Whole No. 2593.
l M> J. & : !)315>
'/,.7.\ '/), Pi incipal Sf Proprietor.
JACOB 01ILLER, Prof, oj Ola the matics, &fc.
Mss AOiIVIE S. CRIS T, Teacher of Olusic, S,-c.
The next session of this Institution com
mences on the 26th of July, to continue 22
weeks. Students admitted at any time.
A Normal Department
will be formed which will afford Teachers the
bv-t opportunity of preparing for fall examina
tions.
A NEW APPARATUS has been purchased,
Lecturers engaged, &e.
TERMS —Boarding. Room und Tuition, per
st--jion,§ssto >6O. Tuition alone at usual rates.
sent free on application.
SILVER PLATED WARE,
BY lI.IRYEY FILLEY,
No. 1-2-22 Market Street, Pliiladcljliia,
MANUFACTURER OF
Fine Xicktl Sdccr, and Silver Plater of Forks,
Spoons, Ladles, Butter Knives, Castors,
Tea Sets, Urns, Kettles, Waiters, Jiut•
; ter Dishes, lee Pitchers, Cajx
Baskets, Communion Hare,
Cups, Muys, Goblets, d-c.
With :i genera! assortment, comprising notu hut the
■I y '-''l. inn/ pla
' J.' >iiti tilting theui a serviocaMe and durable article
1 T !!• .is. Steamboats and Private Families.
01 i Ware re-plated iu the best manner. feb23-ly
WILLIAM UNO,
has now open
A NEW STOCK
OF
Cloths, Oassimeres
ANA)
VESTS NCS,
which will be made up to order in the neat
est and most fashionable styles. apl9
New Fall and Winter Goods,
1) F. ELLIS, of the late firm of McCoy
V & Ellis, has just returned from the city
with a choice assortment of
Dry Goods and Groceries,
seleeted with care and purchased for cash,
which are offered to the public at a small ad
vance on cost. The stock of Dry Goods em
braces all descriptions of
Fall and Winter Goods
suitable for Ladies, Gentlemen and Children,
with many new patterns. His
(frrocmra
comprise Choice Sugars, Molasses, Java, Rio
and Laguyra Coffee, superior Teas, &c. Also,
Boots and Shoes, Queensware, and all other
articles usually found in stores—all which
the customers of the late Jinn and the public
in general are invited to examine.
It. F. ELLIS.
Country Produce received as usual and the
full market price allowed therefor.
Lewistown, October 25, 1860.
Spikes, &e.—A large and full as-
T t sortment of Duncannon Nails and Spikes.
Also a full assortment of Tacks, Screws, &c.
For sale by
n °29 JOIIN KENNEDY & CO.
Raisins, Dried Fruit, Nuts, Can
- dies and Fancy Candy Toys at wholesale
to country stores and confectioneries can be
had at A. Felix's, at a small advance on city
prices, for cash.
( cents per gallon for best Coal Oil, at
F. G. FRANCISCUS'S
iFißrisiidnssssis) mn ©aora&c&is ffinwiKMNmwa scmysfssssr 2Piio
THE MINSTREL
THE AIEETII6 PLACE,
If. xxxv. 10.
Where the faded flowers shall freshen,
Freshen never more to fade:
\\ here the shaded sky shall brighten—
Brighten never more to shade :
W here the sun blaze never searches:
Where the star 1 teams cease to chill:
W here no tempest stirs the echoes,
tit the wood, or wave, or hill:
\V here the morn shall wake in gladness,
And the noon the joy prolong:
V\ here the daylight flies in fatgranec,
Mid the burst of Imlv song:
Brother, we shall meet and rest,
'Mid the holy and the bjest)
V\ here the shadow shall bewilder,
Where life's vain parade is o'er.
Where die sleep of a jjj i- broken,
.so I tiio dreamer dreams no lm-re;
Where the bond is never severed: —
Parting, clasping*, sob and moan:
Midnight walking, twilight weeping,
Heavy noontide—all are done.
