L le No. 2477.
TERMS OF SCBSCIUPTLON.F
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•f njt'pai'l in three months, §1,50; if not
r six months, §1,75; and if not paid in
inths, §2,00.
pjners addressed to persons out of the
a v will be discontinued at the expiration of
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-1 contrary or payment guaranteed by some
■onsible person here.
ADVERTISING,
lines of minion, or theirequivalent,con
-1 a square. Three insertions §l, and 25
preach subsequent insertion.
[e West Branch Insurance Co.
OF LOCK HAVES, PA.,
URE3 Detached Duildings, Stores. Mer
chandise. Farm Property, and other Huiid
, and their contents, at moderate rates.
PIRECTORS.
B John J. Pearce, Hon. G. C. Harvey,
eB- Hall, T. T. Abraras,
ides A. Mayer, D. K. Jackinan,
irles Crist, " VV. White,
Thos. Kitchen.
Hon. G. C. HARVEY, Pres.
T. T. ABRAMS, Vice Pres.
[i. Kitchen, Sec'y.
REFERENCES.
a _jel H, Lloyd, Thos. Bowman, I) D.
V U'inegardner, VVm, Vanderbelt,
A Mackey, Win. Fearon,
Thite, Dr. J. S. Crawford,
iesQuingle, A. Updegraff",
i\V. .Nlaynard, James Armstrong,
i Simon Cameron, Hon. Wm. Bigler.
4Agent for .Mitilin county, G. W. STE W
f, Esq. ap23
.ainity from Loss ami Damage by Fire.
Mif Perils of .Marine and Inland Transportation
CONTINENTAL
INSURANCE COMPANY.
i/ •■•rated by the Legislature of J'euusylt a
nia, icith a Perpetual Charier.
Authorized Capital, 81,000,000.
e \o. 61 Walnut St. aboic Second, Pliiia.
i-e Insurance on Buildings, Furniture, Mer
&c., generally. Marine insurance
irgoes and Freights to all parts of the
H. Inland Insurance on Goods, &c., by
. s Rivers, Canals, and I,arid Carriages, to
I : arts of the Union, on the most favorable
has, consistent with security.
DIRECTORS.
■ -je W. Colladav, William Bowers,
i >l. Coleman, Joseph Oat,
ain V. Machette, Howard Hinchman,
GEORGE W. COLLADAY, President.
MI.EX W ii. SON. Secretary.
's™\gent for Mifflin county, Wm. P. EL
>TT, E-q. febl9-1y
INDEMNITY AGAINST LOSS BY FIRE,
ttiklut F ire Insurance Compa
ny of Philadelphia.
:.-e 435 and 437 Chestnut street, near Fifth.
TATHMEXT OF ASSETS, January 1, 1838,
|putjtisheJ agreeably to an act of Assembly,
ing—
•t Mortgages, amply secured, $1,596,823 19
il Estate, (present value SIOO,-
W,) cost, 74,280 93
uporary Loans, on ample Col*
Herat Securities, 101,088 17
'Ws, (pres'l val. $76,964 22) cost 71 547 97
:tfs arid Hills Receivable, 4 307 00 '
40,855 4* |
$1,888,904 74 !
Perpetual or Limited Insurances made on every ■
-criptiori of property, in Town and Country,
.lies 3- low as are consistent with security.
>ince their incorporation, a period of twenty*
':iit years, they have paid over Four Millions
f i) lilarv losses by tire, thereby affording cv
i nceof the advantages of Insurance, as well
• the ability and disposition to meet with
rjmptne-s all liabilities.
Losses by Fire.
js>es paid duting the year 1857, $203,789 4
DIRECTORS.
'as. .V Bancker, ! Mordecai D. Lewis,
J bia- Wagner, I David S. Brown,
itiiiel Grant, i Isaac Lea,
'"■rj It. Smith, J Edward C. Dale,
La. W. Richards, i George Fales.
CHARLES N. BANCKER, President.
'4i. A. STEEL, Sec'y pro tem.
