ten intently he would be able to hear any suspicious noises distinctly, and decide upon their cause ; then as he must know his own house better than a robber, be is the best off the two in the dark ; and when, having armed himself, he has quietly opened his door lie may wait and listen until the robbers are heard moving about, when he may take such steps as may seem necessary. If every person were to plan what was to be done in case of robbers entering his house, and then were to carry out this if the occasion required it, burglary would be too dangerous and unsuc cessful a proceeding to be popular or profitable, and thus might be given up for a more honest moans of ob taining a livelihood; so that really we may consider ourselves to have done the community at large a bene fit When we capture one of these gen - try ; whilst those who allow their houses to be robbed with impunity jeopard their neighbors' property." ,a6itaibito NRIIII PEROCILLTIO PRINCIPLES GEAER TO LIAR, WI mess TO poixow." WM. X, BRESLIN, Editor and Proprietor LEBANON, PA. WEDNESDAY, MAY 31, 1865 PRESTDENT JOHNSON has,doclin od tbo gift of a span of horses, har ness and a coach, tendered by a num ber of prominent merchants of New York. <He holds to the opinion that it is not proper for public officers to receive such presents. Tho grand jury at Washing ton have found a bill of indictment for treason against Jefferson Davis, who will shortly be conveyed to Wash ington for trial on that charge. It was reported in Richmond on Wed. Desdny that*General Lee would also be placed under arrest. stir. NEGRO SUFFRAGE AND STATE RlGHTS.—President Johnson, in an address to a delegation, on Thurs day, said that he was in favor of leav ing the question of negro suffrage, to the decision of the loyal white resi dents of the South. That's fast where the Constitution leaves the question of the right of suffrage alto gether—with the States. A BETTER STATE OF FEELING.—A change for the bettor in a social point of view, says the Lancaster intelligen cer, iM rapidly taking place in the corn- ;t 11 . .• C' the termination of the nounoes his or her Democratic neigh. bore as '‘copperheads" and "traitors," but these cases only form exceptions to tho general rule, and are scarcely worth noticing. The groat mass of the Republican or Abolition party appear to have grown ashamed of their own Conduct in this 'particular during tho last four years, and are now disposed to treat their Democrat ic neighbors as men. 4 As it is very likely that Secre tary Stanton will be obliged to leave the War Office before long, on ac count of his want of harmony with the , President, and his geneyal un popularity, it is strongly recommend ed that Governor A. G-. Curtin, of this State, be appointed to the -posi tion. There is no man in the oppo sition ranks who would give such gen eral satisfaction to the Democracy. Off" MR. VALLANDKIRAM'S LETTER. —We ask every' man into whose bands this paper shall fall, to give the letter of Hon. C. L. Vallanclig hard a careful perusal. In, the whole of it, there is not a sentiment to of fend any one. It is able and full of instruction. SOCIAL ECICALITY."-LIIA Novem ber, Philadelphia gave 12,000 Aboli tion majority, and yet refuses to al low negroes to ride in the street cars ! The latter force themselves in, and the white folks kick them out. Such being the case, what may we look for, when the clarkies claim their "rights" to the ballot-box and the jury-box ? • bar It is said that in the review laSt week, General Sherman was re ceived the most enthusiastically by the soldiers and the people, of any General present. * The radical Republicans have bought Bennett of the New York _Herald, but Greeley of the Tribune, will not pull in the same traoes with him, They will most likely lose the latter, which malres thein mad. Be. tween Greeley and Bennett, we should infinitely prefer the former to be on our side. Ateir The grand review took place at Washington last Tuesday and Wednesday. An immense concourse of people was present to witness the display. Between 50 and 60 regi ments of Pennsylvania troops partiCi pated. The 93d was not ananng the ntunber, it being still at ,Danville, North Carolina, HARD TO PLEASE.—The Republi cans arc hard to please—in fact they arc unreasonable. During the ad ministration of President Lincoln they adopted the notion that -the Democracy should not only support the government, but that they also should support the a dministration in all its acts, even to the voting for its nominees from constable up toPresi dent. The refusal to do so produced mobs, destruction of property, perso nal violence, in fact coercion of every kind to accomplish that end. Now, since Andrew Johnson is President, whom, the Democrats do not wish to condemn untried and un heard, many of the Republicans are ready to use the same means to pre vent the Democracy from supportiug his administration as they applied under his predecessor to compel that support. Some of their papers are afraid that we intend to take posses sion of the new President and "Ty lerize" his administration, and devote whole columns of valuable space to warning Mr. Johnson of his danger from these terrible copperheads, and are even illiberal enough to charge upon the Democracy the evil things they themselves said against Mr. Johnson heretofore. Others again of the same party, and Who helped to elect him, stand by idly, and are either silent, or "damning him with faint Praise." Hence, the Democra cy would have a hard time of it if they attempted to please all these conflicting elements of the opposition, in fact such an attempt would most likely result in the failure to please any. Therefore, the Demgeracy will support the administration of Pesi dent Johnson in all his Constitutional efforts to restore the country to peace and prosperity ; and if he should find that support more valuable than the conflicting, disjointed, unreasonable and sinister support of those who elected him, CAN WE HELP THAT ? war Nearly 150,000 veteran sol diers were in the grand review at Washington last week. No colored troops were engaged in it. war President Johnson has revoked all former regulations in regard to the taking of oaths, and prescribed the following : "1,- ' do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God, that I will heneforth faithfully support, protect and defend the CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES and all laws made in pursuance thereto." This is just what might' have been expected from Johnson. Any true American ean take this oath, and any one refusing it may truly be set down • • • •p• 1 len irng w•ic • required the taker to support "all the PROCLAMATIONS which had been or might hereafter be issued," it would have been much better for men and men's souls. (ktr The Now York Tribune says that there is not a cow in the State which our Government has less rea son to regard with apprehension and alarm, than . it has some of the old men banished from the country by the - Stantonian system of "military necessity." seg... The War Department an nounces that General Canby, at Now Orleans, on Friday last, concluded an arrangement with the commissioners of Kirby Smith for a surrender of all the remaining forces of the Confeder tidy in the trans-Mississippi Depart ment. They were received on the same terms as were accorded to Lee and , Johnston. Smith's forces are said to be quite formidable, propa bly 80,000, and arc well supplied with provisions and munitions of war.— Thus the last armed foe disappearcs, and soon peace will smile all over our country. • uel„. A Washington dispatch states that Charles O'Connor, Esq., a promi nent States Rights Democrat of New York City has been offered the Attor ney Generalship of the United States. This might be true as up to 1861, no stronger States Rights Democrat than Andrew Johnsen lived in the United, States. The Cabinet Difficulty. [Correspondence of the Neiv 'fork News.] WASHINGTON, May 22, 1865 It is now definitely known that the difficulty at the Cabinet meeting on Friday between Secretary Stanton and President Johnson had its origin in the attempt to engraft negro suf frage on the Southern States. Presi dent Johnson, new to the Presiden tial office, expressed a dissent to the doctrine in a manner that led Mr. Stanton to believe he could coerce or frighten him into it. In this he was mistaken. His loud voice and threat enin* attitude brought out the sleep ing lion of Johnson's nature, and the scene which ensued, until the Secre tary found that he had mistaken his man,.was terrible. At that meeting, and in that scene, President Johnson gave evidence that abolitionism had but little of his sympathy ' . and that, as President of the United States, he had a duty to perform in serving the Union, not in erecting ope to suit the utopian views of men who would set aside all the principles of the fathers of the republic in order to mould one to suit their own selfish and sinister view% .The New York Herald has proposed a scheme to pay off the Na tional debt, which is estimated at three thousand millions of dollars.— The plan is to divide the debt into one hundred and fifty thousand shares of twenty thousand dollars each, these shares to be taken up by our wealthy men. C. Vanderbilt has already subscribed 25 shares, condi tionally that the whole amount be subscribed, and several other gentle men have taken 7 shares more. The plan is to pay the whole debt' in this way by the Ist of January, next.— Then Congress is to abolish all taxa tion, and place the country in the financial condition it occupied five years ago. There are enough rich men in the country to do this. It, would be to the saving of hundred of millions to the tax-payers, as it would relieve them of the present cumbersome system of collecting reve nue, which not only fees tens of thou sands of Assessors and Collectors, but pries into the private affairs of every individual. We - approve of this plan, and are willing, that if the rich men cannot raise the money, to give the poor alsO a chance, being rea dy and willing, for our part, to give one-tenth of every cent we own in the world toward so patriotic an ob. feet as freeing the nation of its debt. The debt has got to be paid, and, the sooner we get rid of it the better for ' us and our children. ga.. General C. P. Stone, the com mander at Ball's Bluff, imprisoned by Stanton on a suspicion of treason, now lies a maniac in an asylum.— Mr. Lincoln was opposed to the ar• rest, but Stanton was hard and posi tive, and carried the day. tbr An order of the War Depart ment directs the release of all persons imprisoned by sentence of military tribunals during the war. THE SON OF HORACE GREELEY. - It is doubtless not known to a majority of readers, that Mr. Greeley has a son aged twenty-two in the Federal army. He is stopping in New Or leans a few days on his way to his regiment, the 14th New York caval. ry, in which he is First Lieutenant, which is stationed at present in Mor ganzia„ in Louisiana. From a re mark that the young gentleman was at pains to make when his lineage was alluded to, that he belonged to the 14th New York cavalry himself, not to any d—d nigger regiment, it would appear, to say the least of it, that the teaching of his distinguished father had been expended on him to no purpose. SAD CALAMITY—SEVEN CHILDREN BURNED TO DEATIL—CARLISLE, May and the youngest ti months were burned to death. The parents, were also severely burned. The firs was accidental O A gentleman traveling a few days since on the Eastern Shore of Maryland stopped at a hotel in a small town, where he found thirty six farmers from Northern States, who were there to buy farms. As high as eighty dollars an acre are paid for lands in Maryland. us_ It is reported that General Wright's 6th corps will march north from Danville, Virginia, as soon as order is restored in that neighbor hood. General Wright has appointed a number of local magistrates and is endeavoring to restore the civil authority. otr A few days since, a Canadian gentleman who is am ardent annexa tionist, exclaimed on receiving the news of the surrender of Lee's army, "Now, then, Canada, will be annexed to the United States and share in the new glories of the 'regenerated and disenthralled republic.' A refugee rebel officer standing by replied—"Go slow, my friend, it's very easy to get into the Union, but it's hell to get out." • Ot - A. delegation of Methodist preachers called upon President Johnson on the 19tli , headed by Bishop Simpson, who fired some more speeches at him. It is a slow but sure means of assassinating a man. Jeff Davis and family, Alexander H. Stephens, C. C. Clay, Col. Reagan, Gen. Wheeler, and sixteen others, are confined in easemates at Fortress Monroe. Gen. Schofield has issued an order in