Where the child lues found his mother,
\\ hero the moiln .- finds the child.
V.'here dear families are gathered.
That were scattered on the wild:
Brother, we shall meet and rest,
'Mid the holy and the blest!
Whore the hi h!< n wound is 1, :.h.,J.
Where the blighted life re-hhVoju's.
Where the smitten heart the freshness
< >1 its buoyant youth resumes:
Where the love that here we lavish
On the withering leaves of time,
In an ever spring bright elime,
Where we find the joy of loving.
As we never lovp'd befoja—
Shall have fadeless flowers to fix 011
Loving on. utichill'd, unhindered,
Loving once and evermore!
Brother, we shall meet and rest,
'Mid the holv and the blest!
Where a blasted world shall brighten.
Underneath a bluer sphere.
And a softer, gentler sunshine
Sped its healing splendors here:
Where earth's barren valc-i shall blossom.
Putting on their robe of greet),
And a purer, fairer Eden
Be where only wastes have been;
Where a King in Kingly (llory.
Such as earth has never known,
Shall assume the righteous soeptre,
Claim and wear the Holy crown.
Brother, we shall meet anil rest,
'Mai the holy and the blest !
Edited by A. SMITH, County Superintendent..
School Exhibitions.
For a few y-ears past the practice has
been gaining ground of closing the term of
school with a public evening exhibition.—
[t is urged in favor of this custom, that it
gives patrons and the community a good
opportunity to judge of the progress made
by the pupils, and that it familiarizes pu
pils with appearing before an audience,
thus enabling them tpoveigome their awk
wardness and timidity, and giving them
sell control and confidence.
These are certainly benefits worthy of
consideration, and if public exhibitions con
tribute to their acquisition as fully as is
claimed and no counterbalancing injuries
result from them, surely they should be
countenanced and encouraged. But it
may fairly be doubted whether these bene
fits are secured, :.nd whether injuries do
not result from them. No exhibition, con
sisting ot declamations, dialogues and show
generally, gives any just evidence of the
proficiency of scholars iu the branches
taught in the school. A boy may perform
his part in a dialogue creditably and yet
not have learned anything during the whole
term of school, not even to be obedient to
his teacher. Another boy may be unable
to take part with credit in any public per
formance, awl still may have made rapid
progress in all bis studies continually.—
The best way to show what scholars have
learned, is to examine them in branches
they have learned ; and it certainly seems
a most fitting nigde of bringing a school to
its close, to have a public examination, not
for the purpose of hoodwinking patrons by
special preparation, not for the sake of gain
ing a biilliant reputation for a teacher, but
to enable the piatrons of a school to see just
what has been accomplished. If scholars
know that such an examination is to beheld,
they will naturally be desirous to make due
preparation for it; under the guidance of
a judicious teacher, they will strive to mas
ter every principle studied, and qualify
themselves for a creditable exhibition of
their attainments. This course would much
promote the excellent practice of thorough
reviewing, and stimulate teachers to do their
duty faithfully, and in such away as to se
cure the appreciation of intelligent observ
ers. It would deepen the teacher's sense
of his responsibility, to some extent, to his
patron;:.
An exhibition of the proficiency of pu
pils in composition and declamation, is per
fectly proper and wholly commendable,
and may very fitly follow the examination,
adding to it interest and profit.
This public examination would be far
more satisfactory to a very intelligent per
son thau a more exhibition. * And it would
be hardly less promotive of self-control and
case of manner or. the part of pupils. It
would be wholly in the direction deemed
most excellent, toward a more complete
mastery of the branches of useful learning,
and readiness of expression.