_ IfpAgent for Mitliin county, H. J. WAL*
TRS, Esq., Lewistown. feb2s
1T277 GB.QCESRY,
PROVISION AND FISH STORE.
THE subscriber has opened a Grocery, Pro
| vision arid Fish Store opposite Major Eisen
- Hotel, where he has just received a fine
Mortment of fresh
jFamUg (Groceries,
rating which may be found fine Coffee, Sugar,
•;a, Molasses, Syrups, Cheese, Crackers,
-h, Ham, Shoulder, Fine Ashton and Dairy
hit. Tobacco, Segars, Soap, &c.
Also, Brooms, Tubs, Buckets, Baskets, and a
■"it assortment of Willow-ware, which he
-ers for cash very cheap.
! will pay Cash for Butter, Lard, Potatoes,
baions, &c.
Call, see prices, and judge for yourselves.
sep3 JAMES IRWIN.
CHEAP GOODS AGAIN!
I'llE
undersigned having purchased the
stock of goods of Samuel Comfort, Don
ating of all kinds of DRY GOODS, suitable
: - r Badies, Gentlemen and Children, Grocer-
Queensware, Readymade Clothing, &c.,
•jitod selling off the entire stock
AT COST!
°bse out the establishment. Persons wish
> to buy CHEAP will do well to give us a
1 Country dealers wanting goods to keep
•P their assortment will do well to examine
stock, as we will self atPhiladelphiaprices.
b. Country Produce, at market prices,
; be received in exchange for goods.
G. W. SOULT,
. 11. 11. COMFORT.
bewLtown, June 10, 1858.
.<OO lights best Window Sash, from 8x
l0 to JOxiS, for sale very low. FBANCIBCVB
imHWfflaiß AST® iPwsassiaaE) an? ffm-sriSHHaaijEa teWMOT, Hmmmssr (e®®syoir 9 IPA*
Dolttfcal.
SPEECH
OF
COL. JOHN W. FORNEY,
Delivered on the 2d of September, at Tarry
town, N. Y., in the ( Jth Congressional Dis
trict, represented by the lion. JOHN B.
IIASKIN, who was re-nominated as the Peo
ple's Candidate for Congress on that day.
After some remarks relative to Mr. llaskin,
Mr. Forney said:
My fellow-citizens. 1 must be a little per
sonal, because, appearing before you as I
do, I am impelled, if not compelled, to re
fer to a portion of the political history in
which 1 have borne a prominent part. —
My relations to the present Executive of
the United States begun with early boy
hood, from the time long before 1 became
a voter, when L was his intimate confident
and friend. From early youth down to
the present hour, or rather to a period one
year ago, I sustained toward Mr. Buchan
an relations not only of intimacy, but of
more than intimacy. Ilad he been my
father, if his blood ran in my veins, i
could not have been more devotedly attach
ed to him. [Applause.] 1 believe that
that sentiment and affection was reciproca
ted. We had tried in our good old State
of Pennsylvania, for many years, to elect
this gentleman to the Presidency. It fell
to iny lot—born in the country where he
grew to manhood, in the country where he
read law, in the country where he -till has
his residence, in that country where he
says he expects to die—and knowing him
thus well, it fell to my lot to do a good deal of
the hard work incident to the fulfillment of
the aspirations of himself and the wishes
of his friends. In 1841 we went to the
City of Baltimore instructed to vote for a
distinguished citizen of your State, Mr.
Van Buren ; but owing to the publication
of his celebrated Texas letter, the delega
tion f an Pennsylvania, as is well known,
concluded that Mr. Van Buren had forfeit
ed the confidence of the Domocrati • Party,
and that it became us to present our own
favored citizen for that high place. We
did so, and we failed. But .-fill in 1848
we reappeared upon the scene with cur fel
low citizens, and there the friends of Mr.
Van Buren in this State repaid us in kind
for the good turn we had served them four
years before. [Applause.] Undaunted,
we continued to organize and in 1852 we
reappeared in the same scene with our for
mer friend, and we were again defeated.