regard to the negroes of North Carolina. He tells them that in or der to secure their freedom they must work to support themselves. The Supreme Court of Pennsylva nia bas decided that legal tender notes are constitutional, and that a ground rent can be paid off with them. The rebel ram Stonewall has been unconditionally surrendered to the Spanish Government. tar The Army of Tennessee will be kept up to its full number. It will be sent to the trans-Mississippi Department. Mar General Sherman's official re port will soon be published. It was written after the issue of Stanton's manifesto and consequently quite racy. He explains fully his arrange ment with Johnston. "The Massachusetts Senate has passed a law imposing $5O fine for making discrimination on account of color in any inn, place of amuse ment, public conveyance, or public meeting," If a gentleman lodging at an inn declines receiving a "colored person" in his bed, will ho be be fined on an count of "discrimination in oolorr"---- _Doylestown Democrat, Johny Akens, residing near Eldorado, Blair county, and who is only 4 feet 4 inches high, weighs but 126 pounds, and has been married only nine years, is the father of eleven children—eight of the eleven being twins. iteir President Johnson has remov ed his business office from the Treas ury Department to the Executive Mansion, which, for the first time since President Lincoln's death, was on Thursday thrown open to visitors. liar The Pennsylvania Railroad Company give notice that on and af ter June Ist they will not receive for freight or passage any other than United Statesor Nationalßank notes. CP:r Judge Davis, of the United States Supreme Court in Illinois, has been appointed administrator of the estate of the late Abraham Lincoln. lier It is expected that the mann facture of the Atlantic telegraph ca ble will be completed, and onboard the Great Eastern,.by the.end of May. Governor Curtin will fill up tee vacancies by promotion in Penn sylvania troops before they are mus tered out. Gen. Banks compels all the passen ger cars in. New Orleans to carry negrQes. LETTER FROM N& VALLANDIGHAMI To the "Young Meft!s, Democratic As sociation," of Lancaster, Pa. Elincrtzwksr :—From year President and Sec retaries, ne also from individual members, I have, within the past Three months, received re peated cordial invitations to address your Association. While a compliance in person would be most agreeable to me, 'I do not believe that either time or cireamstance is auspicious just now for active political agitation. But I avail myself of your kind request, to present, very respectfully, in writing, a few thoughts up on the present position and duty of the Demo cratic party. At best:they. can be but conjec ture in part, and in part suggestion ; for he would be a bold man, and ought to be omnis cient of as well the future as the present, who should attempt to lay down, in these times. when the scenes change with the diversity, sud denness and marvelous contrariety, of theatric representation, a fixed rule of policy upon any public question. Yet with this qualification, and speaking for myself only, I shall address you with becoming freedom and candor. Ido not, indeed, conceal from myself, the apprehen sion that we are rather at the beginning than at the end of a great revolution, and that free in stitutions in America are to-day far more upon trial than at any period during the past four years. If, indeed, the agencies of force were at once to give place to the arts of: peace, and pla-. cid liberty regulated by law, sub pin rege, to succeed the sword, the melancholy forebodings of the more thoughtful among us might yet prove to be the vain fears of men whom much learning ' in history and an enlarged study of human na tare have made timid. I surrender myself will- ingly, however, for the present to the cheering illusion of those who believe that miraculous power will again interpose, and a great calm, at the word of command, follow the tempestous rag ing of the sea. The Democratic organization will, of course, be maintained. Surviving every change of par. ty and policy from near the beginning of the government to this day; often triumphant, sometimes defeated, never conquered ; always adhering, as a national organization, to the es eential principles of its founders, but adapting, its policies, so far as these principles admitted, to the changing circumstances of the country enduring even through the great dangers and the mistakes of the past four years, and at the end, numbering one million eight hundred thousand voters in the Mates which adhered to the Union—a numberierger within the same States, than at any previous election—it needs now only re-organization and discipline to make sowed, so long as it sha.. A - iv° vitality enough to hold together.. The masses of the party will never agree to the surrender, whatever "the leaders," so called, might attempt. The fundamental principles of the Demi:fere t io party, of course also, must remain unchanged so long , as our Federal system, or even any form of democratic-republican government, Shall sue vive ; and especially its true State-Right Doo trine—not Nullification, not Secession, but the theory of our syStem laid down in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, as interpre. '-ted by their authors; the one by Madison in his Report in 1799, and the other by Jefferson in his solemn official Inaugural of 1801. Thus inter preted they were, and, I doubt not, still are the constitutional doctrines of the new President.