye in the nation, that
has produced our Maker's chanye to
ward us.
Let us examine into this matter a
little.
i. Was not the almost universal
aeuitmoiiu oi lite iiauou, iSoutii, as weit
as North, averse to slavery at the time
of 'he formation of the government?
2. Did not our revolutionary states
men universally execrate the mother
country for having entailed upon us
so troublesome an incubus?
3. Was not their failure to rid tho
country of the evil at the start, attrib
utable alone to what they regarded as
the impracticability of the measure,
at tho time then present? But, did
they- not all unite in looking forward
to a coining time when they both hoped
and expected it would be practicable
to do so ?
4. And in view of this, did they not
most carefully guard the language
of the Constitution, so as to keep it
entirely tree from any word or phrase
which necessarily expressed the exis
tence ot the institution amongst us?
M hen slaves were really referred to
di<l they not simply- call them in the
Constitution, "persons held to service;"
but whether so held by virtue of sla
very or by virtue of a personal contract
agreed upon between the parties, the
Constitution saith not Who can fail
to see that this careful guarding of the
wording ot that instrument waaspeeial
ly designed so as to have its language
appropriate when the time should
come which they all hoped for, when
the institution should exist amongst
tiieni no more.
Such, my hearers, was the anti-sla
veryistn of the lathers of our country
Now, what was thus true of those
revolutionary times, continued to be
true through all the earlier years of
the Republic, and down until within a
score or so of years of the present.
In confirmation of this I would ask,
did not Bishop Asbury, and ant i sla
very Methodist preachers (for we have
been strongly anti slavery- from the
first) go, and continue to go. South as
well as North, giving their voices con
tinually against this evil, both in their
private conversations, pulpit mi nisi ra
tions, and printed testimony in our
book of discipline, which, as Methodist
preachers are wont to do, they scat
tered broadcast, without let or hind
rance, throughout all the land? And
yet was riot Bishop Asbury and those
Methodist preachers everywhere re
ceived in the South up till 1844—some
20 years ago? And received too, with
out protest, even welcomed as messen
gers of God. And had they not a
success, second to no other denomina
tion, and that too amongst all classes
111 ali the S uitli.
So high indeed, did Southern anti
sluveryism run, not many years ago,
that several of their States very seri
ously contemplated emancipation.
And so late as Virginia, where
Southern blood is now being poured
out like water for the institution, was
with ti one. vote of breaking every yoke
by her own law, and letting all her
oppressed go free.
But need 1 he more specific? Is
there any use that I should quote his
tory, with book and page, to convince
any hero of these things? Are they
not patent to everybody?
When therefore, in opposition to
my position, it is claimed that during
all the years of the past, until recently,
God was favorable to our land, not
withstanding the constant existence of
slavery amongst us; and that therefore,
it cannot be claimed by any Providen
tial indication, that he is averse to the
institution, I reply that the reason of
such favor then, was, that though the
institution was amongst us. yet he saw
that in our hearts we were averse to it,
and that in our purposes we contempla
ted its final and total removal—and so,
looking not at the external appearance,
but looking at the nation's heart and
intentions he pronounced us innocent,
and hence, blessed us.
Take an illustration. Our Saviour
bates d< pravity. and yet, when in the
flesh, he took little depraved children
in bis arm* and blessed them. Now
why did he bless I hem, when lie hated
their depravity-. Why? Simply be
cause they I ad got their depravity
from their parents and couldn't get
clear of it yet, and so he reckoned them
innocent, and blest them.
Just so, our forefathers plead before
God, before one another and before
the world, tbat though slavery was
amongst them, it had come down to
them Irom the British, and that they
were not to blame, and that they could
not get rid of it yet. Well, God knew
that all this was true, and so he ac
counted our young nation innocent,
and took it, also, up in his arms and
blessed it.
But, to continue the illustration,
suppose that such, at first, innocent
child lives; and that, when it comes to
years of maturity, instead of ridding
itself of its depravity, (as it might do
through conversion) suppose that it
now /asters, and cherishes, and comes to
love its inherited depravity, and final
ly proclaims its intention to retain and
maintain and permanently settle down in
ts sin ? Will its Maker's love continue
to it? Will be not rather change his
xegards and his conduct towurd it?
