The Lebanon advertiser. (Lebanon, Pa.) 1849-1901, August 13, 1862, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    .jt . r't
.Itill,ting-7:
Ulu= orsuncass tuuscuanaucessuuuris.
Neatly and Prorteptly Executed, a the
- AM/EMT/BEE OFFICE, LEBANON, PENN'A
. . _
TEMI establishment is now supplied with an extensive
assortment of JOB TYPE, which will be increased as the
patronage demands. It can now turn nut knowtso, of
every description, in a neat and expeditious umunor—
and on very reasonable terms. Such as
Pamphlets, Checks,
Business Cards, Handbills,
Circulars, Labels,
Bill Headings, Blanks,
Programmes, Bills of Fare,
Invitations, Tickets, &c., &a.
illae" DEEDS of all kinds. Common and Judgment BONDS.
School, Justices', Constables' and other BLANES, printed
correctly and neatly on the best paper, constantly kept
for sale at this office, at prices "to suit the times."
s',,,*Subscription price of the LEBANON ADVERTISER
One Dollar and a Half a Year.
Address, Wit. H. BRESLIN, Lebanon, Pa.
Appeal of the President to
the Border States Con
gressmen.
RESPONSE OF THE DELL
(7' ATION.
The Representatives and Senators
of the border slave-holding States
having, by special invitation of the
President, been convened at the Ex
cutive Mansion on Saturday morn.
ing, the 12th ult., Mr. Lincoln ad
dressed them as follows, from a writ
ten paper held in his band :
Gentlemen :—After the adjournment
of Congress, now near, I shall have
no opportunity of seeing you for sev
eral months. Believing that you of
the Border States hold more power
for good than any other equal number
of members, I feel it a duty which I
cannot justifiably waive to make this
appeal to you.
1. intend no reproach or complaint
when I assure you that, in my opin.
ion, if you all had voted for the reso
lution in the gradual emancipation
message of last March, the war would
now be substantially ended. And
the plan therein proposed is yet one
of the most potent and swift means
of ending it. Let the States which
are in rebellion see definitely and cer
tainly that in no event will the States
you represent-ever join their propos
ed Confederacy, and they cannot
Much longer maintain the contest.—
But you cannot divest them of their
hope to ultimately have you with them
.so long as you show a determination
to perpetuate the institution within
your own States. Beat them at elec
tions, as you have overwhelmingly
done, and nothing daunted, they still
•claim you as their own. You and I
&now what the lever of their power
is.. Break that lever before their fa
ces, and they can shake you no more
forever.
Most of you have treated me with
kindness and consideration, and I
trust you will not now think I improp
erly touch what is exclusive yourown,
when , for the sake of the whole coun
try, lask, "can you, for your States
do better than to tali() the course 1
urge?" Discarding punctilio and max
ims adapted to more manageable times
and looking only to the unprecedent
edly stern fact of our case, can you
do better in anypossible event ? You
prefer that_ the , Constitutional rela
tion of the 'States to the nation - shall.
be practically restored without dis
turbance of the institution; and. if
this were done, my whole duty, in
this respect, under the Constitution
and my oath of office, would bo per
formed. But it is not done, and we
are trying to accomplish it by war.
The incidents of the war cannot be
avoided. If the war continues long,
as it must if the object be no sooner
obtained, the institution in your States
will be extinguished by mere friction
and abrasion—by the mere incidents
of war. It will be gone, and you will
have nothing valuable in lien of it.—
Much of its value is gone already--
How much better fbr you and for
your people to take the step which
at once shortens the war,and secures
substantial compensation for that
which is sure to be wholly lost in any
other event 1 How much better to
thus save the money which else we
sink forever in the war How much
better to do it while we can, lest the
war ere long render us pecuniarily un
able to do it 1 How much better for
you, as seller, and the nation, as a buy.
er, to sell out and buy out that with
out which the war could never have
been, than to sink both the thing to
be sold and the price of it in cutting
one another's throats I
I do not speak of emancipation at
once but of a decision at once to eman
.cipate :gradually. Room in South
.American for colonization can be ob•
tained cheaply, in abundance, and
when numbers shall be large enough
to be a company and encouragement
for one another, the freed people will
not be so reluctant to go.
I am pressed with a difficulty not
yet mentioned—one which threatens
division among\those who, united, are
done too strong. Au instance of it
is known to you. Gen. Hunter is an
honest man. He was and I hope still
is, my friend. I valued him none the
less for his agreeing with me in the
general wish that all men everywhere
'could be freed. He proclaimed all
men free within certain States, and I
:repudiated the proClamation. Ile ex
pected more good and less harm, from
'the measure than I could believe would
follow. Yet in repudiating it I gave
kdissatisfaction, if not offense to many
whose support the country cannot
afford to loose: And this is not the
.end of it. The pressure in this direc-
tion is still upon me and is increas
ing. By conceding what I now ask,
you can relieve me, and much more,
can relieve the country in this impor
tant point.
Upon these consideration I have
.