— So long as these constitute the accepted theory and the practice under qur system, there can be no consolidated government, either Republican or Monarchy, in the States which now make up the American Union. .The other general princi ples of the Democratic party are but variations or amplificationirof the maxims, "the greatest good to the greatest number," ‘!the interest of the masses," "the rights of the many against the exactions of the. few"—axioms which, though the demagogue may misuse or abuse thous, lie, nevertheless, at the foundation of ail democrati cal government. But true as all this is, it would be the extreme of folly not to comprehend and recognize that as to men and policies, the events of the past four years, and especially of-the last five weeks, have wrought a radical change. Old things have passed away; all things become new. New books, as Mr. Webster said upon an - occasion of far less significance, are now to be opened. A new epoch in the American era has been reach ed ; and be who cannot now realize, or is not willing to accept this great fact, would do well to retire to his closet and confine himself to funebrial meditations over the history of the dead past or airy speculations upon the impossi ble future. He may become an instructor, but is not fit to be an actor in the stirring scenes which are before us. The time will, indeed, come, and may not be far distant, when it will be justifiable and may be necessary to inquire into the causes of the civil war just now appa rently at an end, and to institute a scrutiny into the measure of guilt of those who are responsi ble for it, as well North as South ; and it is for tunate that we have & President who, upon neith er side, is among its authors—unlesti, indeed, his support of General Breckenridge for the Presi dency in 1860 be reckoned up against bim. In -all else„at-lesistosbatesieronaY have been • his po sition during the Ohba tebe his course now" he is guiltless. Upon the other hand, by our po litical foes, the line of conduit - of those who op• posed war, demanded conciliation and insisted that the path of peace. Was the shortest, easiest, cheapest road to the Union, and of those who, marching in the same direction, but along the rugged and bloody highway of war, denounced only the policies of the late administration, will be called in question. For myself I am ready to answer, and by the record to be adjudged. If I erred, it was in the glorious company of the patriot founders of our peculiar system of gov ernment. And now, accepting the new order of things, I yet enter upon no defence for adhering to the last moment to the policies of those great men, adopted and sanctioned as these policies were, by the second generation of American statesmen. So far from it, I Would conform yet, as far as possible, to their teachings and practice. We may not, indeed, be ready to fol low the enthusiast who bad rather err with Plato than be right with other men ; yet neither are we far enough corrupted, I trust, to be obliged to apologize for accepting Washington, Jefferson, Sherman, Hamilton, 'Webster, Clay, and Jack son, as exemplars worthy of study and imita tion. But they were wise in their day and gen . eratiofi. Let us be wise in ours. Whether theirs was not the erne. wisdom for us also in the long run, remains to be seen ; for the cod is not yet. And be that as it may, for any man to have erred as to the advent, progress, duration or final issue of a civil war which has mocked, so far, the prescience of the wisest statesmen of as well the Old World as the New, is no dispar agement of any judgment or intellect less than divine. In any event, I beg that it be announc ed that upon all questions of vaticination up.to this point, I am "paired off" with the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward. But as to the present and future, and the new and stupendous questions which every day will now he developed, a public man's position must be determined, not by his mistakes where all have erred, but by his capaci ty, his integrity and his patriotism. The day has passed when the party ppithata upon either side, which were ivithoptestificelioe, almost without excuse, even amid tie rancor of a civil ' war and the beat of partisan discussion, ought ' any longer to be tolerated. No man in the Democratic party in the North or West, of re sponsible or recognized position, was for dis union or separation for its own sake. But if any such there was, false to the government of the Union, he was false also to the Southern Confederacy ; else his plan would have been in the ranks of her armies. Some, indeed, not many, of the ablest and most sincere and honest among us—men who, to-day, changing their opinions, are the worthiest of trust, and I speak strongly as one not of their conviction—believ ed that only through temporary recognition of Southern independence, could the Federal Union be restored. Such, too, had been the declara tions before and in the beginning of the war, of many distinguished men in the Republican par ty, some of them still high in position, express. ed in language the most emphatic, going even to the eaten tof permanent separation. The rec ord of these declarations remains ; but to quote them, or to name the authors, is needless. The argument stands sufficient of itself. It is not that the Democratic party opposed either the civil war or the peculiar policies upon which it was conducted, that is to exclude them from the confidence of the people. Scarce prominent man in the Republican ranks, unless of Democratic antecedents, from the late Presi dent down, but opposed—many of them with un measured bitterness and violence—the prosecu tion of the foreign Mexican. war. Devoted wholly to the Union, the old Union, in any event, the men of the Democratic party judged of the war and of its policies solely by that standard, and upheld or opposed them accord ingly. The party_-and I refer to the question because it has been made the subject of recent newspaper comment—will, indeed, certainly not follow the."Ohicago Platform" of 1864 as a po litical text book now, any more than the Repub lican party, or its heirs or assigns, will adopt the "Chicago Platform" of 1860, for the same purpose in the future; uot that the former was not the very best practicable at the period and for the occasion which brought it forth; but bo nen, dealing in a time of war, almost wholly With questions of policy, not principle, it would, in time of peace, be quite as inappropriate as the code of Justinian or the journals of the Conti nental Congress. All that need now be asked of our political foes Is, that'it be quoted .correct ly ; the More especially, since, through tbe work of a committee made up of some of the ablest and truest men in the Convention, and adopted by that body unanimously amid the rapturous applause of two hundred thousand freemen pres ent or at hand, it survived but eight days—dy ing of circumcision. But there is one crown of glory, at least, during the terrible trials of the last four years, richest among the treasures of the Democratic party, which cannot be takes away. If it shall so happen that to the Repub lican party is .due the honor of maintaining the Union, to the Democracy. the country