That seemed to be the last chance —the
last shot in the locker—if I may use the
expression. But he was appointed by
President Pierce in 1853 to fill the high
and important mission of Minister to Eng
land. While there he was removed from
the scenes of domestic politics, and quietly
rind observantly watched the movements at )
home pending and succeeding the repeal of
the Missouri line. Mr. Buchanan had been |
known for his attachment to that line.—
Though in 1810, while a student of law
with Mr. Hopkins, at Lancaster, Pa., he at
tended a meeting in which he denounced
it; subsequently in l -MT. he came out in
his celebrated Berks County letter, and sta
ted there that the only way to settle the
Slavery question was to run the line to the
Pacific so as to secure to the North and to
the South their respective benefits on each
side of it as proposed by its original friends.
Therefore, it was, that while at a foreign
court, absent from his own country, his
name became peculiarly the name of the
American people, as the one that would
lead the I'emocratic party to victory again.
His old friends in Pennsylvania moved for
ward, and again we organized. We saw
the time had come when our champion
could be presented to our pt-oplo. We re
paired to Cincinnati. Rivalries —home ri
valries—had been extinguished ; bitterness
growing out of the Missouri line and the
passage of tho Kansas Nebraska bill had
temporarily removed other candidates from
the field (or so we thought); and Cass
men, Dallas men, and Buchanan men in !
Pennsylvania made common cause, and re
paired to Cincinnati for tho purpose of put
ting this gentleman iu nomination. When
we reached there, the first indication that
appeared was, that the extreme South had
resolved upon Mr. Buchanan's annihilation.
They saw in him the light of a moderate
conservative sentiment. They saw in him,
for the first time, a public man who having
been absent from the country, therefore
disconnected from the exciting rivalries of
the day, would be compelled from his po
sition, todo justice to Northern feelings, and
extinguish sectionalism. They did not
trust to him on the issue of the day. He
was not a good enough Kansas and Nebras
ka man for them; and they fought us, as
the history of that Convention will show,
for five long days with a bitterness and an
imosity such as political conventions can
scarcely rival. But lie was the only man
to rescue the democratic party from defeat.
He was the only man to prevent the elec
tion of a Republican, and the only man
who could carry Pennsylvania; for upon
the contest of that state did the entire tide
of battle turn. From your own State a
similar disposition w;is manifested in cer
tain quarters. In this quarter, now, where
I this disease of Lecomptonisw rages tho
j most violently, and where the affection for
the administration is indulged the most ar
i dently, Mr. Buchanan received nothing
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1858.
but coldness and contempt—but we nomi
nated him and returned to Pennsylvania,
for the fir?t time joyous in having achieved
our long cherished wish. And when we
returned there, we came with the full and
confident hope that there would be an end
to the difficulty in electing a man whose na
ture was believed to be conservative, whose
character was believed to be so prudent, arid
whose entire record had been national and
constitutional. At that time T believe the
Republicans themselves abandoned the
campaign. They looked upon his nomina
tion as their death-blow. They looked
around in vain for a candidate ; but events
(and there is no necessity for spinning out
this detail to a greater length) brought on
a series of excitements such as we have
never witnessed in our country, and by the
middle of August 1856, the campaign was
more than doubtful. \\ hy did it become
doubtful? Because the Public Opinion of
the North had been stirred to its deepest
depths by the excesses of the Pro-Slavery
minority, backed by Federal power, in tlio
territory of Kansas. That was the only
question. It was not tho Ostend Confer
ence, it was not the Pacific Railroad; it
was nothing but the single issue—Shall
the people of Kansas be permitted to dis
pose of their own affairs in their own way?
Bhall they vote upon their domestic insti
tutions, not Slavery alone, but upon all
their institutions, unmolested by the bayo
nets of the Administration on the one hand
and the onslaughts of bands of foreign
marauders on the other. No man felt more
deeply in reference to Kansas than did Mr.