;again begged your attention to the
message of March last. Before leav
ing the Capitol, consider and discuss
it among yourselves. You are patri•
ots and statesman, and as such spray
you consider this proposition; and at
the least commend it to the consider.
ation of your States and people. A s
you would perpetuate popular govern
ment for the bestpeople in the world,
I beseech you that you do in no wise
omit this. Our common couptry is
in great peril, demanding the loftiest
views and boldest action to bring a
speedy relief. Once relieved, its form
of gpveromer4 is saved to the world;
',wow ' •
0„,
b v t , 0
Afo tritts Cr
. VIRTUE 438ERTY U INDEPENDENCE.
VOL. 14--NO. 8.
its beloved history and cherished mem
ories are vindicated, and its happy
future fully assured and rendered in
conceivably grand. To you, more
than to any others, the privilege is
given to assure that happiness and
swell that grandeur, and to link your
names.therewith forever. •
With a view to a statement of their
position, the Members thus addressed
met in council to deliberate on the re
ply they should make to the Presi
dent, and as the result of a compari
son of opinions among themselves;
they determined upon the adoption
of a majority and. a minority answer.
REPLY OF THE MAJORITY
The following paper was sent to the
President on Thursday, the . l7th ult.,
signed by a majority of the repre ,
sentatives from the border slave-hold
ing States
WASUINOTON July 14, 1862
To the President :---
The undersigned representatives of
Kentucky, Virginia,. Missouri and
Maryland, in the two Houses of Con
gress have listened to your address
with the profound sensibility natural
ly inspired by the high source from
which it emanates, the earnestness
which marked its delivery, and the
overwhelmning importance of the
subject of which it treats. We have
given it a most respectful considera
tion, and now lay before you our re
sponse. We regret that want of time_
has not
.been permitted to us to make
it more perfect.
We have not been wanting, Mr.
President, in respect - to you, and in
devotion to the Constitution and the
Union. We have not been indiffer.
eat to the great difficulties surround
ing you, compared with which all for
mer national troubles have been but
as the summer cloud; and we have
freely given you our sympathy and
support. Repudiating the dangerous
heresies of the Secessionists, we be
lieved, with you, that the war on
their part, is aggressive and wicked,
and - the objects for which it. was to be
prosecuted on ours, defined by your
message atth e e opening of the pres
ent Congress, to be such as all good .
men . should approve, we have not
hesitated to vote all supplies necessa
to carry it -on vigorously. We have
voted all the men and money you
asked, for, and even more; we have
imposed onerous taxes on our people
and they are paying them with cheer
fullness and alacrity; we have encour
aged en listments__and. sen e_
eld _rnany of - -our best men; and some
of our number have offered their per
sons to the enemy as pledges of their
sincerity and devotion to country.—
We have done all this under the most
digeouraging circumstances and in
the face of measures most distastful
to us, and injurious to the interests
we represent, and in the hearing of
doctrines avowed by those who claim
to be your friends, most abhorent to
us and our constituents. But for all
this, we have never faltered,nor shall
we as long as we have a Constitution
to defend and a government which
protects us. And we are ready for
renewed efforts, and even greater sac
rifice, when we are satisfied it is re•
quired to preserve our admirable form
of government and the priceless bless
ings of constitutional liberty.
A few of our number voted for the
resolution recommended by your mes
sage of the 6th of March last, the
greater portion of us did not and we
will briefly state the prominent rea
sons which influenced our action
In the first place it proposed a rad.
Ica' change of our social system, an
was hurried through both houses with
undue hesto, without reasonable time
for consideration and debate, and
with no time at all for consultation
with our constituents, whose interests
it deeply involved. It seemed, like
an interference by this Government,
with a question which peculiarly and
exclusively belonged to our respec
tive States, on which they had not
sought advice or solicited aid. Many
of us doubted the constitutional pow
er of this Government to make ap•
propriations of money for the object
designated, and allot' us thought our
finances were in no condition to bear
the immense outlay which its adoption
and faithful execution would impose
upon the national Treasury. If we
patise but a moment to think of the
debt its acceptance would have entail.
ed we are appalled by its magnitude.
The proposition was addressed to all
the States,and embraced the whole
number of slaves. According to the
census of 1860 there were nearly four
milions slaves in the country; from
natural increase they exceed that
number now. At even the low aver
age of three hundred dollars, the price
fixed by the emancipation act for the
slaves of this district, and greatly be
low their real worth, their value runs
up to the enormous sum of twelve
hundred millions of dollars; and if to
that we add the cost of deportation
and colonization, at one hundred dol
lars each, which is but a fraction
more than is actually paid by the
Maryland Colonization Society, we
have four hundred millions morel—
We were not willing to impose a tax
on our people sufficient to pay the in
terest on that sum, in addition to the
vast and daily increasing debt already
fixed upon them by tne exigencies of
the war; and, if we had been willing,
the country could not bear it. Stated
in this form the proposition is noth
ing less than thedeportation froin the
country of sixteen , hundred millions
dal lars worth .of . producing labor, and
the substitution in its place of an in
terest-bearing debt of the same
amount
LEBANON, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1862.
But, if we are told that it was ex
pected that only the. States we rep
resent would accept the proposition,
we respectfully submit that even then
it involves a sum too great for the fi
nancial ability of this Government at
this time. According to the census
of 1860—
Kentucky had 225,490 slaves.