Two grave objections may be urged
against school exhibitions as they are us
ually conducted. First, to make an exhi
bition satisfactory requires no little time
and attention which scholars might devote
to more useful purposes. As a general
fact, when pupils become sufficiently inter
ested in an exhibition to ensure its success,
their minds must be more or less withdrawn
from regular studies, and thus the princi
pal object of the school is partially if not
wholly defeated. Second; an exhibition
is supposed to be for the entertainment of
the audience ; it is thought this entertain
THURSDAY. JANUARY 17, 1861,
i merit can be rendered complete only by a
very large proportion of f'un. So the ifec
lamations frequently, the dialogues always,
j contain a liberal infusion of what will cx
| cite laughter; arid, as a natural consequence,
the scholars must commit to memory much
| that is of no possible benefit, sometimes sen
j tintents that may be a mildew to their mor
al nature.
It is not asserted, as it is not believed,
by the writer, that an exhibition is necess
arily bad or always injudicious. If pro
per care be taken in the selection of the
; declamations and dialogues, and if no un
duja time or attention be devoted to it, all
which a teacher can control, then it is
wholly unobjectionable. Still, it ouht to
be made subordinate to our honest exam
' ination, and should never be suffered to
i consume the pupils time, or to absorb in
: ' west that might be more wisely directed.
1
Aphorisms on Education,
j The dispositions of children, instead of
I being made touchy, irritable or forward bv
! indulgence, or cowardly and slav ish by cx
! ccssivc harshness, -houid be made as open
! and cheerful as possible.
Parents and teachers must seek occas
; ions of securing and maintaining influence
| oyer children, by means personal respect.
; Bodily punishment is only aduiinissible
; where children or pupils violate the respect
due to age, or a law of education. On the
other hand, the sense of shame and of hon
or should early be awakened. Where
mental training is wanting, the position of
man is infinitely low; ho becomes like a
I beast. PLATO.
The true victories, the only ones which
we need never lament, are those won over
j the dominion of ignorance.
The employment most honorable, and
most profitable to the people, is to labor for
! the diffusion and extension of the iueas of
! men. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
Ilea ven be thanked that it is a point of
: honor to care for schools. For men witli-
I out schools are men without humanity; like
| birds that cannot fly, or fish that cannot
! swim.
j As much as a dollar is worth more than*
j a penny, so much are the intellectual pow
| ers more valuable than the bodily.
The child must observe and think, and
learn to retain his thoughts in his memory;
! and this the school teachers,
i He must be continually mindful of God
i and his duty; and must cultivate his sense
of the beautiful and lofty; and this the
I school causes.
lie must accumulate and arrange liu
; man knowledge, express his thoughts by
words, and make himself understood by
others; which the schools make practica
j ble.
Childhood is the planting-time for the
whole life. He who eates for the school,
j cares for the most important planting time,
; not only for earth, but also for Heaven.
TISCHER.
Neither poverty nor labor can excuse a
father from educating bis children.
I assure every father who has a heart,
and who neglects this duty, that he will
one day weep bitter tears over his fault,
and will never escape remorse for it.
ROUSSEAU.
~ mmLMEom,
The President and the South Carolina
Commissioners.
The correspondence between the Presi
dent and the South Carolina Commission
ers has been published. The latter sub
mitted it to the Convention of that State,
where it was read in 'secret session/ but
the injunction of secrecy having been re
moved, it soon appeared in the Charleston
papers.
The first letter is dated Washington,
December 28, and was written by the Com
missioners to Mr. Buchanan. It is accom
panied by a copy of their ' full powers'' to
treat with the government of the United
States,' for the delivery of forts, etc., and
for the settlement of all financial questions
in which South Carolina and the Union
possessed a mutual interest, but it com
plains that the peaceful negotiations origi
nally contemplated have been rendered im
possible by the removal of Major Ander
son to Fort Sumter. The presence of any
of the national troops in the harbor of
Charleston is considered a 'standing men
ace/ and their immediate withdrawal is
therefore recommended.