Buchanan. No man talked more freely
about it. In his letter of acceptance of
the nomination and in the speech he deliv
ered to the Committee upon it in his par
lor at Lancaster, (at which 1 happened to
be present. ) he laid stress upon the great
principle that the will of the majority
should prevail. Why, he said to me u
thousand times '*The South must vote for
•• me, and the North must be secured; and
'• the only way to secure the North is to
"convince those gentlemen that when I
"get in the Presidential chair I will do
"right wiili the people of Kansas. lam
'• now 66 years of age. f have reached that
" time of life when I cannot have any am-
" lotion ibr a re-election, and if 1 have, the
'• only way to secure it is to he . trongwith
"my own people at home. I watched this
" struggle from my retirement in London :
"I have seen what i concicve to he the
•• mistakes of others. Lam not responsi
" Lie for the Administration of President
"Pierce: therefore, 1 will inaugurate a new
" system ; 1 will show to those gentlemen
"that, a Pennsylvania President will stand
"firm to the pledges of a Pennsylvania
" gentleman and a Pennsylvania Democrat."
Now, fellow citizens, in that letter of ac
ceptance, if you will refer t. it—it is not
necessary for me to produce it here —you
will find that he stated distinctly that the
Territory of Kansas should be protected
in the sacred right of suffrage, una wed by
any influence whatever, and that the will
of the majority should prevail.
We went into the canvass. It fell to my j
lot to be at the head of the State Democrat- j
ic Committee of Pennsylvania. Ail my af-!
feetions were in that Stato; all tho emotions 1
of nature, physical and mental, were en- |
listed on tlie side of the candidate she had j
presented. I lis whole career, his character, i
my personal attachment and the sincere de
votion 1 felt for him, his family, his cause, i
and all about him made me so anxious for '
him to succeed, that I indulge in no vain j
expression of speech when I say to you
that I would have forfeited my life for him. '
My devotion for him knew no bounds.
Day and night, night and day, 1 toiled in ,
that campaign. And there are those here
to-day from my own State who will bear
witness to the fact when I say all my own
resources,all my fortune, my every exertion,
every aid that oould be enlisted was enlist
ed to produce the final result. And above
all others in that campaign was the great
principle of popular sovereignty. [Ap
plause.] That was the standard which
marshaled the way. That was the shib
boleth—that was the war cry. From Lake
Erie to the Delaware River—from Pittsburg
to Philadelphia—in every village and town
in the State —everywhere that I could in
duce a pen to write, or a tongue to speak,
that was the theme upon which those pens
wrote and those tongues spoke. Why,
gentlemen, Mr. Buchanan had no confidence
or reserve upon this subject, lie was
public, he was open, he was unreserved in
his declarations to everybody. He sent to
the traduced John Hickman, in an adjoin
ing county. He told him, through his
friends and agents: "Vou, Mr. Hickman,
[ occupy a peculiar relation; yon voted for
the Topeka Constitution; you denounced
| the Kansas-Nebraska bill; you were oppos
! Ed to the repeal of the Missouri Compro
| misc line; the Democratic party of your dis
i trict have nominated you; the Republicans
. like you; they believe in you. Now I want
i you to take the stump and go before your
people and pledge me, James Buchanan,
that I intend standing by, and if necessary
"lying by this principle of Popular Sover
eignty." For myself, if I could descend
to the baseness ot republishing private let
ters, J might fill a volume with similar
pledges from similar authority. Why, gen
tlemen. when the distinguished Secretary
i of ~ tate, Mr. Oobb, who from having been
a superfine Union man has been converted
into a fire-eater, equal to Mr. Chaubert
himself—when Mr. Cobb came into Penn
sylvania, and traversed our State from end
to end, and from couuty to county, talking
to delighted audiences all the time, what
was the burden of his theme? Why—
Popular Sovereignty. I would take "the
Army and Navy, I would use every power
of the Federal Government, I would sur
round the Territory but what the people of
Kansas should vote, and by their vote the
destinies of the future State should he de
cided. \\ henever a Southern orator came
into Pennsylvania and called upon me, I
said to him : " Now, sir, 1 have hut one
thing to say to you; we have hut a single
tiling before the people; every day is mak
ing the campaign more and more doubtful;
every day is making the popular feeling
more and more intensefMr. Buchanan him
self feels that everything depends upon the
prudence, the sagacity, and the spirit of
conciliation by which this campaign is
conducted, and for God's sake take care
what you say about Kansas; leave your vio
lent Southern feelings at home; you must
not come to threaten; you Governor John
ston, and you Mr. Scott, of Richmond, and
you - Mr. Extra Billy Smith and you Mr.