Maryland 87,000 "
Virginia 490,867 "
Delaware 1,798 "
Missouri 114,965 "
Tennessee 275,788
Making in the whole 1,196,112 slaves
At the saute rate of valuation
these,would amount to $358,833,000
Add for dew - .10.00n and coloni
zation $lOO each 119,244;533
And we have the enormous
sum o f
We did not feel that we should be
justified in voting for a measure which
if carried oat,. would add this vast
amount to our public debt at a mo
ment whom the Treasury was teel,
incl. b under the enormous expenditures
ofth e war.
Again, it seemed to us that this res.
olution was but the annunciation of
It sentiment which could not or was
not likely to be reduced to an actual,
tangible proposition. No movement
was then made to provide and ap
propriate the funds required to carry
it into effect; and we were not encour
aged to believe that funds would be
provided. And our belief has been
fully justified by subsequent events.—
Not to mention other circumstances,
it is quite sufficient for our purpose to
bring to your notice the fact that
while this resolution was under con
sideration in the Senate, our colleague,
the Senator from Kentucky, moved
an amendment appropriating $500,-
000 to the object therein designated,
and it was voted down with great
unanimity. What confidence, then,
could we reasonably feel that if we
committed ourselves to the policy it
proposed, our constituents would reap
the fruits of the promise held out;
and on what ground could we, as fair
men, approach them and challenge
their support?
The right to hold slaves is a right
appertaining to all the States of this
Union. They have the right to cher.
ish or abolish this institution as their
tastes or their interests may prompt,
and no (melts authorized to question
the right or limit its enjoyment. And
no one has more clearly affirmed that'
right than you have. Your inaugu
ral address does you great honor in
this respect, and inspired the :country
with confidence in your fairness and
respect for the law. Our States are
not feel called on to defend the insti
tution, or to affirm that it is one which
ought to be cherished; perhaps if wo
were to make the attempt, We might
find that we differ even among our
selves. It is enough for our purpose
to know that it is a right; and so know
ing, we did not see why we should
now be expected to yield to it. We
had contributed our full share to re.
lieve the country at this terrible cri•
sis; we had done as much as had been
required of others, in like circumstan
ces; and we did not see why sacrifices
should be expected from us from
which others, no more loyal, were ex
empt. Nor could we see what good
the nation would derive from it. Such
a sacrifice submitted to by us would
not have strengthened the arm of this
Government or weakened that of the
enemy. It is not necesary as a pledge
of our loyalty, for that had been man
ifested heyono a reasonable doubt in
every form and at every place possi
ble. There was not the remotest
probability that the States we repre
sent would join in the rebellion, nor
is there now; or of their electing to
go with the Southern section in the
event of a recognition of the indepen
dence of any part of the dissatisfied
region. Our States are fixed unalter
ably in their• resolution to adhere to
and support the Union; they see no
safety for themselves and no hope for
'constitutional liberty but by its pre
servation. They will under no cir
cumstances consent to its dissolution,
and we do them no more than justice
when we assure you that while the
war is conducted to prevent that de
plorable catastrophe, they will sustain
it as long as they can muster a man
or command a dollar. Nor will they
ever consent, in any event, to unite
with the Southern Confederacy. The
bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrine of
that region will forever prevent them
from placing their security and happi
ness in the custody of an association
which has incorporated in its organic
law Lie seeds of its own destruction.
We cannot admit, Mr. President,
that if we had voted for the resolu
tion in the emancipation message of
March last, the war would now be
substantially ended. We are unable
to see how our action in this particu
lar has given, or could give, encour
agement to the rebellion. The reso
lution has passed ; and if there be vir
tue in it, it will be quite as efficacious
as if we had voted for it. We have
no power to bind our State in this re
spect by our votes here and wheth.
er we had voted the one way or the
other, they are in. the same condition
of freedom to reject it's provisions.—
No, sir, the war has not been prolong
ed or hindered by our action on this
or any other measure. We must
look for other causes for that lament
ed fact. We think there is not much
difficulty, not much uncertainty, in
pointing out others far more proba
ble and potent in their agencies to
that end.
The rebellion derives its strength
from the tnion'ofull classes in the
insurgent States and while - thatan•
ion lasts the war will never end until
they are utterly exhausted. We
know that:at the inception.: of -these
troubleti Southern society was divid
ed, and that a large portion, perhaps
a majority, were opposed to seces
sion. .New, the great' mass of South
ern peOple .are united.. To discover
why they are so we must glance at
Southern society and notice the clu
es into Vihieh it has been divided, and
which atilt distinguish it. They are,
in arms; but not for the same object, ;
they are moved to a common end, but
by different and inconsistent reasons.
The leaders, which comprehends what
was preViensly.known as the State
Rights party, and is much the lesser
class, seek to break down national
independence and Set up State denom
inationj
..With them it is a war
against •rationality. The other class
is fighting, as it supposes, to maintain
and preServe its rights of property
and deMestic safety, which it has
been nialie-he believe are assailed. by
this Government. This latter class"
are dot disunionists per se;
they are
so only, because they have been made
to belieVe that this administration is
inimical to.their rights, and is inak
ing war 911 . their domestic institutions.