The President's reply is dated December
30. lie gives quite a full history of his
proceedings in reference to the South Caro
lina movement up to that time, and of the
motives by which he has been governed,
lie quotes from his last annual message to
show that he has no authority to determine
the character of the relations which shall
exist between the several States, but that
his chief duty is to enforce the laws, and
that therefore he cannot receive ihe Com
missioners at all iu their official capacity,
but simply 'as private gentlemen of the
highest character'
lie then proceeds to consider the alleged
4 pledge,' about which much has been said,
that no change would be made i:i the mil
itary' arrangements at Charleston, gives the
4 agreement,' and his understanding of it,
and then quotes an order issued by the
Secretary of War, on the 11th of Decem
ber, to Major Anderson, but not brought to
his notice until the 21st. It is as follows:
Memoranda of Vtibal Instructions to Ma
for Anderson Ist Artillery, Commanding
Fort Moultrie. Smith Carolina :
You are aware of the great anxiety of the
Secretary of War that a collision of the troops
with the people of the State shall be avoided,
and of bis studied determination to pursue
a course with reference to the military force
and lurts in this harbor which shall guard
against such a collision. He lias, therefore,
carefully abstained from increasing the force
at this point, or taking any measures which
might add to the present excited state of the
public mind, or which would throw any
doubt on the cunfi lence be feels that South
Carolina will not attempt by violence to ob
tain possession of the public works or inter
fere with their occupancy.
But as the counsel and acts of rash and im
pulsive persons may possibly disappoint these
expectations of the Government, he deems it
proper that you should be prepared with in
structions to meet so unhappy a contingency,
lie lias, therefore, directed me verbally to
give you such instructions.
A' u are carefully to avoid every act which
would needlessly fend to provoke aggression,
and for that reason you arc not, without ne
cessity, to take up any position which could
be construed into the assumption of a hostile
attitude; but you are to hold possession of
the forts in this harbor, and if attacked you
are to defend yourself to the last extremity.
The smallnes;? of your force will not per
mityou, perhaps, to occupy more than one of
the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt
to take possession of either of thepi, will be
regarded as an act of hostility, and you may
then put your command into either of them
which you may deem most proper to increase
its power of resistance. You are also author
ized to lake similar steps whenever you hare
tangible evidence of a design in proceed to a
hostile act. I). P. BUTLER,
Assistant Adjutant General.
Fort Moultrie, S. 0., Dec. 11, 1860.
This is jit conformity to rny instructions to
Major Buell. JOIIN B. FLOYD.
Secretary of War.
It is certainly questionable whether the
last sentence of these instructions did not
fully authorize Major Anderson to change
his position, for, by all the accounts from
Charleston which have reached us, there
seems little doubt that he had an abun
dance of ' tangible evidence' of a design to
capture Fort Sumter or attack Fort Moul
trie, when threats indicative of such a pur
pose were daily resounding through the
streets, and when the Convention was dis
cussing plans for their seizure. However,
Mr. Buchanan argues in his letter that
Major Anderson acted entirely ' upon his
own responsibility, and without authority,'
and that his first promptings were to order
him to return to his original position. But
the intelligence that Castie Pinckney and
Fort Moultrie had been seized by the South
Carolina authorities, and the ' Palmetto
flag' hoisted over them, as well as over the
custom house and post office, immediately
changed this determination. He concludes
as follows:
" It is under all these circumstances that I
am urged immediately to withdraw the troops
from the harbor of Charleston, and I am in
formed that negotiation is impossible. This
I cannot do; this I will not do. Such an idea
was never thought of by me in any possible
contingency. No such allusion bad been
made in any communication between myself
and any human being. But the inference is
that I am bound to withdraw the troops from
the only fort remaining in possession of the
United States in the harbor of Charleston,
because the officer there in command of all
the forts, thought proper without instruc
tions to change his position from one of them
to another.