Secretary Floyd, all of you, must remember
that if you lose this battle here, you lose it
altogether; it will be your loss, and there
fore must allow us to manage it in our own
way. And they did accede to that policy,
without any protection, and gladly. There
was no deception in that fight, at least so
far as I was concerned. 1 -owed the state
with private letters and private pledges
upon this question. There is not a county
in Pennsylvania in which my letters may
not be found, almost by hundreds, pledging
Mr. Buchanan, in his name, and by his
authority to the full, complete and practi
cal recognition of the rights of the people
of Kansas to decide upon their own affairs.
[Applause.]
Uentlenien, he was elected. He formed
his f abinet. lie issued his Inaugural Ad
dress; and here, at this point, let me .-ay.
that the piublic confidence inspired by his
nomination by the Democratic party, and
the apprehensions of his election inspired
in the Republican ranks, that puldib con
fidence in the man was renewed and re
vived hy the publication of his Inaugural
Address. The Repu' iicans, many of them
who had voted for John C. Fremont .u !:
"We believe in Mr. Buchanan; if he stands
by the doctrines of his Inaugural Address
we will stand by him.'' Now, bad he
done so, the Republican and the American
parties in my opinion would have bcenextin
guished; would luive been one great, happy
national family. Alter all, what the great
muss of the people in this country desire
is a good Government. Every man in this
country is not an office-seeker. Nine out
of ten are disinterested in their relations
to this Government, and they are ready to
vote lor John 11. Haskin or for John Smith,
if they have confidence in the man; and
Mr. Buchanan would have suited the coun
try as well as any oilier man, if he had but
fulfilled his pledges; and therefore it was
that when the inaugural address was pub
lished, they said one to the other—We
boliovo in Mr. Buchanan—we are sorry that
we have not voted lor hiui; but we are
willing to trust hiui and stand by him to
the end. Mr. Buchanan had before him a
future which Washington, if he had boen
living, might have envied—a future which,
il he had walked resolutely in the path he
had marked out —the path illuminated by
his resolutions and pledges—would have
allowed him to go down to the grave with
the acclamation of the people. Posterity
would have pointed to his administration
as a model and example to all generations;
Pennsylvania would have 110 cause to have
heen ashamed of her once favorite son.
No, my lellow countrymen; but he did not
stop here. As if for the purpose of accu
mulating pledge upon pledge, as if for the
purpose of piling up a pyramid of promi
ses upon the question, what did he do
next? He looked around to see whom lie
should get to go to Kansas for the purpose
of settling the vexed question which had
rendered Kansas, what it has been graph
ically termed, "the graveyard of Govern
ors." lie sought no inferior man; he
would not be tempted to take an ordinary
man. Ile selected a gentleman, a states
man, who had been presented by a large
portion of the leading and prominent men
of the South for a seat in his Cabinet, who
had for years represented bis State in the
councils of the Nation, il e selected Robert
J. Walker. And when he called upon Mr.
Walker, and asked him to proceed to the
Territory, Mr. Walker said to him, "Why,
Mr. Buchanan, that would finish me for
ever; it lias ruined every man who has gone
there; it will ruin me. I have reached
j that time of liie when I cannot afford to
| risk all my prospects and probably the peace
and happiness of my family." And he
| said further, " I cannot run the risk ot be
ing most probably betrayed and deserted
by the Administration that appoints me."