As long = s_
tthese two classes act to
gether, . hey will never assent to
peace. . 'he policy, then, to be pur
sued is obvious. The ormer class
will nev r-be reconciled, but the latter
may be. I, Remove their apprehension.
Satisfy thein' that no harm is intend
ed to them and their institutions, that
this Government is not making war
on their rights of property, but is sim
ply defending its legitimate authori
ty, and they will gladly return to their
allegiance as soon as the pressure of
military dominion imposed by the
Confederate authorities is removed
from them.
$478,078,133
Twelve months Ago both houses of
Congress, adopting the spirit of your
message, then but recently sent in,
declared with singular unanimity the
objects of the war, and the country
instantly bounded to your side to as•
sist you in carrying it on. If the
spirit of that resolution had been ad
hered to we are confident that we
should before now have seen the end
of this deplorable conflict. But what
have we seen ? In both houses of Con
gress we have doctrines subversive of
the principles of the Constitution, and
seen measure after measure founded
in substance on those doctrnes pro
posed and carried through, which can
have no other effect than to distract
and divide loyal men, and exasperate
and drive'still further from us and
their duty the people of the rebel
lious States. Military officers, follow
in t Kesli o ttacLexAtual es }image
~eyOa C ato-dust limits of tnele - or:
ity in - the same direction, until in
several instances you have felt the
necessity of interfering to arrest them.
And even the passage of the resolu
tion to which you refer has been os
tentatiously proclaimed as the tri
umph of the principle which the peo
ple of the Southern States regard as
ruinous to them. The effect of these
measures was foretold, and may now
be seen in the indurated state of
Southern feeling.
To these causes, My. President, and
not to our omission to vote for the res
olution recommended by you, we sol
emnly believe we are to attribute the
terrible earnestness of those in arms
against the Government and the con
tinuance of the %var. Nor do we (per
mit us to say, Mr. President, with all
respect for you) agree that the insti•
tution of slavery is "the lever of their
power," but we are of the opinion
that "the lever of their power" is the
apprehension that the powers of a
common government, created for com
mon and equal protection•to the inter
ests of all, will be wielded against the
institutions of the Southern States.
There is one other idea hi your ad
dress we feel called on to notice. Af
ter stating the fact of your repudia
tion of General Hunter's proclama
tion, you add
"Yet, in repudiating it, I give dissatisfaction,
if not offence, to many whose support the coun
try cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end
of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon
me, and is increasing. By conceding, what I
now ask.you can relieve me, and much more, can
relieve the country in this important point."
We have anxiously looked into this
passage to discover its true import,
but we are yetin painful uncertainty.
How can we, by conceding what you
now ask, relieve you and the county
from the increasing pressure to which
you refer? We will not allow our
selves to think that the proposition
is, that we consent to give up slavery,
to the end that the Hunter proclama
tion may be let loose on the South
ern people, for it is too well known
that we would not be parties to any
such measure, and we have too much
respect for you to imagine you would
propose it. Can it mean that by sac
rificing our interest in slavery we ap
pease the spirit that controls that
pressure, cause it to be withdrawn,
and rid the county of the pestilent
agitation of the slavery question ?
We are forbidden so to think, for
that spirit would not be satisfied with
the liberation of 700,000 slaves, and
cease its agitation, while three mil
lions remain in bondage. Can it mean
that by abandoning slavery in our
States we are removing the pressure
from you and the country, by prepar
ing for a separation on the line of the
cotton States ? We are forbidden so
to think, because it is known that
we are, and we believe that you are,
unalterably opposed to any division
at all. We would prefer to think that
you desire this concession as a pledge
of our support, and thus enable you
to withstand a pressure which weighs
heavily on you and the country. Mr.
President, no such sacrifice is neces
sary to secure our support. Confine
:yourself to your constitutional au
thority ; confine : .your Subordinates
within the same litnits4 ooncluot t..tds
war solely for the purpose of rester.
ing the Constitution to its legitimate
authority ; concede to each State and
its loyal citizens their just rights, and
we are wedded to you by indissolu
ble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and
you touch the American heart and
invigorate it with new hope. You
will, as we sincerely believe, in due
time restore peace to your country,
lift it from despondency to a future
glory; and preserve to your country
men, their posterity, and man, the
inestimable treasure of constitutional
goverment.
- Mr. President, we have stated with
frankness and candor the reasons on
which we forbore to vote for the res.
olution you have mentioned; but you
have again presented this proposition,
and appealed to us, with an earnest.
ness and eloquence which have not
failed' to impress us, to "consider it,
and at the least to - commend it to the
consideration of our States and people.'