" At this point of writing 1 have received
information, by telegraph, from Capt. Hum
phreys, in command of the Arsenal at Charles
ton, that if has to day (Sunday, 30(h) been
taken by force of arms. It is estimated that
the munitions of war belonging to the United
States, ia this arsenal, arc worth half a mil
lion of dol'ars.
'' Comment is needless. After this infor
mation, 1 have only to add that whilst it is
my duty to defend Fort Sumter, as a portion
of the public property cf the United States,
against hostile attacks from whatever quarter
they may come, by such means as I may pos
sess for this purpose, I do not perceive jiow
such a defence can be construed into a men
ace against the city of Charleston.
"With great personal regard, I remain
jours, &c., JAMES BUCHANAN.
"To Honorable Robert W. Barnwell, J.
H. Adams, J. L. Orr."
The Commissioners replied to this letter
under date of January 1, 1801, and they
bitterly upraid him for an alleged change
in his policy. The tone of this extraordi
nary document may be inferred from the
following extracts. Referring to his course
several weeks ago, they say :
" Seeing very clearly that this question of
property was a difficult and delicate one, you
manifested a desire to settle it without a col
lision. You did not reinforce the garrison in
the harbor of Charleston. You removed a
distinguished and veteran officer from tho
command at Fort Moultrie because he at-
tempted to increase his supply of ammunition.
You refused to send addi.L nai troops to the
same garrison, when applied for by the offi
eer appointed to succeed him. accepted
fur resignation of the oldest and most eminent
member of your Cabinet, rather than allow
the yam son to be strengthened. You compel
led ari officer stationed at Fort Sumter to re
turn immediately to the arsenal t. rty musk
ets which he had taken to arm his men. You
expressed, not to one, but to many of the
m st distinguished of our public characters,
whose testimony will be placed upon the rec
etd. whenever it is necessary, your anxiety
for a peaceful termination of this con trover
sy. and your willingness not to disturb the
military status of the forts, if Commissioners
should ha sent to the Government, whose
communications you promised to submit to
Congress."
i hey conclude their letter as follows:
"By your course you have probably ren
dered civil war inevitable. Be it so. If you
choose to force the L-sue upon us, the State
of South Carolina will accept it, and relying
upon him who is the God of Justice, as well
as the God of Hosts, will endeavi r to per
form the great doty which lies b> fore her,
hopefully, bravely, and thoroughly.
"Our mission being one for negotiation and
peace, and your note leaving us without hope
of a withdrawal of the troops from Fort
Sumter, or of the restoration of the stains
quo existing at the time of our arrival, and
intimating, as wo think, your determination
to reinforce the garrison in the harbor of
Charleston, we respectfully inform you that
we purpose returning to Charleston to-inor
row afternoon."
'1 his letter, which is one of the most im
pertinent and insulting epistles ever sent
to the ruler of a great country, was not re
plied to at all by the President, further
than by the following significant endorse
ment :
" EXECUTIVE MANSION, 3 o'clock.
This paper, just presented to the President,
is of such a character that he declines to re
ceive it."
It is evident that Hie secessionists at one
time hoped to lure Mr. Buchanan on to a
1 lower depth' of complicity with their tiea
souable designs, from which lie shrank
back with horror; and that, after all the
concessions he has made to theni, they are
now becoming as hostile and antagonistic
to him as to the Pepublica.n party.
Special message from Buchanan.
W Asai.VGTON, January 9.
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
At the opening of your present session I
called your attention to the dangers which
threatened the existence of the Union. I ex
pressed mv opinion freely concerning the
original causes of these dangers, and recom
mended such measures as I believed would
have the effect of tranquilizing the country
and saving it from the peril in which it had
been ucedlessly and most unfortunately in
volved. Those opinions and recommenda
tions I do not propose now to repeat. My
own convictions upon the whole subject re
main unchanged. The fact that a great ca
lamity was impending over the nation was
even at that time acknowledged by every in
telligent citizen. It had already made itself
felt throughout the length and breadth of the
laud.