1 Mr. Buchanan said to him, "Mr. Walker, if
: you will go there, you win settle this ques
tion iu a tew weeks. Everything is ready;
: here are your instructions. 1 pledge you
my word that®very thing you desire ju
! shall have." Mr. Walker, as if inspired
by a sublime suspicion, said, " Mr. Bu
chanan, 1 will not go to Kansas until you
allow nie to meet your Cabinet face to face,
anil ascertain from that Cabinet in person
whether they will agree that I shall go
there and carry out the pledges of the
campaign of I80O." Accordingly, a meet
ing of the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan was
called. At the meeting every member of
'he Cabinet was present. Mr. Buchanan
and Mr. Walker were present —Mr. Bu
chanan in the chair. (Jov. Walker said
" 1 have desired this meeting because I
have determined not to go to Kansas unless
I have lull instructions to carry out those
pledges and those principles; if there is
any opposing voice, I will not go; I do not
want to go; it is by no means an enviable
: position; but if I have the permission and
consent of you, gentlemen, for this I have
asked, I will go." The Cabinet was polled;
hut one member of the Cabinet objected to ,
the programme laid down by Gov. Walker, i
I need not mention his name. Gov. Walk
er said, " That settles the question, gentle
men; I do not wish to go; a single negative
is sufficient, and I will retire from the field." ;
But they took that member of the Cabinet |
into an adjoining room, and there they con
vinced him that Gov. Walker was right.
'1 hey returned and gave Walker his instruc
tions. lie went to Kansas with his in
structions in his pocket, and accompanied by
a man well known to the country, Mr.
Stanton, who went out with similar pledges,
j Now, after this plain statement of the facts, !
j I will coine down to my own part of this cam- j
I paign. My ambition to assist and build up !
my good old State, to push forward her great j
interests, and assist in the development of her ■
industry—to do that which we must all do, j
at least it we desire success—for the older
. you grow you should be stronger at your own
home—to build yourselves up in your own ;
counties and own States, and when you do
j that you wiil be respected and strong at the
j seat of the Federal power. Therefore it was
that in the year 1857 I started the newspaper
j which now bears my name at its masthead, i
I did this for the purpose of advocating Mr. j
I Buchanan's policy throughout. 1 had abun- j
• darit pledges as to his course, but before pub j
lishing that paper I took care to write to Mr.
Buchanan's Cabinet, and to himself, and told
; them • n what ground I intended to stand on
this question of Kansas. They were so good
as to send me sufficient written testimony
strengthening me in the position I had as
sumed. I went on with Walker and Stanton,
until the Oxford and McGee frauds took place,
when there \vu- a hurst of execration through
out the country. The whole Democratic press
had argued constantly the policy of the Ad- ;
ministration up to that time; but when Gov. {
V< alker rejected thes-e frauds, there was si
| lence. A pall fell ever the columns of the
Wi ishington Union. Nothing was said upon j
the subject of the Oxford and McGee frauds.
No voice was heard in Washington against it;
but I supposed some malign influences for the
mom> nt had surrounded that journal—that it
had laid an attack of some peculiar insanity, !
which has lately become chronic with it —and
' I allowed it to pass by. But when the dark,
damning deed of Lecompton was perpetrated,
then I saw for the first time that those gallant
! men in the Territory, Walker and Stanton,
j and those who acted with them, had been de
i serted. I saw that Democratic principles had
j been carried out by them, and we wore now
called upon to turn our backs upon ourpledgcs :
and betray our manhood. [Applause.] Gen- j
tlemen, there was something too much of this, j
and when ihe cup was presented to my lips 1 i
refused it. [Cheers.] Administrations may
change, Presidents may change, l ut 1 had
I been too fully committed on this subject to go !
back to Pennsylvania and turn my back upon j
pledges which i had both spoken and written |
'to thousands of men. I did not for a moment
| believe that the Administration had concluded
to abandon the principles which had put them
into power, that thoy were resolved to make
; their policy a test; so when 1 went to Wash
j iugton and called upon my old friend, 1 said j
I to him, " Mr. Buchanan, for the first time in
: our lives we are at variance; I find myself
| standing by one principle, having followed
I your lead, and you have deserted it." "Well,"
j said he, "can't you change too? [Laughter.]