Thus appealed to by the Chief Mag
istrate of our beloved country, in the
hours of its greatest peril, we cannot
wholly decline. We are willing to
trust every question relating to their
interest and happiness to the consid
eration and ultimate judgment of
our people. While differing from you
as to the necessity of emancipating
the slaves of our States as a means of
putting down the rebellion, and while
protesting against the propriety of
any extra territorial interference to
induce the people of our States to
adopt any particular line of policy on
a subject which peculiarly and exclu•
sively belongs to them ; yet when you
and our brethren of the loyal States
sincerely believe that the retention
of slavery by us is an obstacle to
peace and national harmony, and are
willing to contribute pecuniary aid
to compensate our States and people
for the inconvenience produced by
such a change of system, we are not
unwilling that our people shall con
sider the propriety of putting it aside.
But we have already said that we
regarded this resolution as the utter.
ante of a sentiment, and we had no
confidence that it would assume the
shape of a tangible, practical proposi
tion, which would yield the fruits of
the sacrifice it required. Our people
are influenced by the same want of
confidence, and will not consider the
proposition in its present impalpable
form. The interest they are asked
to give up is to them of immense ha
portance, and ought not to be expect.
ed even to entertain the proposal un
til they are assured that when they
accept it their just expectations will
r - NY - q" ' • • r
plan as a proposition from the nation
to the States to exercise an admitted
constitutional right in a particular
manner and yield up a valuable inter
est. Before they ought to consider
the proposition it should be present.
ed in such a tangible, practical, effic
ient shape as to command their con
fidence that its fruits are contingent
only upon their acceptance. We can
not trust anything to the contingen
cies of future legislations. If Con
gress, by proper and necessary legis.
lation, shall provide sufficient funds
and place them at your disposal to be
applied by you to the payment of any
of our States or the citizens thereof
who shall adopt the abolishment of
slavery, either gradual or immediate,
as they may determine, and the ex
pense of deportation and colonization
of the liberated slaves, then will our
States and people take this proposi
tion into careful consideration, for
such decision as in their judgement
is demanded by their interest, their
honor, and their duty to the whole
country.
We have the honor to be, with
great respect,
C. A. WICKLIFFE, Chairman.
GARRETT DAVIS,
R. WILSON,
J. J. CRITTENDEN.
JNO. S. CARLISLE,
J. W. CRISFIELD,
J. S. JACKSON,
11. °RIDER,
JOHN S. PHELPS,
FRANCIS THOMAS.
CHARLES B. CALVERT,
C. L. L. LEARY,
EDWIN 11. WEBSTER,
R. MALLORY,
AARON HARDING,
JAMES S. ROLLINS,
J. W. MENZIES.
THOS. L• PRICE,
G. W. DIINLA.P,
WM. A. HALL.
Who Can be Drafted
As it is now determined that drafting
shall take place, an interest is felt to know
who is exempt. A section of the bill
passed by ;ongress July 15, 1862. provides:
"That whenever the President of the llama, States
obeli call forth the militia of the Statue. to be employed
in the service of the Unit-d Utntee t he may specify in
his call the I ..roni for Which bush berViCt, will he
qutred, rod exci•ding nine months; and the militia Ito
,g . “l shaft be atuat,ree in and continue to Mlle for and
dune!) the term so specified, un less sooner ditChar.yrd by
conimund of the Pi eeletend if. by reason of defects in
existing lows or in the execution of thorn 10 tht• sever.
at States, or any of them, it shall be foued necessary
to provide tar enrolling the militia, and otherwise put
ting this act into execution.the President is author.zed
in such cases to make all necenery rules and urgent.
Moue ; aril the enrollment of the militia shall in ail
cafes include all able bodied male citizens &besot the
oats of eighteen and forty fiat, and 611mIt be apportion
ad among Mutilates accolding to representative popu
lation."
It will be seen from the above that the
President has uo rower to draft except
for nine months.
Each State has its own laws in regard to
the enrollment of the militia force, and
and these laws generally embody the wan
ner in which drafting shall be carried out,
when called for by the National Govern
ment.
According to the laws of Pennsylvania
all able-bodied white male citizens,between
the ages of 21 and 45 years, residing in
the State, and not exempted by the laws
of the .tfolted States, shall be subject to
military duty ; excepting
1. Ail permute in the .rmy and navy of the United
Slate.
IL Ministers and preachars at thr Gospel. and pro.
1 , 46/10r4 of collrgos mod school directors, and all jcinges
of the owyttral CAM* of this co.iornonwe k ith.
HI ..4wilonet who hmr. h.4th horpol t ir ehsitt be.
regularly and boo 'viably disolisiged from , the army and
navy of the United.fgatee in consequence of the perfor.
mace of military duty; in putout , * of any law of this
14a rlir te : Onsombeloned °MOMS mho shall have served au
mien in the tuilitiaof this State or any one of the United
WHOLE NO. 686.
States, for the space of five consecutive years ; but no
office shall be so exempt unless by his resignation, after
such term of service duly accepted, or In such other law
ful manner, he shall have been honorably discharged.
V. Every non-commissioned officer, musician, and pri
vate of every uniformed troop raised, who haa or shall
hereafter Uniform himself according to the provisions of
auy law of this State, and who shall have performed ser
vice in such company or troops for the apace of seven,
consecutive years from the time of his enrollment there
in, shall be exempt from military duty, except in case of
war, insurrection, or invasion.
. .
