THE
CLEARFIELD REPBBLICAll
CLEARFIELD, FA.
EITABLIIHVD IK IStt.
Tba Urgeel Cirelatee el" ugi Newspaper
la North Caatral PenBeylraala.
Tenni of Subscription.
h .Id la advenee, er wltkla I moalks..M M
II cild after 1 Bad bafiin meatka
j,,id after tbo explratloa af aoatka... 1 OO
Rates oi AdVertisinf. .
Transient advertisements, par so, aara af 10 Haas or
l,, I llmea or less tl
p,,, each subsequent lasertloa 61
. i,l.litralori' and Executors' uotleec t it
Auditors' notle t t
Cations end E.trnya I 0
u,nolalloa notices a
p,or,lonel Cardi, i llaea or loil,l Jul... I M
aotloea,por Una H
YEARLY ADVERTISKMKNTB.
lao.re. .. ol
, ..! t oolama ft N
I i,aam-....... I eolama 110 M
0. B. OOODLANIIEH,
Publisher.
darflH.
TT W. SMITH,
ATTORNBY-AT-LAW,
tltlM Clearfield, Pa.
T J. LINGLE,
ATTOBNEY-AT - LAW,
1:11 Phlllpabara;, Centra Co., Pa. y:pd
G.
RAW. BARRETT,
ATTOESETS AHD COUNSELORS AT LAW,
CLEARFIELD, PA.
January m, uri.
TSRAEL TEST,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Clearfield, Pa.
aer-OBee la Iba Coarl Hoase. tlyll.'tT
HENRY BRETH,
(ONTRRD P. 0.)
JUSTICE OF THE l'EACE
roii bill Tnirjinir.
Til. .f. McCULLOUGH,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
CLEARFIELD, PA.
Oi In Maseale bulldiag, Saeond street, op.
pouts tba Ooart lloaia. JezA.'Ts-tf.
C. ARNOLD,
UW A COLLECTION OFFICE,
CURWEN8VILLK,
ilt Clearleld Couavr. Pena'e. I4y
s.
T. BROCK BASK,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
CLKARPIKLD, PA.
Offlee la Optra House, ap 14,TT-ly
JAMES MITCHELL,
ubalbb i
Square Timber & Timber Lands,
jtll'71 CI.KARFIKLD, PA.
s.
V. WILSON,
ATTORN Kir AT LAW,
OAc aaa don- . of Witara Hotel building,
op ( oi it Court llou.
Hi..i,77. CLEAHFIELD, PA.
j;ilANK FIELDING,
ATTOKNKY-AT-LAW,
Clearfield, Pt
Will fttUnd to ill buflnMi ei.tTa.vtad to Urn
piwtnptljr and fftlthfnllj. Jan 17
J P. SNYDER,
ATTORNKY AT LAW,
CLEAItKlKLD, PA.
Olliot In I'le' Opera Quum.
Jaae 96, 'THtf.
VILLI AH 4. WALLAra.
ItUT r. WALLACR.
PA 111 L. KltKMa
JOHX W. WRILBT.
WALLACE A KREBS,
(Sanaiiora to Wallace A Fleldlag,)
ATTORNEYS-AT-LAW,
Jaol'77 Clearfield, Pa.
r. 0'a.arra. . , a. a. ubaban.
BUCK (iKAHAM.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
CLaaariaLD, pa.
AH legal basiaess promptly attended to. Offlue
la Urabiai'a Row roemi formerly eecanled by
H. B. bwonpe. Julyl4, 'rS-tf.
raos. a. RtraaAT. cvaua eosr-os.
jJURRAY A GORDON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
CLKARPIKLD, PA.
Br0fdee la Pie'i Opera Home, second floor.
t:M'74
rosara a. b'bxali.v. babul w. a'cuanr.
fcENALLY & McCURDY
ATTORN E YS-AT-L A W,
L teamen, fa.
ALenal bailoeat atteaded to promptly wltbj
IJ.litjr. Otioa oa Sieoad etreet, above tba Pint
National Bank. Jaa:l:tl
O. KilAMER,
A T T O R N E Y - A T - L A W ,
Real liUta and Colleetioa Aat,
CI.BARPI EX.D, PA.,
Will promptly attend to all legal builaeaa aa
trailed to hia earn.
-OBea la Pia'i Opera Uoaia. Jul '
J P. MeKENRICK,
ATTOUNEY AT LAW,
CLKARPIKLD, PA.
All legal baalae. catra.ted ta bis aara will re
nin prompt attaatlaa.
Offloa eppoilte Coart lloaae, la Maaoale Bulldlag,
aieoad loot. augM,'7S.y,
JOHN L. CUTTLE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
lad Heal Eatata At, Clearfield, Pa.
OBee aa Third .treat, bat. Cbarry A WalnaL
aaaT-Ra.peetfnlly affer. bi. service, la a.lllag
aad baylag leads la Clearleld aad adjoiaiag
eeaatlea Bad wltk aa eaporteBoe ol over tweaty
ytars aa a eareeyer, flatter, kimsslr tbat ba aas
reaaat aatlsfaatlot. reb. H;l:tr,
JJR E. M. SCHEURER,
DOMdtOPATHIO PHYSICIAN,
OBea IB reiidface ea Firs at
April 14, 1171. ' Clearteld, Pa.
TVl. W. A. MEANS,
fll YSICIAN k SURGEON,
LVTRRRSBURU, PA.
"IH atlead profasaioBal calls promptly, aaglfl'lfl
T. J. BOTKR,
fH V8ICIAN AND SDRQ EON,
OBea aa Market Street, Clearteld, Pa.
rOBc koarst la II a. m , aad I to I p. aa.
JJR. J. KAY WRIfiLEY,
HOMU'.PATHIO PHYSICIAN,
0flea adjolalag Ike re.ideaee af James
" "ay, nee,., a geeoad at, Clearaeld, ra.
Jijii,'; t(.
H. B. VAN VALZAH,
CLEARPIELI), PKNN'A.
t't'FlcE IN MASONIC BUI LD1NU.
JBT OBea koare-Frera II la t P. M.
May It, l7
T)Il J. P. BURCH FIELD,
largaaa ef tka lid Iiglmial, P.aanleeala
elaateera, kaelag retmraed from tka Army,
hi. prefeaaiaaal serrleee u UeelU.eas
'Cliartaldeaaaly.
0 pr.fai.laaal ealla promptly aluated le.
,,. i Saeead Itri.t, formerlyoaeaplad by
"'Wart,. (apri, t M
UARRV RNYDKR,
BARBER AND HAIRDRESSER
""p ca Market St. appoatta Ceart HoBaa.
A eteaa towal far aver, aaalaaaar.
Alee ajaBafaetarer af
ikl4' Al-tieJea fa Maaau Hair.
a,Pt , u aanf U. Tb.
CLEARFI
OEOr S. OOODLiUDER, Editor. & Proprietor. PRINCIPLES. NOT MEN. TEBMS-$2 pm unnm In Admoe.
. . ' - " ' .L..
VOL. 53-WHOLE NO. 2,611. CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 5, 1879. NEW SERIES-VOL. 20, NO. 9.
neaaama.MHMaBamB.em?aHHBaaB.MM
Cards.