! If I can afford to change, why can't you af
! ford to change ? [Renewed laughter.] If
j you and Douglas and Walker will unite in
1 support of my policy there will not be a
\ whimper of this thing; it will pass by like a
summer breeze." 1 told him that it was very
; well with an Administration surrounded by !
j office holders and living all the time in the '
j atmosphere of flattery; that was followed by
i thousands of gentlemen who expected places;
j that they could come to him and say, " You
j are right, Mr. Buchanan ; we are down on
! our bellies; please to walk over us, please
j trample upon us, and we will be happy and
: content, and hope you will believe your policy j
is right." "But I tell you," said I, " that
there is a still small voice in the people that
j instinctively rejects frauds, and this is not
only a fraud but a dishonor. Ido not claim
jto "be more honest than any other man. I
| have done, as all politicians have, some things
which may not square exactly with the rules
; of religion and right, and which, il 1 have, I
i regret: but this thing will not do. [Loud
j cheers.] I have reached the stature and
years of manhood, and 1 eanuot go back to
; Pennsylvania to eat my own words and bo
come the slave of power. [Renewed cheers.J
1 cannot. But then, Mr. Buchanan, you
must tolerate this difference of opinion. Gen.
Jackson tolerated differences of opinion in
his friends. Col. Polk tolerated differences
of opinion, and you differed with him in his
views on the tariff, and yet you remained in
bis Cabinet. Mr. Pierce tolerated difference
of opinion. But here you are. Men who
j put you where you are—who ask nothing at
. 1 your hands—who have refused your favors—
have trampled all the patronage that has been
offered them underfoot; here they are, asking
1 to be tolerated in the indulgence of an honest
opinion." The reply to that was, " Sir, I in
tend to make my Kansas policy a test."—
" Well, sir," said I, " I regret it ; but if you
make it a test with your officers, we will make
it a test at the ballot box." [Loud cheers.]
Repeated efforts were made to heal the differ-
New Series—Vol. 111, No. 45.
enco. But. it seems to me, gentlemen, that
when the Presidency is conferred upon a poor
mortal, it transfers him into a god, in his
estimation, or a lunatic. [Laughter.] No'-
body is permitted to approach power to tell
the truth. Power never hears the thunder
voice of the people, sitting as it does in its
cushioned chairs, between marble walls. The
independent man, loud and bold, with a clear
eye, who comes to tell the truth, is waved
from the Presidential presence as a rude iir
truder. Then we weut home. As I said, re
peated efforts were made, and made in vain,
to heal the differences. The conferring of
this Presidential patronage of vast millions—
more than the monarch of Great Britain en
joys, and nearly as much as the French dee
j pot wields—this patronage induced Mr. Bu
chanan to believe that he could make his test
successful. How was it made ? Gentlemen,
when the chapter which shall detail the man
ner in which the Administration has used its
patronage is written, it will be a black one.
When our children and our children's chil
dren come to read it, they will not believe
that an American citizen, elevated to the
Presidential chair, in the face of such a peo
ple, covered with such an armor of pledges,
; would have gone into that chair to have used
his army—aye, his army and the treasure —
i your money and mine—your officers and
: mine—for the purpose of putting down a gal
lant band of men for standing by the plain
word of God's truth ; would wish that
! when the historian comes to write, that he
would not be compelled to write that that
President was born in Pennsylvania. [Ap
plause.] Now, gentlemen, there has not been
an clement lacking to relieve this unredeemed
; infamy— not one. There has not been a sin
gle circumstance lacking. They have gono
| on step by step, with a tread of fate and des
; tiny, trying to crush out the brave and gal
lant spirits who have stood forth asking for
nothing but to be allowed to do right. Look
at the South, in whose name this deed, L
comptonism, has been perpetrated. After its
representatives in the Senate and the House
! have assisted in hounding down Stepheu A.