VI. If any member of such company, or troop, who
shah hive beau regularly uniformed and equipped, shall
upon his removal out of the beat of such company, or
troop, or upon the disbandment thereof; enlist in any
other uniformed company, or troop, and uniform and
equip himself therefor, and serve in the same, whenever
the whole time of his service in such companies, or
troops computed together, shall amount to seven years,
ho shall be exempt from military duty in like manner as
if he had served for the whole period in the company or
trooped's which he was first enrolled; the certificates
from the commanding officers of such companies shall be
the proof of such service.
By the laws of the United States the
persons exempted from military duty are
the Vice President of the United States;
the officers, judicial and executive, of the
Government of the United States ; the
members of both Houses of Congress and
their respective clerks ; all customhouse
officers, with their cleks; all post officers
and stage-drivers who are employed in the
care ":and —conveyance ,of the mail of
the post office of the UnitEd States ;
all ferrymen employed at any ferry on the
post toad ; all inspectors of exports ; all
mariners actually employed in the sea ser
vice of any citizen or merchant within the
United States; ail postmasters,post-riders,
and drivers of mail stages, assistant
postmasters and clerks regularly employed
and engaged in post offices. Idiots,
lunatics, papers, habitual drunkards,
and persons convicted of infamous crimes,
are also exempt.
The enrollment of perkons subject to
military duty is conducted as follows : The
assessors chosen in each city shall make a
return of all persons in their respective
districts between the ages of 21. and 45
years liable to be enrolled by the laws of
the General Government. All those ex
empted from service shall pay annually the
sum of fifty cents. Every person embraced
in the military roll shall receive a notice
that he is enrolled. As soon as the roll is
completed,the assessors shall cause notices
to be put up iu conspicuous public
places setting lorth that they have made
their roll of persons liabl to draft, and
that the roll is with one of their number,
where all interested can call and examine
until the said assessors meet to review the
enrollment.
Any person claiming exemption on ac
countof physical defect or bodily infirm ty,
or by the laws of this Sta.e or of the Uni
ted States, may, before the day specified in
the notice, make an affidavit before some
one qualified to take the same, of his ex
emption, which shall be filed in the office
of the City or County Commissioner, and
any person swearing fs,lsely shall be liable
to a prosecution for perjury, On the day
the Commissioners shall meet to review
the enrollments, they shall make a certified
list of the persons they shall determine to
be exempt,,and shall file said list in their
office fur the Future guidance of Assessors
and Commissioners.
A Draft for 300,000 Militia for
WASHINGTON, Aug. 4.—The following
order has just been issued
WAR DEPARTAIRNT,
WASLITNGTOK, D. 0., Aug. 4, 1862.
Order calling. for militia from the several
States :
Orderal—lst. That a draft of 300,000
militia be immediately called into the ser
vice of the United States, to serve for
nine months, unless sooner discharged.—
The Secretary of War will assign the quo
tas to the. Slates, and establish regulations
for the draft.
2d. That if any State shall not, by the
15th of August, furnish its quota of the
additional 300,000 volunteers authorized
by law, the deficiency of volunteers in that
State will also be made by special draft
from the militia. The Secretary of War
will establish regulations for this.
3d. Regulations will be prepared by the
War Department and presented to the
President, with the object of securing the
promotion of:officers of the army and vol
unteers, for meritorious end distinguished
services, and of preventing the nomination
or appointment in the military service of
incompetent or unworthy officers. The
regulations will also provide' for ridding
the service of such incompetent persons
as now bold commissions.
By order of the President.
EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War
FROM CAPT. WEIDMAN,
tIv"1
Describing the Battles before Biehmoud
Capt. Biddle, as he came by, passed directly in
front of me, and I was struck with the expres
sion of his countenance, and the oddness of his
manner. I had met him several times, to be sure,
even on the field of battle, and been much pleas
ed by the elegance of his address, his courtesy,
and the cheerfulness of his countenance and con
versation, even when suffering from a severe
head ache, in which condition he once was. On
the present occasion, he looked steadily at me,
but did not return my salute, or that of any of
the other officers, with the majority of whom he
was well acquainted personally, both since and
before the war. At the time I attributed it to
pre-occupation of mind, although he was not at
all the kind of man to neglect any of the ameni.
ties'uf life. I have since thought he was in that
state, which the Scotch call "fey," and which
means one, exactly the contrary to that frame of
mind in which a man usually is, and in their
opinion denotes the immediate happening of some
great stroke of good or bad fortunes to the indi
vidual. I suppose I should have thought noth
ing of the kind had he not been killed. I did
not, of Course, hear the conversation between
Col. Childs and bite, but I was told that he in
sisted that there could not be a stronger posi
tion, and that 500 men could hold it against ten
thousand, which may be true, fur all I know, but
it did not look so. iden'l Seymour, when be
came up to me, which he shortly after did, also
approved of it, but it was by his order, I believe,
toe infantry were put between the artillery and
cavalry.
Cul. Childs soon after they left the field, be
came SD convinced of the extreme danger, to
which our squadron would be exposed, that he
took us away, and put us in a wood to the rear,
and right of the remainder of the regiment, but
entirely disconnected with it. Ile left Capt.