OH PRINTING OP RVKRY DK8CRIP
it Una naatle eaeoatad at tbla eflloe
0
SCAU MITCHELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
CLKARPIKLD, PA.
fl-OfHre In tba Opera Henie. ot, '78-tf.
WILLIAM M. HENRY, Justice
or TI l'lica 1D Scatraaaa, LUMBER
OITY. Collection, made and money promptly
paid over. Article, of agreement and deed, ef
eoareyaaee aaally eaemted aad warranted eor.
real or aa abarga. Jyt
R
OLANP J). SWOOPR.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Caraeanille, Clearaeld aoaaty, Pa.
oct. , '71-If.
JOHN D. THOMPSON,
jTtlet of tin Pvft ud Be rlreoer,
CnrwcnBTlll, Pa.
fvOoHllni mftda and aioa promptly
paldTr. f.blJ'Tlir
JAS. B. GRAHAM.
dealer In
Real EBtata, Square Timber, Boards,
SMIXHLK8, LATI1, A PICKKTS,
lO'TJ Clearfield, Pa,
REUBEN HACKMAN,
House and Sign Painter and Paper
Hanger,
Clearaeld, Pauli'a.
trVWIII exarote Job. la bla line promptly and
In a aorkmaalika manner. afr4,o7
JOHN A. 8TADLER,
tl BAKER, Market St., Clearfield, Pa.
Praih Bread, Ro.k, Holla, Pie. and Cikaa
oa band or made to order. A general a.Mrtmeat
of Coofectlonariei, Krulta and Nut. In stock.
Ice Cream and Oyitara In aeaaoa. Saloon acarly
oppo.lte tba I'oituffiea. Price, moderate.
Bfareh ia.'7.
WEAVER. 4, BETTS,
Mubaae in
Real Estate, Square Timber, Saw Logs,
AND Ll'MBKR OP ALL KINDS.
CTOmce oa Heaond .treat, la rear of .tore
room of Ueorge Wearer A Co. I J. '7l tr.
RICHARD HUGHES,
JUSTICE OP TUB PKACK
roe
Itrcalur Tottnnhlp,
Oaceola Mill. P. f.
All olllclal boilnara aatraUad to klm will be
promptly attended to. mcb20, '7.
J. BLAKE WALTERS,
REAL ESTATE BROKER,
ARB flBALEB IB
Haw laogM and Iiiunbor,
CLKARPIKLD, PA.
Office la Qrabam'a Row. 1:J5:71
E. A. BIGLER & CO.,
RALIU IH
SQUARE TIMBER,
aad BiaBBUMtnrar. of
A IX talNIM Otr HAW M) LUMBER,
l-7'71 CLEARFIELD, PKNN'A.
G. H. HALL,
PRACTICAL PUMP MAKER,
NEAR CLEARFIELD, PENN'A.
a H 11 i a mlaBrat wa m kanel amil faa)a tb nriiair
.W ...lu Dlua knoaaal An BawkABtafiahla tatrtBaL
All work warraatad to radar lattiraction, aad
daUrarad If daalrea. mjio.ij?
THOMAS H. FORCEE,
BBALBB IB
GENERAL MERCHANDISE,
GR AH ANTON, Pa.
Alao, aiteaalra manafaetarar aad dealer la Sqaara
Timber aad bawed liamaerot au ataaa.
aay-Ordara aallelted aad til killt promptly
ailed. l,Jyl,'
Iilvery (Stable.
1IIE anderslgnad begs leave ta tnferm tbapak
lie tbat ba ia bow felly prepared to eoeomme.
daU all la tba way of faraiabiag Uv.asi, Haggles,
Baddies and Harness an tba ahorteat aotiee and
an reasonable terms. ReeideaeoOB Loeaat street,
belwoea Tbird aad goartb.
GEO. W. wKAKII A nr.
Ilaarteld. Feb. 4, 1114.
S. I. SNYDER,
PRACTICAL WATCHMAKKR
ABB bBALBB IB
Watclitt, Clockt antl Jewelry,
Oraiamt Jfow, Jart.f Arwt,
CI.KARI'lEI.D, PA.
All kinds of repairing ia my Ilea promptly at-
adad to. April so, iei
Great Western Hotel,
Nea. 1111, 1313 aad 1111 Market Street,
Dirtrl'j epjmetc Wtnummktr'i OraacT iArpof.)
Piilaiolphia, Pnn'.
Ternaai, B.OO per claijr.
Tbli Hotel la Bear the new Pablls BolUiogs,
new Masoaie Temple, V. 8. Miat, and Academy
efPieeArls. T. W. TRAI'CK. Prop r.
Oraa bll niaar I Jyl7, 7-ly
Clearfield Nursery..
ENCOURAGE HOME INDUSTRY.
T
HK aadarslgacd, kavlog aatablickad a Nar-
l ry oa the 'fibe, ahoat Bail way Beiween
Clearteld aad Corwra.vllle, I. prepared to far
alib all bind, of FRl'IT TRKKS, (itaadard aad
dwarf,) Rrrrgreeaa, Bhrnbbery, Orapa Vines,
Oooiaberry, Lewton Blackberry, Btrawberry,
aad Raspberry Vlaes. Also, Biberlaa CrabTreea,
Uolace, and early scarlet Rbabarb, Ac. Orders
promptly attended ta. Address,
r 1 I ii aiinttv
aapN ta-y CerwaBsville, Pa.
ANDREW HARWICK,
Market ilreat, Clearleld, Pb
AWrrACTWBBB ABB BBALBB IW
HARNESS, SADDLES, BRIDLES, COLLARS,
ud aU tiBda af
HOUSE rCKtHSHlMO OOODS.
A fan Meek ef tddlevs' Hardware, Bra.kea,
Oombe, Bleakata, Robea, at.., alwaya oa bead
and for aala at Ike lowest aasb prieee. All klada
af rvnairrag promptly attended to.
All klada ef bides tehee la airkaage for bar
aaas aad repairing. AU blade af karneal lealkar
kept ob band, aad far Bate a. a amen proai.
Clearteld, Jan. IV, lara.
. WEST BRAXCn --r
Insurance agency.
PKVTX A BROCKBAXK, A(aat.
(flsaMvaafa la Matray 4 OaTdoa.)
Tat. IslWwiaa Irai-alaM aoaaaalM rapmMtadi
Karta Briliih k afaraaatila tin tai.
Co , at Kngitati j
lt:.L tTfaaaBBBBiaHlBl Vita IbB ft . at
England .....II.HMbw
l I PhlMnhl. A.IOB.Mt
Fire AareemtioB. of PblladelphU.... l,ltt,tt
WatertawB Fire, New leek, laaaraa
(arm properly wary tW.IM
Mobile Vara bepertaeat laa. Oa ITS, Bed
Pmeea la tka aaawtry waatlag lasBraaea, aaa
kava It preeaally ataeaBed ta by addresilag aa la
. ,,,, ail in nil. OBVra ba Pie'.
naira M.alt. ABIIRIW rKNH,Jr,
Cliaafl.14. tU, A, btft-ly. t'AamBi
The VonttliluHonnl .f mrndmrnff
anil the Supreme Court.
SPEKCU OF
Hon. Thomas F. Bayard,
OF DELAWARE.
Delivered in the United States Sen
ate, February 4, 1879.
TIHKTRKNTU, FOURTEENTH, AND FIF
TEENTH AMENDMENTS.