ItHWCSSSWSJa SQEHHIiIBJ iRIAJSHFSr# JHSiJSro
Now my brethern, let me ask, did
not our nation, like the apostatising
child, change, in its attitude toward
slavery? That we did so change is so
universally known to be true,that I need
scarcely affirm it here to-day. Com
mencing (at least in its outward mani
festation) about the year 1832 so rapid
ly- did a pro-slavery sentiment spread
and prevail in the South, that in 1844
even the Southern wing of the Meth
odis r E. cliureh had become so infected
with it, that they- seceded in a body
from the old church and the old prin
ciples, which till then, they had them
selves both held and propagated.
After this, no anti-slavery Methodist
preacher durst open his lips in all their
territory-, on this question, under pain
of personal violent*). A small Meth
odist conference, which about a dozen
years ago, was got together in Texas,
while quietly- holding its session, with
our own Bishop Janes at its head, was
violently assailed and broken up by a
mob. composed in part of judges of the
court and civil magistrates. Our own
Bro Buelly too, because he would not
bow the knee to this Baal, and pro
claim slavery a Divine institution, was
cruelly hung to the limb of a tree till
he was dead.
So thoroughly indeed had the whole
South changed on this subject, and so
radical had they become, that all free
dom. of either speech or the press,
had passed entirely away-. And fi
nally, about the time of the breaking
out of this war, even much of the
North itself was rapidly drifting in the
same direction.
1 bus, like the sinless and God-ap
proved babe, changed into the sinlul
and God-accursed man, had we as a
nation changed, and were rapidly
changing more and more.
And now, what were the concom
itants of this last spreading change?
Why. first, indications of a gathering
storm ; next, the muttering* of distant,
thunder; then, the blackening of both
the political and providential heavens;
and then, three years and a half ago.
the bursting upon us of the fearful
storm of this desolating war.
Aow, if we have changed in our atti
tude tow rd slavery, has not God changed
in his attitude toward us? And is it not
fur to conclu e that he has changed be
cause we have changed ? Who can show
that God ever yet changed toward a
people for the worse, without a cause,
and who can show any other change
in us, for the worse, corresponding to
God's change toward us for the worse,
than in slavery ?
Am I told that we are great sinners
in other respects, and tout it is our
other sins that have brought down up
on us the vengeance of G-od ?
I answer, we were no greater sin
ners in other respects when this God
sent war broke out upon us. than we
were all along before. We had not
changed in these respects toward God,
for the worse, and consequently he
could not, for these things have changed
toward us for the worse.
Nay, I am prepared to show that in
other respects than slavery, we not
only had not changed for the worse,
but that we had changed and were eon
Stanf/g changing, more and more, for the
better, up until the very time this God
sent war burst upon us.
Why, I shall only affirm what all
know to be true, when I say that never
before, in the history of our country,
were our churches so strong, so nu
merous, so pure, so active. Mi'lions of
dollars, and with a constant increase,
were annually being given lor the
printing and distribution of the Bible.
Other millions were annually being
given for the conversion of the world
through missionary operations. While
sinners at home, by thousands and
hundreds of thousands, were being con
verted in all the land. New churches,
filled with anxious and devout wor
shipers, were being daily multiplied.
Institutions of mercy and benevolence,
such as infirmaries and asylums, for
the young, and the old, and the poor,
and the blind, and the deaf, aud the
insane, were springing up on every
side. Righteousness was prevailing
more and more. So that, with al our
o'her sins, we were a better people when
this war broke out than ice had ever been
before.
Having changed therefore far the worse,
on/g in regard to slavery, this war must
be upon us because of slavery and because
of it alone.
Now this point and conclusion I
know is plain, and cannot be plainer.
And yet, not byway cf strengthening
its truth, but simply to show its pro
priety, let me add, that the sin of sla
very is like no other sin, and therefore
its proper punishment is like no other
punish inert.
All other sins are personal, and com
mitted upon personal responsibility,
and upon that alone. We have no
State or National law which upholds,
justifies and protects men tor lying,
swearing, stealing and such like crimes.