is indebt ed for the preservation of whatever remains of that other and even dearer birthright of Ameri cans—Constitutional Liberty and private right. But laying all these questions aside for the present, I trust that all men who, in the old HO man phrase, feel alike concerning the Republic now, may be soon brought to act together. He who cannot at this moment, fot a season. at least; forget his private griefs, or lay aside his prejudices against men and parties, for the sake of his country in an hour of trial which 'demands all the wisdom of the wise andthe utmost firm. ness of the stoutest-hearted among us, is too muck oftLyrartizen to be anything oftt patriot. Fortunately among politicians the labor is usual ly not difficult. If the melancholy reflection of Cicero, in his later years were well considered and just, that true friendships are most rarely , found among those WEci , concern themselvea in public affairs, itia quite, certain also that per durable enmities are, equally rare with the M— . it is the motive, net the new association, which marks the change of party habitudes, as patriotic or corrupt. It. Was not the mere fact that Fes and Burke united in coalition with Lord North; that made them all odieus to the British people, but because the purpose and cir cumstances of the coalition were unpopular and notjust. Here and novutbe war having accom plished all that, the sober and rational among its advocates ever claimed -for it,—the breaking down of the chief military power of the Confed erate Government—We have reached the point where all that class among its supporters, of whatever party, must new unite with the friends of peace and conciliation, in exhausting all the arts of statesmanship, to the end theta speedy and perfect pacification, and with it, a real and cordial re-union, may be secured. The ques tions which belong toe state of war are; in their very nature and from necessity, totally distinct from those which arise upon • a cessation of hos t ilities., Men who have Ilittierto agreed on other irides, wiltiliffer widely now, and new party as sociations • must follow. The hereditary • . c e rn t *Stiftticr upon these questions On the record up to the day when the Executive office, by tenon of a horrible crime, was forced upon him. he himself differed from thakpatty:only, or chiefly, as to the fact and the,manner of prosecuting the war. Not responsible for anything-done or omitted by the late Adm in istration,Whereof the'Detnocracy complained, now that the war is ended, he be gins his chief magistracy without past difference in principle or present separation as to policy. In any event, he is intitled at the hands of the Democratic party to a fair, candid and charita ble consideration of the several measures which ho shall propose ;. though most assuredly at the same time; it will be the duty of that party to render a strict, firm and fearless judgment upon r.them; and to act anordingly as they shall be found to merit support or to demand opposition. It is indeed, already.t& be' lamented* that' al though General Sherman may nos have had the anthority'—and he claimed none for. Is imself, re ferring all to the Executive—his plan of Pacifi cation and Re-Union was not promptly confirm ed by the President. It was concise, comprehen. sive, complete; proving him not less wise and great in the science of statesmanship, than grand and triumphant in the arts 'of . war. And it would have made peace, immediate and sincere "peace from the,Potomae to the Rio Grande."— This was his proud congratulatory boast to his army at the end of the great struggle, and not of any victory in the field. Defeating the armed military haste of the Confederacy, his aim, at the close, was to conquer the hearts of its people also, and tope exalted this as the Hero of Peace —the only true heroism in °bill war. • Upon the gnat question of RECONSTRUCTION, as the Democratic - party is without power, so it is without responsibility. It can but accept or reject whatever measures may be proposed. If the polity Which the President may recommend shall appear, upon a calm and deliberate scrutiny best adapted in general to seenre a speedy, com plete, cordial and lasting pacification upon the basis of the Federal Union of the States, it will, in my judgment, be fit and just that the Democ racy, waiving all minor points-of detail, lend to ' him a liberal, earnest and patriotic support in 'carrying it into execution. If, upon the other hand, it be such es can but make 'that solitude which conquerors call peace; or, worse if possi ble, that peace which hangs like a black and heavy pall, over Hungary; Ireland, Poland, then it will be the duty of the Democratic party, with determined-fineness and fearlessness, to ieter pose such constitutional and legal opposition, through the press and in public, assembly, as 'may be just and efficient, till either the ?nisi dent shall be impelled to change both his Cabi net and the measures to which they may have advised him, or the people, peaceably through the ' ballot, shall be enabled to secure pacification and Union by a change ,of Administration and of policies. I say a change, in part or in whole, of the Cabinet, in-advance of the election; be cause, remembering the peculiar, eircumitenees under which the office fellto the President, his advisers, "the Min Wry," are rather to be held responsible thee himself. As to the hitherto vend question of Slavery, allow me to say for myself, that from the very first to the last, with consistency and persistence, I opposed all agitation of the' subject; not for the sake of the institution—l repeat it, not for. the sake of the institution, but because I had been taught by the Fathers to believe, and did truly believe, that it could end only in civil war and disunion,"temporary or eternal—Wroth ,er right or wrong, let the history of the lasi four years decide. The price has now been weighed' out and in part Paid- A heavy score; Yet rer mains. But I will not essay to reckon op and adjun the appalling accounts of debt ..and taxa tion, of suffering, mime, and blood in the past or yet to'Come. Again - I accept the facts, re. joieed, indeed, if under the new order of things, we and our children may enjoy the same meas ure of private happiness and public prosperity which was permitted to us and to our fathers un der the Old Union, "part slave and part free."