Mr. HAYARD. Mr. President. I
cull for the reading of the resolutions
orTerod by the honorable Senator from
crmont.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. (Mr.
Dennis in the chair.) 'J be neolutions
win be reiii.
The Scnralary read the runolutioin
stihinilted by Mr. Edmunds oh the 7th
of Junuary, as follows:
i?olrfrf, as (As jttdamtHt elAc Stnal. That the
thirteenth, fuurtecatb, and Bfteeatb ameodmsnu
to Iba Coottltatlon of tbe United State, bava beea
legslly ratillwJ, and a. valid and of the same par
amount authority as any other part ot tbe Consti
tution ; tbat lb. people of each State bava a com
moa iatcrcft la tbe enforoemeat of tba whole Cob
.titution ia every Slate in the Union, and that it
Is alike tbe tight aad duty of tba Conarcas to en
force said amsndm.ats, and to protsot avery elll
sen In the aacrcise of all the rignte thereby aeoar.
ad by laws of the general obaraotar already pass
ed for that purpois, aod by further appropriate
legislation, so far ai luck enforaemeat and pre.
trctloa are not secured by axistiag laws aad that
it is the duty ef tba executive department of tbe
tleveram.nl faithfully and with dliigeaoe to carry
all such lawi iato impartial exeeutiee, of Congms
to appropriate all moneys asedful to that and.
ltfotvttl, affair, inal tt 1. tbe duty or Uoa.
grsss to provide by law for tba full aad impartial
rotcetton ol ail clllssns ol me I oiled mates,
gaily qaitiOed, ia tbe right to vote for Retire.
seolalivM In Congress, and to tbi. aod the Com
oalltss ea tba Judiciary be, aad hereby is, instruc
ted to prepare aad report, as soon as may ha, a
bill for the protectloa of such rights, aad the pua
iihaient of infractions thereof.
M r. BA YA Rl). . M r. President, in as
few words as I may, I di-siro to give
tbe reasons for my vote upon tbe reso
lutions introduced by the honorable
Sonalor from Vermont; although it is
not without reluctance that 1 occupy
any portion ol the short time remain
ing lor tbe transaction ot our necessa
ry business hel'oro the entl of the ses
sion, now ho close at hand.
1 would draw tho attention of tbe
Senate and of the country to tbe (act
that tho resolutions do not como to us
under the form of regular business,
they are not the result of the delibera
tions ot any ono of the committees of
this body ; they are not part of the
legislative business of this body; they
have the odor rather of a partisan cau
cus than the labors of a committee
room ; they are accompanied by po
mcasuro from the tenor of which wo
can ascertain how far the Senator in
troducing the resolutions proposes to
accommodate legislation to bis abstract
views.
These resolutions rather have tho
effect of convening ibis Senate Cham
ber into a moot court for the exhibition
of argumentative power and party di
alectics, than tor any wholesome and
needed purpose of legislation.
1 cannot bulleel tnatsucn attempts
savor moro of partisan tactics than of
statesmanship and appear rather enorli
to bolp a straitened party than to ro
liove a distressed and suffering country.
The resolutions aver the logal ratifi
cation and validity of the thirteenth,
fourtoentb, and filleunth amendments
to tbe Constitution. Now it is remark,
ablo that tho first doubt from any
quarter known to mo cast npon the
obligatory force of these amendments
should como from the Senator from
Vermont himself. Tho very implica
tion contained in these resolutions that
it is necessary, at this timo, lor tbe
Senate of the United States by its res
olution to confirm the validity of these
amendments, places thorn or would
seem to place them if it had any effect,
whatever in greater insecurity man
any one has heretofore suggested.
Why single out theso threo amend
ments and admit, as this resolution im
nliedlv does, that thai need the oonfir.
mation and fortification ot a vote of
this Senate ? For it will be ohscrvod
that theso resolutions do not propose
to affect the judgment of the other
House of Congress, it is confined to
the udtrmont ot the Senate solely.
If by the judgment ol tbe Henato at
at present coustituteu any eneci, can
be produced in its expression oitbor to
weaken or to strengthen these amend
menu, then is it not obvious that, by
a chaneo in prrsonrwl and party rela
tions in tho Senate, contrary resolu
tions can have the effect to obliterate
those which are now passed and effect
these amendments and deprive them of
validity r To such a doctrino i can
nover consent, and yet it is, in my
judgment, the irresistible implication of
the resolutions now Deiore us.
If llioro was no doubt in the mind ot
tbe author of these resolutions of the
validity ol theso amendments, why
should he think it necessary to bring
them before the Kenato now r Jiocaiise
tho Constitution cannot be amended by
tho separalo action of this body nor
tho validity of any portion ot it gain
any weakness or strength by tho indi
vidual opinions of members.
Mr. President, there is not a member
of this body who hot not, like myself,
taken at least once, and some ot as
more than once, tbe public and solemn
oath ot the oflioe, the emphasis and
gravity of which is unmistakable. It it
lound at page too oi me jianuai wo
all here use. Lot mo read the latter
portion :
Aad r do farther awaar (er aBrm) that, ta Iba
best ef my haowledge aad ability, 1 will seaport
and defend tbe I'eastlluuoB of toe uaiiee niaiee
illicit all enemies, farelga aad domestic I that I
will brer tree faith aad allegiaaca to Iba Sim. I
and I take this ebllgatica freely, wlthoat any
meatal reesrvaltoa or parpose el ovasioa aaa
that I will wall aad faithfully discbarge the da
lies ef the oBoe aa which 1 aa about to eater i aa
help ma Uod.
Let me ask bow can additional lorce
be eained by votes in favor oi the va
lidity of these amendments, which
every Senator baa thus sworn "without
any mental reservation or purpose ol
evasion" to upnoiu r
Nay. further: the recognition of the
obligatory force of these amendment
as part ot tbe uoosuiuuon oi me uni
ted olalos, naa oeen recognixea oy tram
of the great political parties in their
voluntary assemoiage in vneir uauuuai
conventions in lew ana ibiu.io ian
guage too plain and explicit to leave
room Mr uouot, ana wdicd was mienu
ed, and baa tucceeded in eliminating all
question in regard to the obligatory
Ibroe and validity of these amendments
from any possible controversy.
Rut it ia not, Mr. President, the ques
tion of tbe regularity of the adoption
or validity of tba amendments ; it la
the Question ot lb ooBsiroouon wnion
ia sought to be given to tba amend
ments, that constitute tba real objoct
of tbe resolutions. It would pledge
those who vote in favor ol these reso
lutions to pass farther laws of "the
antral character ilrtadu pauea in or
der to aecarcj lb sedition f tba
amendment. Sir, in the mind of a
certain class ol pollljoiaqs tbe adoption
of tae. uuruaaeih. laaaraeeaus. aaa
tecata ftan and mM fa rrrked practical
ELD
revolution of our entire Federal system
and completely subjected the rights of
tbe states reserved in lormer provisions
oi the constitution to tbe people ol the
states ana lue stales to tbe sole win
and discretion of tbe legislative branch
of the Federal Government In purv
suance ol this theory we nave aeen
within tbe last eight yeara law alter
law enacted by the majoiity whioh has
been dominant in Congrosa in the lost
oightoen years, invasive ol tbe prero
gatives ol otbor branches of the Gov
ernment and completely subversive ol
the essential rights ot the states. Tbe
records of congressional debates will
disclose tbe wild and revolutionary ex
tent to which the olaim ot power by
the advocates of this construction have
gone, and to-day what these resolu
lions roally propose is a continued in
yasion not only at tbe eeeeauel rights
of the States by a continuance of tbe
sumo general class ot legislation which
already has been enacted by Congress
for the purpose ol enforcing these
amendments, but also of usurping the
function of interpretation of tho fund
amental law.