Tho necessary consequences ot one alarm
thus produced were most deplorable. The
imports fell ofl' with a rapidity never known
before except in time of war, in the history
of our foreign commerce. The treasury was
unexpectedly left without the means which it
had reasonably counted upon to meet its pub
lie engagements, trade was paralyzed, mauu
factures were stopped, the best public securi
ties suddenly sunk in the market, every spe
cies of property depreciated more or less, and
thousands of poor men, who depended on
their daily labor fur their daily bread, were
turned out of employment. X deeply regret
that I am not able to give you any informa
tion upon the state of the Union which is
more satisfactory than what I was then obii
ged to communicate. On the contrary, mat
ters are still worse at the present time than
they were. When Congress met a strong
hope pervaded the whole public miud that
some amicable adjustment of the subject
would be speedily made by the Kepresenta
tives o r tho States and of the people, which
might restore peace between the conflicting
sections of the country.
That hope has been diminished by every
hour of delay, and as the prospect of a blood
less settlement fades away, the public dis
tress becomes more and more aggravated. As
an evidence of this, it 13 only necessary to
say that the Treasury notes authorized by
the act of the 17th i>ecember last, were ad
vertised according to law, and that no respon
sible bidder ofl'ered to take any considerable
sum at par, at a lower rate of interest than
12 per cent. From these facts it appears that
in a government organized like ours, domes
tic strife, or even a well grounded fear of civ
il hostilities, is more destructive to our pub
lic and private interests than the most formi
dable foreign war.
In my annual message I expressed the con
viction which I have long deliberately held,
and which recent reflection has only tended
to deepen and confirm, that no State has the
right, by its own act, to secede from the Un
ion or throw otf its Federal obligations at
pleasure. I also declared my opinion to be,
that even if that right existed, and should be
exercised by any State of the Confederacy, the
Executive Department of this Government
had no authority under the Constitution to
recognize its validity by acknowledging the
independence of such State. This left me no
alternative, as the Chief Executive officer, un
der the Constitution ol the United States, but
to collect the public revenue and protect tho
public property, as far as this might be prac
ticable under the existing laws. This is still
my purpose. My province is to execute, not
to make the laws. It belongs to Cougress ex
clusively to repeal, modify, or enlarge their
New Series—Yol. X'Vj No. 11.
provisions to meet exigencies .is they occur.
I possess n.) di>pcnsing power. ! certainly
hll no tight to ovikc ::n aggrcsMY wirii] •r.
any State, anil 1 am povfeeth >itisfi -d that
the Constitution has wisely withheld that pow
er evep front Congress,
But the r'ght ami the duty 1 i ttsc the iniii
tary force defensively against those who re
sist the Federal officers it) the execution of
their legal functions, and against those who
assail the property of the Federal tloyeptj
meat, is dear and undeniable. But the dan
gerous and hostile ntt tude of States tow-.uds
each other has nlreadv lar transcended and
east into the shade the ordinary Slxecutivg
unties already provided far by law, lias as
sumed such vast nnd alarming proportions as
to place the subject entirely above and be
vend the Kxocutiye control. The fuetcannot
be disguised that we -are in the midst of a
great levolotiun. In ell its various bearings,
therefore, 1 commend tlie que.-iigp to r ot.
gross, as the only human tribunal utuVr
Providence possessing the power to meet
existing emergency. To them exclusively be
longs to declare war or authorize the employ
ment of the military force in all easts COL
tern plated hv the Constitution, and they a:
possess the power to remove the grievances
which might h ad to war, and to secure peace
and union to this distracted country. On
them, "IHI on them alone, rests the responsi
bility.
Die Union is a sacred trust left 1y our rev
olutionary fathers to their descendants, and
never did any other people inherit so rich a
legacy. It has rendered us prosperous it,
peace and triumphant itt war. The national
flag lias lh sited with glory over every sea.