— And now, if without slavery, reunion and a pa cification real, sincere, and lasting, together with welfare and security to .the people of all the States, WM be made sure, let slavery utterly pfir ish. Mut in no event, let the question stand any longer in the way. I still would prefer the Union, the Federal Union the Old Union—yea, "the Union.as it was, under the Constitution as , it la"—to either slavery or the abolition of sla. , very. Fanatics at home, and envious, supplant- ing statesmen abroad, may not be able or willing to comprehend this conviction i ovary true and liberal-minded American,patriot will. The f° 4 / 1 014 t a l t e of lbeseoth—ber t•hl Infer " • which a feint Morality propoullgealrorae ° than 'a - 1 crime, was in ignorhig the great Anierican idea of 02ga Ocurivax—not an impulse, note precept, not a mere aspiration of national vanity, but a commandment written by the finger of God up on the rivers and mountains and the whole face of the land, and graven thence upon the hearts of the people. It was this, not anti-slavery, which held the border slave States in the Union, and stirred, for good or evil, the whole North and West to such exertions of military, naval and financial force, as never before were put forth by any nation. And it was this grand and pervading national sentiment, hedged by the sanction of destiny, which, according to the measure of my ability, I undertook to expound and justify in the House of Representatives, in 1863, and by this line of argumentation to estab lieh that the Union through peace was inevitable. Nothing but the violence of an intense counter passion, and the terrible pressure of civil war, could have suppressed, even for a time, the pow er of this sentiment among the people of the South alsor Had their leaders forborne to do mend separation and a distinct government, ad hering to the old flag, and, within the Union under the Constitution, firmly but justly, re quired new guarantees for old rights believed to be in peril, they might not, indeed, have bad barren and deluding sympathy from subjects, and false hopes of assistance from kings and em perors in Europe, eager for the decline and fall of the American Republic ; but they would have been cheered by the cordial greetings and the active support of finally an overwhelming ma jority of the States and people of the West and North. But when they established a permanent distinct government and took up arms for inde pendence, they marked out between them and us, a high wall and deep ditch which no man, North or West, could pass without the guilt and the penalties of treason. They went beyond the teachings of their own greatest Statesmen of the past age; for Mr. Calhoun himself had declared in 1831, that "the abuse of power, on part of the agent of (the . Federal Government), to the injury of one or more of the members (the States), would not justify secession on their part; there would he neither the right nor the pretext to secede." No matter who was responsible origi nally for that condition of things which led fi nally to war, nor what the motives and character of the war after its inception—and upon both these piestions I entertain and have expressed opinions as fixed es the solid rock—so far as, the South fought for a separate government, she stood wholly without sympathy or support in the 'States which adhered to the Union. What ever else may happen, her vision of independence has now melted into air. - In the appeal to arms maintained upon both sides for four years with a courage and endurance grandly heroic—she has failed; and though it had happened other wise, still, in my deliberate conviction, her ex periment of distinct government would have failed also. But the sole question really decided by the war, as by peace years before it had been settled, was that two several governments could not exist among the States of the American Union. And here the whole controversy ought to end; with or without slavery, I care not, so it end here. If upon this point, the "Crittenden Resolution" of July, 1861—proposed too, at the same time, in the senate, by Andrew Johnson— should be modified, let it in all else, both in spirit and letter, be exactly carried out. But whatever policy may now be decreed—and I trust it will bee wise, a liberal, a healing policy, it is the part of wisdom for the people of the South - to acquiesce; returning wholly and cor dially to the Union, thus making it once again a Union of consent, a union of hearts and hands as our fathers and their fathers made it at first.— Then will the passions of the recent terrible strife speedily be hushed. Already millions in the North and West regard them as brethren still, and in a little while these millions will be come avast majority, of the people, and will see to it that the solemn pledge be redeemed and the Union restored "with all the dignity, equal ity and rights of the several States unimpaired." With slavery, the people of the South will pros-_ per within that Union, as before. Without sla very, if in a wile andjudicious way, it shall be abolished, they must, in less than a single gen eration—except possibly as to two or three States —becomelmore populoue,proeperous and powerful than any other section. And though every Southern State Government should be re-organ ized—an act both impolitic and unnecessary— yet in ten years, if our Federal system survive, the whole people of every State will be restored to all their rights within the State, and the South hold, along with all her citizens, the same positios of equality and inflect:lee which she held fifty years ago. This is the lesson of history, the law of human nature ; and no narrow, sup pressing spirit of revenge or of bsgotry and sec tionalism, in the forret of test oaths and teasing, restraining, denying regulations w ithout' num ber, can stay the inevitable result-:no, no t 'even though it should succeed now in controlling the civil and military power of the Federal Govern tricks before high As make the angels ween." But to return ; as to the time and manner, as well as the results of abolishing slavery, and gravest of all, what shalt be done with the negro, the power and responsibility are alike with the Administration; and again it will be for the Democratic party, guided by the light of its an: cient principles and looking only to the publie good, simply to accept or reject. The question of the political and