Mr. President, against nothinq tcerc
we more Uronqly teamed by the foundert
of our Government and the most zealous
advocate of the Constitution than the ac
cumulation of power in a tingle branch.
Alt writs upon uovernment at cued in
the Federalist by Mr. Madison concur
that the accumulation of powers, executive.
judicial, and legislative, in any tingle
nana is the very aejimtion of tyranny.
In framing a law or an amendment to
tho Constitution, I hold it to be the
power of the legislative branch to em
ploy proper langungo to their objoct ;
but in tho execution of tho laws, the
interpretation of the language which
has been usod by tbe legislative branch
must be controlled by the judi
ciary, and laws passed by subse
quent legislatures declaratory ol the
meaning of a constitution or a law have
no binding lorce whatever upon tho
judicial branch who in tho performance
ol their own duty are called upon to
interpret for themselves the law as it
was originally passed.
In their contributions to the feder
alist Hamilton and Madison have warn
ed us against the revolution in Govern
ment that can be accomplished by mis
construction and false interpretation, as
one of the most dangerous and easy
methods by which the stability ol a
constitutional government may be over
thrown, all the more dangerous be
cause unperceived in its approaches.
Armies arrayed in open force to overthrow
a government are not half so dangerous
as this subtle attempt to undermine clear
provisisons by false construction, to create
powers by interpretation that never were
xntenaeti, to destroy that regularity ana
separation of poicers which is essential to
civil liberty.
Treating theso resolutions ot the
honorable Senator from Vermont by
tba light of otheia which have boon in
troduced by bis party associates into
tbe Senate at the present and lormer
sessions, we see the design by I false
construction of the Constitution and its
amendments to bring within the con
trol ol Congress the great body of civil
rights, the fundamental privileges and
immunities of citizens which have al
ways in the history of our Government
been admittedly confided to the sole
domain and control of the State gov
ernments without power of interfer
ence in any degree by tho Government
of the Union. From time to time the
attempt has thus been made to change
our form of government into a centraliza
tion of unlimited powers. An Issuo no
less grave, in my judgmont, than tbit
is gradually shaping itself in this
country. i"artios are, perhaps insensi
bly, boing arrayod on one aide or the
otbor of this great dividing question,
tbe centralisation ot power in tue fed
eral Government without limitation ex
cept that whioh tbe more will of Con
gress may impose.
.Sir. 7 hold this to be Hie real and dan
gerous issue that lies at the basis of all these
attempts by construction to extend the ju
risdiction 0 reaerai pvwrr to oouicraic
those limitations, ichich delegate to the
Federal Government that comparatively
unlimited sway over the persons, the prop
erty, the civil rights, the privileges, and
the immunities of the citizen, which wore
confided or rather which were left un
disturbed wholly in the care ol the
State governments except those lim
ited and careful grants of power to tho
Government of tbe Union which are
enumerated in the written character ;
and it is against every step in that di
rection Hint 1 protest, that 1 now warn
the Senate, and against which 1 shall
ever be found in vigilant opposition.
Sir, 1 do not propose to repeat argu
ments mado by myself or others in this
Chamber heretofore, since 1870, in op
position to tbat general mass of legis
lation known as the reconstruction
laws or the enloroement laws, which 1
then considered and still consider to be
wholly without constitutional warrant,
and as invasive and destructive ol tbe
essential powers of the Stales. Despite
tbe disruspoct wbicb has oeen express-
ed on this floor by the Senator from
Vermont fur the decisions of the Su
preme Court of the United States, and
although I do not fuel myself able to
;o to tbe lengin oi tno propositions
aid down by tbe honorable Senator
from Alabama, Mr. Morgan, yot tbe
recent decision! which bave been made
by that tribunal are not only entitled
to ohedionco while thoy remain unre
versed, but they do form landmarks of
proper limitation upon tbe exercise oi
legislative power, and I can conceive
noibintr worthy of IhJ name of a duly
or even a justification in reiterated at
tempt to accomplish political ends
through forms of legislation which bave
been already declared by the Judicial
branch in its seats of final decision to
be in conflict with and unwarranted by
the Constitution,
In December, 1870, the case of tbe
Collector ci. Day was decided by the
Supreme Court. Tbe vonorable and
loarnod Mr. Justice Nelson, speaking
lor the court, delivered a most inter-
eatini and lucid review of tho true
sphere and jurisdiction of the States
and Federal Government, and at tbat
time the lb rot amendments which wo
are called upon by these resolutions of
tbe Senator lrom Vermont to reamrm
had all been promulgated and recog
nisod as a part of tbe Constitution in
every department ot tho Federal uov
ernment, and every Btate had acquics
oed practically in tbe validity and ob
ligatory force of those amendments.
So that, being so reeogniaed as a part
of tbe Constitution by every depart
ment of the Uovernment, yet it was
not imagined by that court or by the
learned torist through whoso lips their
decree was pronounced that those throe
amendment in wboee presence ne
spoke bad any degree changed the re
lalions ot the powers of the State and
tba Federal Uovernmenta, or tbat etth
hail ndarsmne any aitoration or am
plifioalion of power in regard to eaeh
other. The amendment simply con
tain iaauUtsoaM apon both Federal aset
State "power, bo Mgfettion waa
made that thoy had wrought any chango
whatever in ourduplox system ot State
and federal tiovernraents and their
mutual relations.
"It is a familiar rule of construction,"
said Judge Nelson,' "of the Constitu
tion of the Union, that tho sover
eign powers vested in the State gov
ernments by their respective constitu
tions, remained unaltered and unim
paired, except so far as they were
granted to the Govornment of tbe
United States. That the intention ol
the Iramers ol the Constitution in this
respect might not bo mitundorstood,
thitrule of interpretation is expressly
declared in the tenth article ot the
amendments, namely: 'The powers
not delegated to tbe United Statos are
reserved to tho States respectively, or,
to the people' The Government of
the United States, "iherefore, can claim
no powors which are not granted to it
by the Constitution, and the powers
actually granted must be such as are
expressly given, or given by necessary
implication.
Tho General Government, and the
Stales, although both exist within the
tamo territorial limits, are separate
and distinct sovereignties, acting sepa
rately and independently of each oth
er, within their respective spheres.
The former in its appropriate sphere
la supremo ; but tbe states within the
limits of their powers not granted, or,
in tho language oi the tenth amend
ment, 'reservod,' aro as independent of
tbe General Government as tbat Gov
ernment witbin its sphere is independ
ent of the States.
The relations existing between the
two governments aro well stated by
the present Chief Justice in tho enso
of Lane County vs. Oregon."
Observe the language: "the rela
tions existing." This decision was
made in tbe preser.co of those amend
ments, recognizing their validity and
force in the Constitution and existing
ss they did then. This ia the inter
pretation :
"Both tbe Suites anil the United
States existed betoro the Constitution.