Herron, with no positive orders, but pointed out
a wood-road leading up the slight'bill in front of
us, from the left of the squadron,-and told him if
anything could be done that was the road to do
it by. Tbis led to the edge of the wmads, which
w a s hounded by the swamp, the extremity of
which nearest to the etteuiy had been uncovered
by' the removal of,our squadron, and whish wag
now on the right of the left wing, composed of
the Cos. of Captains Young, Dart, Tombler, Dun
can, McCullough and such men as Capt. Taylor
bad been stile to collect, after the disastrous dis
pinion suffered by them, astien't MoCa Ire body
guard on Friday. The whole force of the regi-
Me& on the' field erns - about 400 men. Colonel
Childs also set a' party of men.. to work, to tear
down 'the fences in the neighborhood, and throw
enough rails into they Swamp about two -lengths
wide, to enable - the horses to cross the swamp,
safely, If not sexily. This he had done at two
plums, fir the 'rear of his right, and in me of his
eaustre.., thp eases, thins, on the right and
rear of ottr'pottition, fit one place having' the .m.4.in
it I atoll 5101trii,str.
A FAMILY PAPER FORTOWN AND COUNTRY
IS PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEE ZLT
By WI!. Ble BRESLIN,
2d Story of Funek's New Building, Cumbertand St
At One Dollar and Fifty Cents a Year.
- •
.I,"•Anvaerreitimirts inserted at the usual rants. -sit
The friends of the establishment, and the public poor
ally are t espectfully solicited to send in their orders-
Aiiir/lANDBILLS Printed at an home Ito**.
RATES OF POSTAGE.
In Lebanon County, postage free.
In Pennsylvania, out of Lebanon county 334; cents pe
quarter, or 13 cents a year.
Out of this State, 63 cts. per quarter, or 26 chi. a slot
if the postage is not paid in advance, rates are doubled.
New Market road touching on our right , so that
we could go tiff at once, if necessary. Our squad.
ron did not dismount. We remained in the posi
tions described a long while, until at length the
first shell howled through the air above us. There
ensued a storm of shell and musketry, and for all
I know grape and canister of the most fearful
character. The fire itself was hotter and heavier
than any we had been exposed to, and swept our
fernier ground like a broom. It was also more
concentrated, and the hustling of the larger mile.
silos as they flew over oar heads into the swamp
or field behind, or exploded in the air over our
beads, sometimes not more than ton feet above,
behind or before us, received additional effect
from the mashing of the limbs of trees as they
were cut away, and the reverberation of the sound
through the woods. Oar men and horses stood.
quietly, one of the latter occasionally making a
plunge, which was met by the shout of his offi
cer, "Steady there, in the cen tre, in the leftfiank,
in the right, or in the rear rank," as the ease
might be. At length, when we had stood this
about half an hour or three quarters, indications
of what bad happened began to show themselves.
Ralf a dozen wagons and ambulances first passed
down the road at full speed,—next came strag
glers, at first one or two, then half a dozen, and
at last in crowds. Seven or eight riderless her.
sea, flew by also as hard as they could pelt, and
Capt. Derma filed us out, and also moved as
down the toad, at a steady trot, calling on the
infantry to mop, threatening to shoot them with
his raised pistol and otherwise doing his best, to
reform the men. It was, however, in vain. The
remonstrances of the Rev. Mr. Cult, Chaplain of
the Sixty- Sixth P. V. (Col. Cake,) who displayed
the most perfect coolness in all the turmoil, seem
ed to have some effect, but not much. After we
had gone about a mile, the Colonel rejoined as,
with a portion of the left wing, and then as we
formed, from than to time across the road, or re.
tired, as we saw our efforts were unavailing, to a
new position, we learned from our comrades what
had happened.
The enemy in heavy force came across the
field in front of our aix pieces, receiving their
fire with steadiness, and returning it as fiercely,
until it got to , he too hot for their stay, and as the
infantry was not advanced to their support, they
limbered up three pieces and retired with theist
before their men and horses were all destroyed ;
the infantry rose from the ground, where they
were lying down to protect themselves, delivered
one, two or three notifies, Some deny that they
fired at all, and broke. They fled directly back
on our dismounted left wing, who, sharing their
panic, tubed along with them, some mounted.
and some dismounted. It was in vain that Col.
Taggart, in the first instance, and Col. Child's af
terwards tried to stop the rout, in that part of oar
line; it was complete. Col. Childs sent Adj.
Biddle to stop those farthest ad, and it was whilst
on this duty that be was wounded in the leg jest
below the knee. lie was soon attended to by Dr.