social status of the negro, is essentially and totally distinct from the issue of African servitude; and any man may have been or be yet radically anti-sla very, without being a friend to negro suffrage and equality. Party spirit or pressure,. indeed, his driven many into support of the doctrine, con trary to both impulse and conviction; but now the issue is changed. Outside of Slavery, the negro, where admitted to reside in a State, ought to be the eqUal of every other man in all legal rights and remedies, just as is the female or the minor. But political rights end social usage are questions which each State and community or individual must be permitted alone to decide. And four tunneler of Africans are not to become the wards and pupils of the whole American peo ple, nor the Federal Government a vast eleemo synary institution made up of guardians and trustees and professors and schoolmasters for the negro population, Whatever party now, with the pressure of anti-slavery and war removed, undertakes the task, will fall before the popular reaction. Not the people only, but a large ma jority of the army and of its bravest and ablest officers, and foremost among them the gentle man whom I have already named with honor, are determined in their hostility to the whole doctrine of negto'suffrage and equality, and to its natural and necessary but unclean corollary, -miscegenation. And it is not a question of reli glen or philanthropy, as slavery was assumed to be ; but of pure polities. Women, minors and aliens are alike excluded from political rights upon grounds - of public policy; -and yet all are of the human family—nay of our own race, and more yet, are, many of them, our own mothers and sisters and wives nod brothers. A far high er and more impelling public policy, enforced by the example of Mexico and other republics and countries of mixed races not of one common stock, and fifty fold more essential now if four millions of African slaves are to be set free at once among us, forbids political equality to the negro, where we deny it to our own flesh and blood and to those of our own households. Said Mr.,Jefferson forty-four years ago, and after the Mieso.uri Question : "Nothing is more certainly writ ten lii the bo ok of fate,' tban that these people (negro slaves) are - to be free ; nor is it less certain that' the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinc tion between them." And he advised gradual emancipation and de portation. Herein lies both the difficulty and the danger of dealing now with slavery in the South. Upon the question of the political rights of the negro, we are beyond the taunt and reproach of the monarchists of Europe. When they shall have introduced universal white suffrage, re moved the disabilities imposed upon millions of their own subjects, and abolished all titles of no bility and other distinctions of rank, it will be -time enough for them to again interpose in the domestic affairs of the American Republic. On this question, too, the Democratic party bas a record which it cannot reject. It has proclaimed that though all men, of whatever race, may be equal before the municipal law, yet that the gov ernments here were made by, .white men to be controlled by the white race. But be this as it may, the entire-question, whether slavery remain or be abolished, belongs solely to the people of each State to decide fur themselves—else the whale theory of our system of governments has been surrendered, and the system itself is per. isle& Another subject remains upon which lhellem• ()erotic party can yield not one jot or tittle. By every principle of its beteg, by its very name, by its whole record, it is inexorably committed to hostility to all violation of freedom of speech and of the press; to arbitrary arrests and mill. tary commissions for the trial upon any charge, of citizens in States and places where the judi cial tribunals wi' TRIAL BY ;JULY, are unob structed; to tamed or corrupt interference with elections; and to the whole host of other wrongs done to public liberty and private right. There can never be peace, quiet, or—dearest, most needful to the bunion heart, beyond even phys ical health to the systetri,--the sense of security, till all these shall have bees removed from us.— But upon this chiefost question of constitutional liberty, the Demowatio party no longer stands alone. A large majority of the masses of the Republican party, some among their 'most info. en tial presses, and many of the ablest an bravest public men of that party, as the votes and the powerful and manly speeches in the Sen.. ate and House at the late session attest, are wholly with ns. If the President would, by one word, secure the largest public confidence, lot him forthwith restore the habeas corpus and pro claim an end to all these instruments of tyranny and oppression. As to the "Monroe doctrine," I do not doubt that its speedy enforcement would tend more than any other cementing agency, to unite the people of all sections. Without the vindication of that doctrine, the mission of Manifest Destiny will have been but half achieved, and the blood and treasure spent in our civil war largely ex pended in vain. Upon the Monroe doctrine, Englund is estopped to make any issue with us, and must remain at peace. I have said nothing upon questions of Finance —debt, taxation, tariffs, a disordered currency and impending bankruptcy. These are the inev itable penalties of war. But they are mischiefs which have scarce yet been felt. Sufficient, abundantly sufficient unto the day will be the evil thereof, Concerning the Democratic party as an organ ization with new policies arising out of the is sues of hour, many of them to endure for a life-time, it is essential, in my judgment that a new vitality also be infused into it. In nurn bars itis morepowerful than at any former period. That it was unsuccessful has been, at times, but the fate of all parties. In the character, ability, eloquence, integrity and love of country of its public men, and the general intelligence, hon esty and patriotism of its masses, it may chal lenge comparison with any party. But for sev en years, and more, it has lacked unity of pur pose, and therefore energy of action. During the war especially, with the control of but two States - out of the twenty three whieb adhered to the Un ion ; without power, patronage or influ ence in the