Tho people, through that instrument,
established a more perfect union, by
substituting a National Government,
acting with ample powers directly up
on tho citisens, instoad of tbe confed
erate government, which acted with
powors great, y restricted only upon
tho States. Hut, in many of the arti
cles of the Constitution, tho necessary
existence of the States, and within
their proper spheres, the Independent
authority of the Slates, are distinctly
recognized. To them nearly the whole
chargo of Interior regulation is com
mitted or lea ; to them and to tho poo
plo, all powers, not expressly delegat
ed to tho National Government, are
reserved. Upon looking into tho Con
stitution it will be carried Into practi
cal effect without the existence of the
Statos."
Two venra later, in December. 1872.
aftor afi the legislation by Congress
bad been accomplished in reaped ol
their enforcement these throe amend
ments wore carefully reviewed by the
Supreme Court in the cases known as
the Slaughter-House cases, which are
reported in to Wallace, the opinion
of that court, as delivered by Mr Jus
tice Miller, impressively states tbe
character of the question and their far-
reaching importance.
" w e do not, aaid tbe J udge, "conceal
from ourselves the great responsibility
which this duty devolves upon us. No
questions so far-reaching and pervad
ing in their consequences, so profound
ly intorejting to the people of this
country, and so important in their
bearing upon t ue relations oi me uni
ted Stales and of tho several Slates to
each other and to the citizens of the
Slates and of the United States, have
been bef'ora this court during tbe offi
cial life of any of it present members.
We have given every opportunity lor
a full boaring at the bar ; we bave dis
cussed it freely snd compared viows
among ourselves ; wo have taken am
ple time for careful deliberation, and
we now propose to announce the judg
ments which we have formed In the
construction of those articles, so far as
we have found them necessary to the
decision of the casos before us, and be
yond that we bave neither the inclina
tion nor the light to go.
1 am glad to read Ibis decision in
the presence or one of his learned breth
ren Mr. Davis, of Illinois wbo since
that time has fortunately become a
member ol this body, and whoso judg
mont was included in that delivered
by Mr. Justice Millor.
At page to oi me samo caso, me
court proceeds to consider the question
ot civil rights, privileges, and Immuni
ties of citizens of the United States
to maintain those rights within the
several Statos ; and it ia impossible to
find words of greater force than those
employed by the court. Aftor citing
tbe celebrated opinion, which was so
often acceptod by the court, of Mr.
Justice Washington, in the case Corn-
Sold vs. Coryell in 1HJJ, as to tbe
meaning of "tbe fundamental right
and privileges of the citizens," the
court goes on to tay :
"This definition of tho privileges
and immunities of citizens of the Stales
is adopted in the main by this court
in tho recent oase of Ward vs. The
Slate of Maryland, while it declines to
undoruiko on aulboriiuuvo oeunuion
beyond what was necessary to that (le-
oision. The description, whon taken
to include others not named, but which
are of tbe same general character, em
braces nearly every civil right for the es
tablishment and protection of which or
ganized government is instituted."
Atr. rresiuont, h nsa weit-nigu im
possible to frame language more com
prehensive and embracing than that
employed by tho Supreme Court in
this case. Tho jurisdiction of thi State
embraces "nearly every civil right for
tbe establishment and protection of
wbicb organised govei nment la
tuted. They are, in the languai
Judge Washington, those right which
are lundamental. Abrougbout bis
opinion tbey are spoken ol at rights
belonging to the individual as a citizen
of a btate. They are so tpokon ol in
tbe oonttitntional provisions which be
was construing. And they have always
been held to be the dast of rights which
the Utate governments were created to es
tablish and secure."
Now, see what tbe court says as to
the conacquenoes ot adopting a wild
and latitudinarian construction such as
ia dow claimed by these resolutions
that bv operation of these last three
amendment to the Constitution our
frame-work of government haa been
changed, and this great mass of civil
rights for the protection ol which State
governments wtie oraaioea bave been
suddenly transferred wholly to Fedoral
jurisdiction. Well night the judge
aav that be and his colleagues had
been impressed with the gravity of
this question ; tbat tbey baJ given un
limited hearing at the bar; that tbey
katt ootauIlM treeiy among ibemaeives ,
and that tber felt tbe deep reepooai
bJity of (he decision whioh tbey resolv
REPUBLICAN.
ed because they wore deciding the
broad question of Stale existence which
I tay is invaded and sought to be over
thrown by the resolutions of the Sena
tor from Vermont, that tho operation
of those throe last amendments com
pletely changed the relations of the
State and the Federal Governments
as to jurisdiction over tbe rights and
privilegos of citizens.
"It would be tho vainest show of
learning to attempt to prove by cita
tions of authority, that up to the adop
tion of the rocont amendments, no
claim or pretense wus set up that those
rights depended on the Federal Gov
ernment lor their existence or protoo
tion, beyond the very few express lim
itations which tho f edoral Constitu
tion imposed upon the States such.
for instance, as the prohibition against
ex post facto laws, bills oi attainder,
and the laws impairing the obligation
of contracts. But with the exeeption
of these and a tew other restrictions,
the entire domain of the privileges and
immunities of citizens of the Slates, as
above defined, lay within the constitu
tional and legislative power of tbe
Statos, and without that of the Fed
eral Government. Was it the purpose
ot the fourteenth amendinont, by the
simplo declaration that no Stato should
make or enforca any law which shall
abridge the privileges and immunities
of citizens of the United States, to trans-
ler the security and protection of all
tho civil rights which we have men
tioned, from the States to tbe Federal
Government? And where it is declar
ed that Congress shall have the power
to enforco that article, was it intended
to bring witbin the power of Congress
tho entire domain of civil rights here
tofore belonging exclusively to the
Statos 1
All this and more must follow, it tho
proposition of tbe plaintiffs in error be
sound. For not only are these rights
subject to the control of Congress
whenever in its discretion any of
them are supposed to be abridged by
Stato Legislation, but that body may
also pass laws in advance," such as are
now contemplated by these resolu
tions, "limiting and restricting tho ex
ercise or legislative power by the
States, in tlicir most ordinary and
usual functions, as in its judgment it
may think proper on nil such subjects.
And still further, such a construction
followed by the reversal of judgments
of the Supreme Court of Louisiana
in these cases, would constitute this
court a perpetual consor upon all leg
islation ot the states, on tbo civil
right of their own citizens, with au
thority to nullify such as it did not
approve as consistent with those rights,
as they existed at the time of the
adoption of this amendment. Tbo ar
gument we admit is not always tbe
most conclusive wbicb is drawn from
tbe consequences urged airainst tbe
adoption of a particular construction
of an instrument. But when, as in the
case before Us, theso consequences are
so serious, so far-reaching and pervad
ing, so great a departure from tbe
structure and spirit of our institutions,
when tbe effect is to letter and degrade
the State governments by subjecting
them to the control of Congress, in the
exercise of powers heretofore univer
sally conceded to them of the most or
dinary and fundamental character,
when in tact it radically changes tbo
whole theory of the relations of the
Stato and Federal Governments to
each other and of both these govern
ments to the people; tbe argument
has a forco that is irresistible, in the
absence of language which expresses
such a purpose too clearly to admit of
doubt.