Douglas and David C. Broderick and their
gallant compatriots in the House, the South
begins to say, as they see the Administration
hell-hounds pursuing and attacking Doug
las and his friends, " This is too much. We
i " are willing to accept Leeompton as gilded
" poison which has been extended to us, and
! " which is to help us, though the only thing
! '• it lias done has been to commit our Repre
" sentatives to a gross wrong toward the
"North. But we cannot bear this pcrsecu
" tion." Bead the letter published the other
day in the New York papers from Reverdy
Johnson, of Maryland. Read the statement
of Alex. 11. Stephens and Henry A. Wise.
They are clamorous.against these attacks on
j Mr. Douglas. Public men in this country
forget in their truckling to the South that
i Southern people are Americans as we arc.
I hey have their slavery; they have their pe
i culiar institutions; but they reject a wrong,
■ they reject an infamy, they reject unfairness
. just as readily as we do. They will not sub
mit to this tyranny of the Administration v
upon Mr. Douglas and his friends. And
I so it will be when the Administration begins
! bv courting the South—by declaring that the
| only thing the President should do is to yield
i Uf the South—that Administration will end
I by the South turning upon it. What then?
l lt will be Tjlerised. [Laughter.] The Ad
ministration of James Buchanan Tylerised—
supported by a set of office-holders and ex
pectants only, with all the great parties, and
the one that puts it in power inclusive, stand
| ing from it and shunning it like a contagion!
I " Imperial Cie.-ar, dead anil turned to clay,
| Must stop a Pule to keep the wind away." [Laughter.]
I am aware that i am talking to a mixed
j audience—there are here present Americans,
Republicans and Democrats. [A voice—No
! doubt of that.)
MR. FORNEY (continuing)— Now, gentle
men, we who act with Mr. Haskin, we who
follow the flag borne by those great heroes of
the day—those immortal chieftains, lienry A.
Wise and Stephen A. Douglas—are constant
ly twitted with combining with what are po
litely called Black Republicans. [Laughter.]
But have you Americans who are present wit
nessed the e9orts of the Administration to
make a union with you? The Administration
can combine with the Americans (I believe
you are called Know Nothings sometimes)
and that is all right. Or if a BJack Republi
can comes out for Lecompton, he is immedi
ately washed clean and wiped. [Laughter.]
Why gentlemen, the principles that wo fought
for in 1850 are now reduced to—Lecompton.
We may be hs true as the north pole upon
principle, hut if we don't go for Lecompton
we are d--d indeed. [Laughter.] But if the
Republican or American becomes Lecompton
iaed, he is not only speedily forgiven, but ho
is elevated to the highest seat in the syna
gogue, aud he is pointed at as a brand rescued
from the burning. [Laughter.] The Admin
istration is pledged, recollect, to a platform
of hostility to secret political societies, lie
is pledged in its platform to those who speak
with a rich Irish brogue or sweet German ac
cent. But, gentlemen—you Americans and
you foreigners and adopted citizens are not
to recollect when an American becomes Le
comptonized : only those are infamous who
unite with Republicans and Americans to
vindicate a principle. [Applause.] Then
you are out of the party and are excluded
from decent society, and henceforth and for
ever you are never to be forgiven unless at
the last moment you come forward aud say •
" Praise unto thee John Calhoun and Le
compton." [Laughter.] I have been tuilip"
in the Democratic party since I was a boy"
and I am not now quite 41 years of age. "i
never voted any but a straight out Democratic
ticket. My excellent friend, Samuel J. Ran
dall, who was a very good American, and who
was elected to the Senate of our State—Sam
said to me: "I am freshly in the party, and
you are freshly cut of it." Thus I find my
self turned out of the Democratic party if I will
consent to it, and because I will not consent
to leave Democratic principles. [Laughter. l
This is an age of newspapers and telegraphs
on the land and through the sea. [Cheers.]
And when tuese transpire there would be no
God in Heaven if the ballot box did not damn
such a party in October next. [Cheers.] And
you in New York who think the Democratic
party is sold body and breeches to this official >