Federal Administration, and there fore without any special organization er agency authorized or permitted to prescribe a common line of policy and prompt united action upon the new questions daily arising; and with the most vigorous and vehement central authority against it ever known, wielding alike the clamor of pat riotism and the cry c f religion, acting in politics upon military principles and through military instrumentalities, and to the whole power of the purse and that purse the entire wealth of the sword and thataword the entire fighting population of the country, adding a supervision and constraint over press, speech, person, railroad, lightning, highway, steamer and telegraph, all themodes of action and of locomotion and every vehicle of thought, such alone as the fabled Briarius might be supposed able to exert; with every appliance of both Church and State, and of social and business organization combined against it, it is rather amazing that the Democretie party did not perish, than wonderful that it should exhibit -signs of partial paralysis. To-day, indeed, it lies a powerful but inert mass, yet needing only a new life-blood, a fresh vitality, the "proms thean fire," to be infused into it. There are those yet among the living who were actors, es pecially in Jackson's day, and many, younger than I am, who remember when the party was a POWER in the country, exerting all the energy without any part of the terrorism of the late Ad ministration. "Oh, for an hour of Old Dundee !" Without more of courage, more vigor, more au dacity, if you please, in grappling with great questions as in former years, the Democratic party, cannot, ought not to survive, and must give way to some other younger and more vital organization. If it is to remain in its present comatose state, at now the beginning of a new epoch in public affairs, it were far better that it should be hurried out of Sight at once. Certainly Ido not advise that it shall move without occa sion, and waste its superfluous vigor upon the . air. "Rightly to be great is, not to stir without great argument;" and it may be months before policies and issues are sufficiently defined to re quire it to int at all. But the repose of con scious power and the lethargy of threatened die solution ,are very 'different things. - .I have finished now what I would have said in person, bad , I accepted your invitation to be present with you. I have confined my address, I repeat, wholly to conjecture and suggestion ; and desire it especially that I have written not as one having authority, but solely for myself.— Within this limit I have written the more freely because, inasmuch as with the single exception of the honored Governor of New Jersey, no member of the Democratic party is in authority —few even are, in office any where, though among these aro some of the most eminent— each has an equal right to speak to and for the millions of freemen who make up the ranks of that party. I am persuaded, indeed, that by pursuing a line of policy wholly different from that which I have suggested; by rejecting all middle ground ; by offering persistent and indis- AtielinetßO.alri tha e n ii t hY P trihP - Oinee for and seizing upon the changing flood tide of par pe o r p p u l l e n 'P g a s a s i n o d n m a n o d s t r ta a z e a t r i d o o n u o s n q t u h e e s t ra i o any n s w h a i c n h d arc to be met now and decided by the President and his advisers, the Democratic party would, events, control e t e r u ol re o , f th th r e ou g g o h ve t r h n e m fo e r n ta t s after some years and in the natural course of woifthtlitehCeonrsotli,teur tion, and unquestionably the will, set on fire then by "patient search and vigillong," to take ample and violent revenge for wrongs real and imagin ary. Such is the history of all revolutions and all great popular convulsions. But I still seek peace and would ensure it, and know well that meantime and after the event, as for years past, Map the country would be the victim at last. Patri otism and the public repose A6st. alikeL A isi forbid Di G H i t A . C.L.m .. Darren, Ohio, :y e r SCUOOL ACCOUNT nk' South Lebanon Township for the year 18G4 ll RECEIPTS. Tax on Real Estate, do Tenants, do Single, Total Balance left from last year, State Appropriation, Gain Tax, Total Receipts, EXPENDITURES Paid to County Commissioners Orders, Diflcieney in Tax, Collecting Tees, Secretary's Pees, ' Balance in Treasury, $2021 82 The above balance was thrown into the School Fund. BOUNTY ACCOUNT. O F South Lebanon Township. for first Draft RECEIPTS. Tax on Real Estates, - do Tenants and Single Men,.. Head Tax from M. 11. Dissinger, Gained Tax, EXPENDITURES Paid Printing and Scrivoning, Henry Hoak, mtpenses, do refunded Tax, .. . ... Rudolph Streak, note, - Jonas Stager, do, • Mr. Steiner, de., Philip Female; do., Jacob Werner, note and interest,.... Jonas Snyder, note, David Werner Jos. F. Heilman, note, Joseph Bomberger, do , Henry Hank, do., Lebanon National Bank, Stamps, Lost Taxes, Counterfeit note, Joe. F. Heilman, expenses, Balance left, BOUNTY ACCOUNT. O South Lebanon Township, for second Draft RECEIPTS. Tax on Real Estate, do Tenants and single wen, Gained Tax, Paid Jacob Smith, noteEXPENDITURE&, . Beth Light, note Valley National Bank,. Borianual Dundore, note, Henry Shook, - note, Jonas Stag!tr, putting in two substituted, and interest Jonas Snyder, note, Lost Tax, School Board for collecting and paying out tax, Balance left, OOS . F. 71EILMAN, JACOB &HAAR, 'MICHAEL 11. DISSINGEB, 'HENRY DOILNFAt, EMANUEL DUNDORR, • MOSES STROHM, School Directors of South Lebanon Townsitip May 10, 1865. The Bridal Chamber. ANOTE of warning and advice to those suffering with. Seminal Weakness, General Debility, or Premature Decay, from " whatever cause produced. Read, ponder, and reflect I Do wise in Lime. Sent "FREE to any address, for the benefit of the af flicted. Benbby returmmuii Address JAMES S. BUTLER, 420 Broadway, New York. April 19, 1865,-am, M $l3 - 1.3 09 09 70 I 249 G 3 157 1- 37 86 $2O- 82 $lBO 00 1440 70 27 10 78 q 1000 279 17 $12119 a 894 79 275 00 173 00 $12462 22 57 50 50 50 12 560 0") 400 0 300 00 500 00 1008 00 85D 00 1200 00 40D bo 125 00 3000 00 50D0 00 5 .k 07 0 1 0 00 0 00 107 4t $l3 2- $6930 7ri 486 83 47 60 $I 8 $5OO 00 200 00 006 00 725 00 DU 04) 606 00 6 730 145 S 3 ar o 109 0b 4T4 1S
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