H'f arc convinced that no such results
were intended bu the Conoress which vro-
posed these amendments, nor by the Leg-
tslatureiof the States which ratified them.
Can declarations now made as to tbo
intent and moaning of these amend
ments change tbo right and the power
and the duty of thojudicial branch unaid
ed by,unawedhy,uninfluencedby, any
thing that a subsequent Congress may
enact ? That tbo language used by tbe
States, the Congress und tho peoplo in
laiV shall be at the uncontrolled dis
cretion of a majority of a succeeding
Uongresn, no, sir, it would be, as Mr.
Madison calls it, the "definition of ty
ranny" to suppose that judicial and leg
islative functions can possibly co-exist
in a true land in the lame body, and
yot it is the judicial power ol interpre
tation that is claimed and exercised
by the spirit and language of these
resolutions.
Unfortunately the Senate, largely
under the guidance of the distinguish
ed Senator from Vormont as tho chair
man of tbe Judiciary Commiltoo, has,
as is his custom and professed inton -tion,
wholly contemned the meaning
and spirit of those decisions of the Su
premo Court, and embarked upon a
system ot legislation known as "en
forcement laws, without regard to
the opinions of the Suprome Court,
snd as a consequence in the late cases
of Cruikshank and of Reese, which
were so fully citod and ably comment
ed on by my honorable friend
from Alabama, Mr. Morgan, we find
tbat after pursuing a most exhaustive
and interesting recital of the law and
tacts, and critically weighing uolb In re
lation to the thirteenth, fourteenth, and
fifteenth amendments, tbe Supreme
Court have reached a conclusion that
tho enforcement laws do not contain
that "necessary and appropriate" leg
islation which Congress is authorized
to enact to carry into effect the Con
stitution. Congress has not tho potvor
to pass any law. The laws competent
for them to pass are defined by the
Constitution to be those necessary and
proper lor carrying into execution the
powers vested in the Govornment of
the United Statos or in any Depart
ment or officer thereof. The decisions
of tbe Supreme Court ia tbe cases to
wbicb 1 bave roiorred, not only dis
miss the indictment which bad been
found under tbe enforcement acts for
for insufficiency and imperfection,
but tbey also declare in effect
feet tbat no indictment can be drawn
under those lawi which will bo sus
tained, because Congress had up to
tha time of that decision failed by
"necessary and appropriate" legisla
tion to carry into ell'ect powers grant
ed to them by the Constitution under
tbe thirteenth, fourteenth, and til
toenth amendments.
Why, Mr. President, from the lan
guage giving Congress the "power to
carry into effect the foregoing amend
ment" in haa been gravely sought to
establish a grant of substantive power.
The Constitution ss originally adopted
contained it the first article the same
erant both present and prosiiective In
regard to the legislative power of Con
gress: "Tbe Congress shall bave power
to make all laws which shall
he necossary and proper for carrying
into execution the foregoing powers,
and all otbor powers vested by this
Constitution In the Government of the
Ulited Htntee, or in any department
or omcer tbereol."
That was in the eighth section of
tbe Orst arliclo ot tbe Constitution,
and no additional grant oi power hat
boon conlerred by the words wbicb
bave been added at tho end of the
thirteenth, lourteenth, and the fifteenth
articlca of amendment. At the end of
tbe thirteenth amondmont wo read:
"Congress shall havo power to en
force tint article by appropriate legis
lation." And at the end of the fourteenth the
same frame of words, and at the ond
ol tbe hlleenth tbe samo frame ol
words. Now what did Mr. Hamilton
say on that subject? I read from tbe
Federalist, pago 203 :
"Tbe last clause of tbe eighth lec
tion of the first article of the plan un
der consideration authorizes the Na
tional Legislature 'to make all laws
which shall bo necessaru and proper tar
carrying into execution the powers vy
that Constitution vested in tho Gov
ernment ol the United States, or in
any department or officer thereof ;' and
the second clause of the sixth article
declares 'that the Constitution and the
taws of the United Slates made in pur
suance thereof, and tho treatiea made
by tbeir authority, shall be tbe su
preme law ol tho land ; anything in the
constitution or laws ol any Stato to
tho contrary notwithstanding'
these two clauses bave been tho
source of much virulent invective, and
pctulunt doclamation, against tbe Con
stitution. Tbey have been held up to
tho people in all tbe exaggerated col
ors oi misrepresentation ; as the per
nicious engines by which their local
governments wero to bo destroyed,
and tbeir liberties exterminated; as
the hideous monster whose devouring
jsws would spare neither aex nor age,
nor high nor low, nor sacred nor pro
fane ; and yet, strange as it may ap
pear, after all this clamor, to those
wbo may not have happened to con
template them in the same light, it
may be uttirmed with ported confi
dence that tho constitutional opera
tion ot the intendod government would
be precisely tbe same, II these clsuses
were entirely obliterated, as if they
were repeated in every article. They
are only declaratory of a truth, which
would have resulted by necossary and
unavoidable implication trom the very
act of constituting a federal govern-
nient, and vesting it with certain spe
cified powers. This it so clear a prop
osition that moderation itself can
scarcely listen to the railings which
bave been so copiously vented against
this part ot tho plan, without emo
tions that disturb its equanimity."
Hut we bave gavely beard in tho
judicial forums from the counsel of the
federal Uovernment, and in this
Chamber and by these resolutions
which are saturated with the same idea,
and are intended to claim, that thero
is a snbstantivo and distinct grant of
power in tbe language which I have
road and 1 bave best answered by
showing tbat the power was im
ported into the Constitution because it
grew from the very nature of the Gov
ernment. That is to say, where you
grant the necessary means to exo
oute it.
It is true tbat we havo witnessed
and are to day witnessing, in defiance
of the spirit and the letter of these de
cisions oi the Supreme Court and ot
tbe reasoning upon which tbey are
based, tbe continued prosecution and
punishment of men in various courts
oi the United Slates for alleged viola
tion oi tbe civil rights, and among oth
ers tho right ot suffrage ol citizens. 1
havo understood that casos of appeal
are on their way now for final adjudi
cation by the Supreme Court ot the
United Stales to test tho lawfulness of
this action.
Sir, those cases ennnot be heard and
decided too soon, becauso if the claim
of power which has been made can be
sustained tbo people of this country
aro confronted directly with tho fact
that the political party, whichever it
may be, yours to-day, mine to-morrow,
which gets possession of tbo govern
ment bus almost a limitless and crush
ing power to sustain itself forever.
Under such a power as claimed and
exercised by theso judges of the Uni
ted Mates courts the rights of tho
Stales aro as naught; they are ground
to powder ; they are idle words ; and
unless they can bo rehabilitated and
restored to that strength and vigor
which the intent and meaning of our
Federal system assigned to them, I for
ono will not wish to koep up tbe mock
ory any longer of claiming that States
as Mates bave a real existonce.
H'e do know that under the pretended
power of the Constitution, men convicted
of the most heinous crimes, after fair tral
in the courts of the State according to law,
have been discharged from their imprison
ment, bu the usurnina mandate of Fed-
, - - . , s ,
eral judges and are now flaunting defiance
in the face of the constituted au
thorities of the communities where they
reside and where their crimes were com
mitted.