Under its shadow American citizens have
found perfection and respect in all lands be
neath the sun. If we descend to considera
tions of purely material interest, when, in
the history ot all time, has a confederacy
been bound together with such strong ties of
mutual interest? Each portion of it is de
pendent on all, and all upon each portion, ft r
prosperity and domestic security. A free
trade throughout the whole supplies the wants
of one portion from the productions of anoth
er, and scatters wealth everywhere. The great,
planting and farming Slates require, arid
commercial navigating States send their pro
ductions to domestic and foreign markets,
and furnish a naval power to render their
transportation secure against all hostile at
tacks. Should the Union perish in the midst
of the present excitement, wc have already
had a sad foretaste of the universal suffering
which would result from its destruction. The
calamity would be severe in every portion of
the Union, and would be quite as great, to
say the least, in the Southern as iu the North
ern States.
The greatest aggravation of the evii, and
that which would place us in a most unfavor
able light, both before the world and poster
ity, is, as I am firmly convinced, that the se
cession movement has beon chiefly based up
on a misapprehension at the South of the
sentiments of the majority in several of the
Northern States. Let the question be trans
ferred from political assemblies to the ballot
box, and the people themselves would speed
ily redress the serious grievances which the
Soutii have suffered, llut, in Heaven's name,
let the trial be made before we plunge into an
armed conflict upon the mere assumption thai;
there is no other alternative.
Time is a great conservative power. Let
us pause at this momentous moment, and af
ford the people of Loth the North and South
an opportunity for reflection. Would that
South Carolina had been convinced of this
trut!) before her precipitated action: 1 there
fore appeal, through you, to the people of the
country, to declare in their aright that " TIIK
U.MU-N MUST AND SiIALL BE i'RESERVED" by
all constitutional means.
I most earnestly recommend that you de
vote yourselves exclusively to the question
how this cau be accomplished iu peace. Ail
other questions, when compared with this,
sink into insignificance. The present is no
time for palliation. Action, prompt action,
is required. A delay in Congress to prescribe
and recommend a distinct and j radical prop
osition for conciliation, may drive us to a
point from which it will be almost impossible
to recede. A common ground o;i which con
ciliation and harmony may be produced is
surely not unattainable.
The proposition to compromise by letting
the North have exclusive control of the terri
tory above a certain line, and giving South
oru institutions protection belotv that line,
ought to receive universal approbation. It:
itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfac
tory; but when the alternative between a
reasonable concession on both sides, and the
destruction bf the Ituou, it is an imputation
on the patriotism of Congress to agsori that,
its members will hositate for a moment.
Even now the danger is upon us. In sev
eral States which have not seceded, the forts,
arsenals, and magazines of the United States
have been seized. This is by far the most se.-
rious step which has been taken since the
commencement of the troubles. This public
property has long been left without garrisone
and troops for its protection, because no per
son doubted its security under the flag of the
country in all the States of the Union. Be
sides, our small army has hardly been .-ufll
cient to guard our remote frontiers against
Indian incursions. The seizure of this prop
erty, from all appearances, was purely aggres
sive, not in resistance to an attempt to co
erce a State or States to remain in the Uniou.
At the beginning t f these unhappy troub
les, I determined that no act of mine should
increase the excitement In either sectioji of
the country. If the political conflict were to
eud iu civii war, it was my determined pur
pose not to commence it nor even to furnish
an excuse for it by any act of this Govern
ment. My opinion remains unchanged, that
justice as well as sound policy requires us
still to seek a peaceful solution of the ques
tions at issue between the North and South.
Entertaining this conviction, I refrained even
from sending reinforcements to Major Ander
son, who commanded the forts at Charleston
harbor, until an absolute necessity for doing
so should make itself apparent, lest it might
unjustly be regarded as a menace of military
coercion, and thu3 furnish, if not a provoca
tion, at least a pretext for an outbreak on the
part of South Carolina. No necessity for
these reinforcements seemed to exist.