Marsh, the regimental Surgeon, who on this oc
casion displayed an unexpected solicitude for the
wounded, and did his duty nobly and well. Oar
gallant Colonel remained the last man on the
field, calling on the men not to desert him, when
finally the eeeond platoon of Capt. IdeCullongt4
company, whieh were on the extreme left rallied
around him,
and swore they would never desert
him. With this nucleus he managed to collect
the most of the left wing, and rejoined our squad
ron, as I before stated. Another platoon of the
left wing behaved very creditably, and did real
aerviee. This was the first platoon of Co. 8., na
tter the immediate command of Ist Lieut. Parke,
a young officer of whose good conduct I have
bad Eeverat occasions to speak highly. With
some faults, natural to a high.epirited and im
pulsive youth of twenty, he hail many excellent
qualities, and superior, although uncultivated
natural abilities. Capt. Young, than whom there
is no better officer of his rank, ordered his com
pany to wheel first by forming the right, and then
to the left, which of course, brought them, near
er to, and still faeisig the rebels. This platoon
only obeyed the command, the others flying with
•• left wine 'di ieu 'arse on.
the rigat, an u g, a ice e, sw a y
advanced, ate walk, then a trot, and finally' drew
their sabres to charge, when Gen't Seymour him
/tell ordered them back. At this moment an in
fantry officer, shot through the right wrist, cam*
up, and pointed out a 20-pound Parrott gun, be
longing to a New York battery close by deserted,
and suggested that it might be saved. Capt.
Young withdrew his platoon to the woods, and
himself and Lieut. Parke went out with ten dis
mounted men, hauled it into the woods from
whence it was finally removed and saved. As
the rebels Were coming up fast, our troops de
serting the field s the fire severe and heavy, and
the gun one of the best sort of field pieces we
have, I think, that I do not say too much, when
I say, that both Capt. Young, Lieut. Parke, and
the men of that platoon, deserve a more perma
nent and authoritative notice of their achieves
meet than the sketches of an obscure writer, or
the columns of a country newspaper will give
them. From this point, our whole duty consist
ed in stopping stragglers, and sending them back
to the new lines forming, and as reinforcements
had now come up and the tide of battle was turn
ing against the rebels we really had not much to
do, except to sit in our saddles, and listen to the
roar of the cannon and musketry from: thebattle
about 2 miles distance. This we did, retaining,
however, our foimation, and never dismounting.
This continued until it became manifest that the
enemy was repulsed, and it must have been with
great loss. Our own was heavy, and the hospi
tal in the immediate neighborhood where we en
camped was crowded by sick and wounded, so
that many had to be laid on stretchers on the
lawn, and in the garden. We then bivouacked
on fine ground behind the hospital, and about
one o'clock were roused to commence a march
which I shall never think of, without feelings of
profound shame, regret and the deepest sympa
thy and pain for those whose fate was involved
in its haste, and who might so easily in my judg
ment have been saved from the captivity impend
ing over them. I snpppse Capt. Herron had hie
orders, As was his right and duty he led off the
column, but at such a rate of speed that we,. the
eccotd division of bid squadron, had lost him.bar,
the time we reached the road we were to go. which
was not two hundred yards distant. As he had:
given me no orders of any kind except that we
were to march, and as I was therefore not bound
to proceed faster than the usual gait, I felt no
responsibility, but I did net like to see affairs
conducted in this way. Byshard riding we caught
up with his rear before a great while, but great
part of his men were far before—and we had lost
our own. The roads were filled with artillery
and wagon trains, and this is what made me feel.
ashamed, many of the wagons being empty, ow
ing to the destruction of stores at Savage's Ste-.
tie% all of which pysed by the old church in,
which our poor sick and wounded were laying':
without tre effort or au offer so far as I know from
the Quarter Masters in charge of the trains to
transport them to the place of entire safety to,
which we and they were hurrying. At any rate.
it was not done. The conveyance would have,
been rough, and some would have died, but the.
great majority would soon have been enjoying.
the kind attentions and fond caresses of dears
ones, as many who were removed, now are, and.
the sublime devotion of the Surgeons who re
mained with them in their peril, would have been
saved for seine more necessary occasion. It wax
in this church that Dr. Marsh, Lieut. Biddle and
several of the wounded of our regiment were,
placed, and here they were taken, when the ene
my came up, for besides the transportation I have.
alluded to, there was none, and those in chargeof
that seemed wholly occupied in securing their
own safety. Lieut. Biddle was much beloved in
the regiment. His manly form and generous,.
open character prepossessed all involuntarily in
his favor, and he displayed great coolnees and
courage, amid the confusion of the panic. Col..
Childs is doubtful whether be was not wounded
at the time he went, in obedience to his order s
to stop the rout of the men ; it is certain, that he.
was before that end was attained, and he soon
had to be supported on his horse, where hefaint
ed, and was finally tomtit/ea from the field on a
stretcher.
The result itif our hasty night march, was, that.
when the Captains reached the ground appointed
for the assembling of our regiment, as well es the
whole army, each of us bed about six men, ex
cept Capt. Herron. who had managed to keep.
about forty of his with him. However, they
gradually came up, and we were moved once ire
search of more favorable ground for cavalry, bat.
finally returned to the immense field in which an
army corps or two made their appearance, Fur
rounding Gen. McClellan'e head quarters, which
were within 600 yards of us. That night we,
were again on the march for liarrison'a Loading s ,
expecting an attack of gueirillas on the march.,
which did nets however, happen, and drawn eta
on our arrival in front of the landing to. maize
an attack of the enemy's cavalry in forces which
.we were given to anderstand wield certainly hap
pen. As there were several infantry regiment