Nay, thoclaimsof power have reached
this point, tbat those poiico powers
plainly and essentially bolonging to
the Stato, essential to its very exis
tence, tbe right to exorcise which has
been aflirmod by every writer and by
evory judge, who has ever passed upon
them, are taught under this system of
false construction ot these amendments
to buvo been absolutely destroyed. A
conspicious case is shown in one oi the
State in which a crimo has been com
mitted by a revonuo officer, who slew
a supposed violator of the revenue to
prevent an assault which ho alleges he
anticipated upon himsolt, bnt it turned
out that the man whose life he took
was not the person be supposed, in
other words, that ho took the lifo ol an
innocent man unlawfully, who stood,
in the pbrsse ef the law "in tbe peace
of God and of the Slate." He waa in
dicted for the offense which wss dis
closed andor tbe laws ot the State to
be murdered ret by a writ of lutbeas
corpus he ba been removed from the
custody ol the State officials. If be is
in imprisonment at all to-day he Is on
ly nominally so, but I am told he is to
be aeen at any time upon tbe airoel oi
the town where bis nominal ronnuo-
ment waa ordered sudor tbe United
States court which bad assumed juris
diction ot tbe oase.
Hut from the custody of the Stale he
haa not boon tried, nor can be be tried
by the tnhunal that bas usurped iurls.
diction over tbe esse. THKItKlS NO
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES
TO PUNISH MURDER. You have
statutory offenses ef piraoy and tbe
like wbicb are visited witti capital pun
iabment, but raurdur on land lias no
law enacted by the United Bute to
meet and ponish it. ' Yet in this case a
man who has been indicted for murder
committed within the boundaries of a
State has been snatched from the hand
of the retributive justice f thorn Stale laws
which he defied, and this by the mandate
of a Fideral judge, and his claim of power
based oft a constructive transfer of the es
sential police power of the Stat af the
Federal Oowrnmeml by virtue ef thtftur
ttentk tmendrnt to ths Constitution.
We have in many of the States pun
ished, and in the adjoining State of
Maryland I read daily of prosecutions
continuing against men, convictions
followed by fine and Imprisonment lor
violation or interference with and the
abridgment and tbe denial of tbo right
oi voting. There is do pretense in
these cases tbat there was an abridg
ment ol the right of any colored man.
In Maryland i road tha review of the
trials and tbey are lor not holding poll.
ing places in convenient places, for
abridging the right or voting by tue in
convenient locality ol the polls, and
under such charges men are being sen
tenced and dunrived of their libcrtv and
their property. The Supreme Court
oi the united states in these two casos
ol Cruiksbank and Reese have clearl
and emphatically excluded any such
jurisdiction. They have declared tbat
the United state bad no class of voters
of tbeir own creation, that they never
bestowed tho right of suffrage, tbat
they have no control over it, but that
there was simniv tbe inhibition ot a
State or of the United States to abridgo
or deny tbe right of suffrage by reason
ol one of threo particular causes, the
race, the color or the previous condition
of servitude oi the party concerned.
f or any and all causes except those
three are no more witbin the power of
tbe r oueral uovornmeut by legislation
to prevent or direot than thoy aro to
decide in any question between two
citizens of the same State in regard to
any matter ol tbeir private aud local
contracts. This is the languago of the
Supreme Court of the United States.
This is thoir decision mado I believo
almost unanimously in tho two oases
to which 1 bave rofeired. Yet we arc
asked by these resolutions to continue the
enactment of general laws "of the charact
er alreadu passed" for that purpose. 1
am at clear as 1 ever was of a proposition
in my life that the oath I have taken to
support the Constitution would compel me
to vote against such a proposition as that.
Therefore the whole object ol these
resolutions is to procure from tbe Sen
ate an approval of this class of UN
CONSTITUTIONAL LEG ISL A
TION against which at the time of its
enactment on this floor I struggled in
vain, and to extend this usurping and
fatal attempt tit the centralization of all
police powers of the States in the hands
of the Congress of the United States.
Mr. PRESIDENT, THIS IS NOTH
ING BUT THE OVERTHROW OF
OUR INHERITED SYSTEM OF
GOVERNMENT. SUCH A CON
STRUCTION CANNOT BE AC
CEPTED ; it would be utterly fatal to
freedom and self-government. There is
no necessity lor sucb a coustruction
All ovor this land, and I challengo the
denial, there is no law in any State in
conflict with those amendments. All
ovor Ibis land there is acquiescence in
thoir provisions ; all over this land
thoro is obedience. Tbe language, as
Justice Miller says, which prohibits k
state trom passing a lavr wuicn vioimua
the obligation ot contract and gives the
Congress ol tbe united states power to
pass laws to make that effective, is
just as lull as that which prohibits a
state Irom abridging tbe privileges ana
immunities of citizens. It is just as
reasonable to find power to penalize
with fine and Imprisonment a citizen
in a State who fail to pay his promisso
ry note as it it to punish by fine and im
prisonment the man who interferes with
another's right to vote at an election.
The inhibitory language ot tho
Constitution ia the same and as full in
tbo one caso as in the other. No Slate
shall pass a law violating the obliga
tion of a contract. The State shall
not pass a law discriminating in favor
of one race or tbe other. Both are ad
dressed to States as States. A law
passed by a Stato in violation of that
provision ia null and void. By writ of
error it can come either before tho
State court, or that tailing in its duty
it can be transferred to the Suprome
Court ol the United Slates. Every de
cision which involves tbo interpreta
tion of the Constitution of tho United
States, every decision which is in alleg
ed conflict with any nrovision of the
Constitution of the United States, is
subject to review by the Supreme Court
ot tbo united Stales.
The guarantee is full and the protec
tion by tbe judicial branch it complete.
JNo law can bo sustained tbat gives to
a man of one race or color a right with
hold from his fellow-citizens ol a differ
ent race or color. Any law so pre
tonding must meet with speedy over
throw at tho hands of the judicial
branch.
These amendments bnvo brought
more and more fully into recognition
and forco tho groat objoct of our Gov
ornment, which was to secure to all
men the great equality, the equality ofl
opportunity. But it was not intended
that individual or class differences,
weaknesses, or imperfections, on one
side, or the extraordinary powers on
the other, should be leveled doicn bu
force of statutes, and that we should bo
lorever vsinly enacting laws to destroy
all tho natural inequalities with which
God bas marked his creations. Theso
amendments do give equality of oppor
tunity. Any law that attempts to do
more will provo futile and mischievous
nor can it be executed, and it is vain
the exigency ot party, in tho exi
gency ol a lalse and sentimental
philanthrophy, to be attempting to do
moro than this. All men are equal
before the law. Every day of our lives
wo sco instances wbero from ignor
aiico or poverty, or imbecility men fail
to obtain their legal rights and no
general statutes can prevent this. A
thousand reasons prevent it and all
that we may do is to say that when
the law does speak it shall apeak with
the same voice to all alike, and be ad
ministered equally and freely to alt.
I believe that I can aee in theso res
olutions and in others ot a similar
Uinor a desire to renew doubt,suspieion,
snd distrust in one parly aod one sec
tion of our country against the other.