On the contrary, our public laws are
against all these things, and even pro-
New Series—Vol. XVIII. No. 47.
vide tor tiieir punishment. So that
however guilty even the majority of
tin? individuals composing our nation
might he, in respect to those crimes
which the public laws condemn, yet
would the nation, as such, be innocent.
Nor in such a case would it be just in
God to punish the nation.
/n view of this, suppose I were to
admit, what is not however true, that
in respect to lying, swearing, stealing,
sabbath-breaking, drunken* ess. mur
der, and the like, we hud become, just
before the war, worse thai: we had
ever been before. What then? Would
God curse with a desolating war the
innocent nation for these crimes, when
by her laws she all the while
condemning and punishing then* ? Or
would he hold individual sinners ac
countable for them, who, iu defiance of
the laws of the State and the natiou,
had committed them upon their private
responsibility and upon that alone.
Surely he would punish such indi
vidual sinners in their private capacity,
and in that capacity alone.
But in respect to slavery, the caso is
different. Here, the Public law, instead
of as in the other cases condemning and
punishing the crime, upholds, Justifies, and
protects it. In this way, the State—the
iVution makes the sin its own, assumes
the responsibility, and becomes guilty
before God ; and hence must bear, ye s,
and is now bearing, Ihe punishment of
t! <&■ sin.
St) that it makes no difference in
what light we view it, whether by that
of Providential indication or by that
of justice and propriety, we arrive at
the same conclusion, and can arrive at
no other, viz, that this in ar is upon us he
cause of shivery and because of slavery
alone. Our last point is
sth. Concerning the ultimate object
Divinely designed to be accomplished
bv the war.
* _
I argue that the Providential indica
tions are,
Ist. That such object is not the es
tablishment of the Southern Confeder
acy. For,
1. Such result would accomplish
what we have already seen was never
Divinely designed to be accomplished,
namely, the division of our domain
into two governments, by an imagi
nary line running east and west. And,
2. Such result would sanction, by its
more permanent establishment than
ever before, the very institution which,
by the war, as we have already seen, it
is Divinely designed to condemn and
punish I argue,
2d. That the Divine object designed
to be accomplished by this war is not
merely the pieservation of the Union as
it was before the war commenced.
To claim tins would be,
1. To charge God with foolishness.
For why bring upon us a war simply
to preserve what, but for the war,
both was not and never would have
been in danger.
But to claim this would be,
2. To charge God with cruelty.
| For if the war only puts things back
! where they were before it commenced,
i and nothing more, and if God designed
this before he brought it upon us, then
| what does lie gain by it but simply
: the wicaking upon us of a bloody
; vengeance?
i Why, my brethren, is it not sacrilege
j to ascribe to God an object in this war
| which would result only in the indis
criminate slaughter of hundreds of
thousands of his blood-bought crea
tures ?
Nay, my brethren, God has other
and higher objects in our chastening,
lie has no such bloody hate, as simply
such an object would suppose. " Whom
the Lord loveth he chasteneth."
This brings me to claim,
In conclusion. That the only object
which the Divine Being has in this
war, is to cause us to renounce and
i give up the sin for which he is chasti
; sing us. I argue this,
1. From the fact that the admitted ob
ject of all punishment, both human and
Divine, is, (in this world at least,) the
. reformation of the punished and the
prevention of further crime.
Believiug that this premise will not
be questioned, I will not dwell upon it
as I might do, bj' argument and illus
tration drawn from parental, civil,
ecclesiastical and Divine government.
Upon this point therefore, I will
only further add that the idea of all
chastisement is the infliction of only
enough of it to cause the chastised to
j quit himself of his vice, and that when
j this is done, the chastisement will al
ways cease.
1 argue this Divine purpose,
2. From the long continuance and
incidents of the war.
Who ever believed, either North or
South, or anywhere else, or could have
believed when this war commenced,
that it would last so long. Has not
the nation been most strangely led in
this matter ?
AgaiD, who would ever have believed
at the beginning of the war, that,
with the sentiment of the North what
S it was on the subject of slavery, that