Sir, we have bad too much of that
already. 1 believe that all the difficul
ties that bava arisen in our land, that
havo darkened our houses with mourn
ink, and spread their baloful shadow
over the face ol oar country, bave
chiefly come from tbe fact thai our
countrymen were ignorant oi eacn
other; it was the want ol proper
mutual understanding, It was tbe went
of proper confidence that bred strifo
and confusion. 11 this spirit of re
newed confusion is to be invoked, if tbe
exiirencies ol parly shall still call upon
men to raise the standard of strife and
distrust amen tbeir countrymen,
whatever may be the result, I shall be
found on the other side invoking tbe
methods of peace and good will and
not those of war. Invoking goneront
confidence and kind feeling and not
snsnit'tna and hontililv. ask in if our
countrymen to dwell not opo their
mutual faults but upon tbeir mutual
virtnea, of which every day and every
hour we can witness happy illustration
if we do but seek to realise and com
prehend them.
7'Aii ru"ry to-deiy needs, peace, and'
rest, recuperation from, the losses of war
andrvm the unwisdom of angry legisla-'
tion. The man serve hit country best
who seek to avoid confusion and strife,
who seeks to disarm suspicion and to re
create confidence; and hthi kbit. iU
issus that thi hateful, dangerous geo
graphical line of sentiment and action it
sought tobeettablished, I, for tr.n.wiU not
accept it, 1 will be of no party, I uil! aid
in no legislation Viat sluill not recognize
the right of each man in all parts of thi
country and their duty to do that which
no legislation can enforce I mean the
great duty of the creation of a spirit of
nationality among the inhabitants of this
broad land. How can tbat be created
if rport are to be permitted to stand on
this door and elsewhere and denounce .
with railing accusations, and unmeas
ured assaults whoU lection and State
of one Union and hold them up to scorn,
to opprobrium, to detestation t Mr. Pres.
id on l, there must bo, aud please Hea
ven there ahall be yet, tbe unwritten
law that will visit with popular exe
cration and denunciation tho man whs
seeks to establish tbe domination of a
party at tbe eost of the peace and se
curity and welfare of the entire Amer
ican people.
AX OTHER TWIN ML1C.
Tho locent decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States, which
wipes out tho polygamous feature of
Mormonitm, has started a orasade in
Central Now York against the Oneida
Community, a free love institution in
Msdison county, on tbe line of the Os
wego Midland railway. This socioty
was fbundod in 1849 by John Hum-
hroy Hoy en, a graduate of tie Xale
'heological Seminar,'. He was a
licensed preachor in the Congregational
Church for several years, but turning
up aa a Perfectionist, ho wa dismissed
trom the church for heresy. Ho then
went to Oneida with a lew followers
and started his new Community. A
capital of 1100,000 was invested in
land, buildings, shops, io. At first
only a lew acres of land wero purchas- .
ed, but now the society owna 600 acres
and bas property valued at several
millions. About 600 persons, male
and femalo, constitute tho Community.
Thoy own everything in common.
Marriage is ignored and men and vfo
men lire togotber indiscriminately.
They havo one large building called the
Mansion House, in which they meet
as one groat family for social exercises
and criticisms. Tbe men are permit-
tod to dross as they please snd in this
respect do not differ from ordinary
people. Tbe women, however, bave
adopted a sort of "Bloomer" costume,
the dress reaching to the knees, ter
minating with a close-fitting straight
pantalette, which reaches to tho top ot
tho shoos. They aro very plainly at
tired and present a dejected, careworn
appearance. The Community is a fam
ily, as distinctly bounded and separa
ted from promiscuous society as ordi
nary household. The tie that binds
them together is as permanent as that
of marriage, for it is their religion. "Bi
ble Communism or Complex Mar
riago" thoy term it. They receive no
now members who do not givo heart
and hand to tbe family interest for life
and forever and the community oi
property extends just aa far as the
freedom ol love. Every man's care
and every dollar oi their common prop,
ci ty are pledged lor the maintenance
and protection of the women and chil
dren of tho Community Thn affaire
are conducted on the most business,
like principles. Their canned fruits,
raHraps and silk thread have no su
periors in the country and find ready
market all over the United States.
The industry of the Community and
the excellence of its manufactures have
brought financial success, and public
sentiment has been successfully defied.
Tbe movement winch has been inau
gurated by tbe Right Reverend Bish
op Uuntington, oi the Dioceso ol Con
trol New York, looking to tbe extir
pation ol tbe social blot, promises to
be successful, bscked as itia by tbe re-
oent decision of the Supreme Court,
which denies tbe right to violate law
under tbe iorms ot religious practices.
A meeting of the leading clergymen
of Bishop Huntington's Diocese was
held at Syracuse last week and steps
were taken to unite all tbe religious
organizations ol the Slate against the
Oneida lepers. Bishop Huntington,
in a brief address, took ths ground
that an impure sentiment wss exhaled
by tho Community. It was not an Iso
lated social sore. It was open to the
public and was daily visited by young
people who returned from it with Im
pure thoughts and associations in tbeir
minds. Bishop Peck denounced the
institution with great bitterness, as
did a number of others. Acommittoe
was appointed to investigate the law
as applicable to the followers of Noyes,
to ascertain publio sentiment and de
fine the best mode of procedure. It is
asserted that the crusade thus inaugu
rated will be closely followed up and
that the Oneida Community is doom
ed. Baltimore Gazette.
Jot rut, Anticipations. Spring,
sweet, sweet spring, will soon be here.
The green grass will sprout; the keno
playor and tho lambkin will gambol ;
tho turtle-dove will turtle to bis mate ;
tho young man's fancy will lightly
turn to thoughts of love ; the bumble-
boe will bntnblo nit nrst bumblo; tbe
festive yellow-jacket and the small boy
will renew relations ; straw bats will
como out ; so will dusters, white pants,
strawberry festivals, boils and cam
paign papers, and the Spring poet will
mount the editorial stair with cheerful
faco and ten pounds of manuscript.
Spring is at hand.
Anozzkk 7.INO. A Frenchman who
has been to India being Interrogated
aa to the pleasure ol the chase replied :
jo, no tigaire-uunting -zat ia a spur
magnifiiiue when ze frenchman hunt
te ligaire, but when ae tigaire hunt se
f rcnchinan parbleaux, zat is quiet
annozzer zing I
A Family Affair. Weds Hamp
ton, it is said, will soon marry Mrs,
Pickens, the widow of Gov. Pickens,
of South Carolina. The wife of Sena
tor Butler is a step daughter of Mrs.
Pickens.
At night ws cannot tell whether ths
rivor it shallow or doep ; to neither can
we judge of a silont or secret man. To
know him, we mast have light, or else
be able to sound him.
Life is the jailor ol the soul in tbit
filthy prison, and its only deliverer is
death ( what we call lire i a journey
to death, and what we call death is
a passport to tile.
a e a
The manna came down fresh every
dsy for ths Israelites ; and the reason
we have so many lean and starved
Christians is because tbey live on stale
manna.
Fonlelle thus daintily compliments
tbe fair sex, when be contrast woman
with clockt the latter point out tbe
hours, tho former makes ut forget
them.
Society le at fault with Itewlf so long
a it does not minister for the good of
the whole.
"There are only two bad things in
thn world," said Hannah Moore, "tin
and bile."
Men gravitate toward right, but are
continually drawn aside by disturbing
causes. .
Whatover yon may choose 10 give
away, always be sore to kerf your tern-
yt- t ' , '
Tbe actions oi a fcea tell oi whet
kind be is, at do the fruit of ft tree.